Ahmet Erdi Öztürk | London Metropolitan University (original) (raw)

Papers by Ahmet Erdi Öztürk

LSE BLOG

According to statistics released by the Turkish Medical Association 1,405 doctors left their jobs... more According to statistics released by the Turkish Medical Association 1,405 doctors left their jobs in Turkey to work abroad in 2021, and 197 more emigrated in January 2022 alone. That number is hard to swallow when compared with the previous years' data. For instance, in 2012 only 59 specialist doctors left the country-a 2,206 percent increase in almost a decade. Furthermore, the number of vocational language courses, for doctors, in German and English has increased rapidly in big cities such as Istanbul, Izmir and Ankara, where Telegram groups have emerged to help each other apply for jobs abroad. The numbers are soaring despite the long, burdensome process of validating physician credentials in Europe. With little hope about the country's future, low morale and frustration reigns among the remaining doctors. Systematic violence is another part of this multisided problem. Over the course of 2020, the Health Ministry recorded more than 11,000 acts of violence against medical professionals. Among those, over 2000 were for a combination of physical and verbal violence.

Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets

Since 1937, Turkey has been officially defined as a secular state, albeit with a Muslim-majority ... more Since 1937, Turkey has been officially defined as a secular state, albeit with a Muslim-majority population. However, secularism in the Turkish context is distinctive, a product of its particular historical experience and development. Both the Ottoman heritage and contemporary Turkey’s Kemalist founding fathers’ apprehension were decisive factors in the evolution of Turkish secularism (laiklik) and set Turkey’s experience apart from that of other modern secular states. Turkish understanding of secularism itself has never had one single, unambiguous interpretation in Turkey, but in general it is widely understood that it reflects a sense that the state should not be totally blind to religious issues, but also should never favor one particular religion over another. Thus, Islamic practice was carried over in the society from the Ottoman state to the new Turkish Republic and allowed republican elites to declare a new structural order, without losing hegemonic power over religion. At th...

OASIS, 2022

State identity and societal identity are diverging in Turkey: while religionis more and more used... more State identity and societal identity are diverging in Turkey: while religionis more and more used by politics in all areas, the younger generationshave begun to distance themselves from Islam. A development that off ersclues about the future of the country

GIGA Focus Middle East, 2022

Despite its wide recognition as a host or transit country in current migration flows, Turkey has ... more Despite its wide recognition as a host or transit country in current migration flows, Turkey has traditionally been one of the top emigration countries, with over 6.7 million diasporans and another three million permanent returnees. The ongoing outflow, widely ranging from asylum seekers to wealthy businesspeople, represents Turkey’s fifth emigration wave in its republican history. Relations with Turkey and different asylum regimes specific to respective host countries largely shape what kind of migration is being received from Turkey. While academics, journalists, and artists have developed a vigilant diaspora activism in opposition to Turkey’s current ruling party, most newcomer-emigrants remain in relative seclusion. This is because they lack trust in Turkish institutions and organisations abroad, as well as in other diaspora groups emerging from Turkey.

ELIAMEP, 2022

In this policy paper, I argue that despite serious internal reform, the CHP under Kemal Kılıçdaro... more In this policy paper, I argue that despite serious internal reform, the CHP under Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu has been unable to take over the administration of Turkey from President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP for more than ten years, for various and intertwined reasons. In this regard, the transformation of the CHP, its popularity rates and limitations will also tell us to what extent political parties are likely to change under authoritarian regimes. Therefore, I examine this change by focusing on three issues: a) How and in what direction the party has changed from top to bottom in terms of cadres; b) What the change in its cadres tell us about the main problems facing Turkey's domestic politics, especially in the economic sphere; c) What these changes tell us about Turkey’s foreign policy and its position in the world.

Middle East Policy, 2020

After emerging in the Chinese city of Wuhan in late 2019, the deadly coronavirus affected Turkey ... more After emerging in the Chinese city of Wuhan in late 2019, the deadly coronavirus affected Turkey much later than other European and Middle Eastern countries. Although airports in Istanbul are points of intersection between East and West, and despite the fact that Ankara was late to sever travel connections with places where the virus struck forcefully, such as Iran and China, Turkey did not see its first case until March 11 — much later than many countries. Turkey's geographic position, the delayed realization by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of the gravity of the situation, and society's inadequate prevention of the spread of the disease prompted predictions that Turkey's situation would be more dramatic than Italy's. Nevertheless, Turkey fought the disease in a manner that could be dubbed respectable based on what the official figures reveal to us, even if it has not exhibited comparable economic competence. This ar...

• Turkey, like other countries from both East and West, is gradually withdrawing from internation... more • Turkey, like other countries from both East and West, is gradually withdrawing from international cooperation and seeking recourse to a new distinction between civilizations based on a synthesis of nationalism and nostalgic visions of history, memory, and religion. This transformation has been taking place under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) and his unofficial Islamist and nationalist coalition partners.

MEDITERRANEAN POLITICS, 2021

There is a growing focus in political science on right-wing populist parties. But few comparative... more There is a growing focus in political science on right-wing populist parties. But few comparative studies address their discourses and politics relating to family values, especially when involved with policy-making. Moreover, many comparative works about populism focus on a single region – often Western and Eastern Europe. This paper adopts a definition of populism with two different dimensions: the vertical (inclusive), which regards elites, and the horizontal (exclusive), which addresses ‘foreigners’. The use of family values in political discourse and policy pertains to the two axes of populism. On the one hand are elites who are accused of being uncommitted to traditional values and morally corrupt. On the other hand are demographic concerns regarding declining birth rates among native populations and immigrants with large families. The stress on family values can also originate from a value orientation – or merely a tactical move – engendered by political competition. This paper specifically examines the politics of family values in the context of policies concerning gender equality, family planning and LGBT rights in three countries: Israel, Italy and Turkey.

Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), 2021

Dramatic political changes in Turkey are not limited to the degradation of state institutions or ... more Dramatic political changes in Turkey are not limited to the degradation of state institutions or the democratic backsliding. Turkey is experiencing a substantial change in foreign policy as well. In this context, this study argues that new Turkey’s new foreign policy understanding rests on four inter-related parameters that pertain to the priorities of the country’s ruling coalition: militarisation, Islam, civilisation and power.

UK-based Turkish scholar Ahmet Erdi Ozturk takes fresh look at the role of religion, identity and... more UK-based Turkish scholar Ahmet Erdi Ozturk takes fresh look at
the role of religion, identity and power in Turkey-Balkan relations –
which often feature love and hatred at the same time.

Although the pro-democracy agenda of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma P... more Although the pro-democracy agenda of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) gained significant domestic and international credibility throughout the early 2000s, the party has, since approximately 2010, experienced a dramatic process of democratic decline. The AKP has intensively used Islamist policies at home and abroad to consolidate its base of support under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan. Weaponised in foreign policy, Islam has become both an instrument and an objective of the repressive AKP, and Turkey has emerged as a front runner in a race among countries increasingly using religion as a foreign policy tool. This new role for Turkey has created a slew of disparate perceptions among foreign countries. While some are content with Turkey’s religiously fuelled policies and designate Turkey as an influential actor which can use Islam as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices. This study defines Turkey’s Islamic soft power as ambivalent and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity by exploring examples from other countries in South-eastern and Western Europe.

Middle East Policy, 2020

COVID-19, overtaking the world in a dramatic burst, has had disparate impacts on countries based ... more COVID-19, overtaking the world in a dramatic burst, has had disparate impacts on countries based on regime type, economic force and measures adopted to counter its spread. This divergence in action led to the formation of opposing views about which regime types and economic models would best handle the crisis. This article examines the case of Turkey, a different example in terms of adopted measures, domestic political balances, economic elements and foreign policy since the end of May 2020. The article’s fundamental argument is that, despite the fragility of its economy and its failure to choose a serious course of action to combat COVID-19, Turkey embodies a relatively success story until the end of summer 2020 because of the strength of its healthcare system and its cultural codes, and it has become exceptional around the world through its instrumentalization of COVID-19 conditions in foreign policy.

Religion, Identity and Power: Turkey and the Balkans in the Twenty-First Century, 2021

Turkey and its recent ethno-religious transformation have had a strong impact on the state identi... more Turkey and its recent ethno-religious transformation have had a strong impact on the state identity and country’s relation to the Balkan Peninsula. This book examines Turkey’s ethno-religious activism and power-related political strategies in the Balkans between 2002 and 2020, the period under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), to determine the scopes of its activities in the region.

Ahmet Erdi Öztürk illuminates an often-neglected aspect of Turkey’s relations with its Balkan neighbours that emerged as a result of the much discussed ‘authoritarian turn’ – a broader shift in Turkish domestic and foreign policy from a realist-secular to a Sunni Islamic orientation with ethno-nationalist policies.

In order to understand how these concepts have been received locally, Öztürk draws on personal testimonies given by both Turkish and non-Turkish, Muslim and non-Muslim interviewees in three country cases: Republic of Bulgaria, Republic of North Macedonia and Republic of Albania. The findings shed light on contemporary issues surrounding the continuous redefinition of Turkish secularism under the AKP rule and the emergence of a new Muslim elite in Turkey.

Discusses the effects of Turkey's authoritarian turn during the AKP rule in the domain of foreign policy

Examines the role of religion, ethnicity, state identity and power in the relations between Turkey and the Balkan Peninsula

Presents the results of more than 120 semi-structured interviews with political actors, diplomats, religious leaders, scholars, journalists and religious community representatives in Turkey and the Balkans

Provides an example of a hybrid insider/outsider status when conducting ethnographical fieldwork among religious groups

SOUTHEASTEUROPE in Focus, 2020

This paper focuses on the historical presence of Turkey’s soft power capacity and the emerging po... more This paper focuses on the historical presence of Turkey’s soft power capacity and the emerging possibility that it may be lost due to the excessive instrumentalisation of religion, transnationalisation of domestic debates, and deterioration in democratic credentials and economic performance. I argue that while Turkey has many soft power tools and much soft power potential, it also has many weak points within its current circumstances. Challenging the previous discussions on whether Turkey is a soft power or whether there is a discursive level of transformation in the Turkish soft power, I claim that Turkey is an ambivalent soft power particularly in the context of Southeast Europe. This study will evaluate the concept of soft power with its requirements and limits to examine this argument and discuss the concepts of public diplomacy, nation branding and agent diplomacy, which are often juxtaposed with soft power. Then, it will scrutinise Turkey’s ever-present capacity (Bechev, 2012) and the conditions that enable its rise as a soft power through the concepts of trauma, memory and longing. Finally, it will evaluate the changing roles played by the New Turkey in Southeast Europe through the lens of soft
power and provide a projection on the possible future development.

“Politics and Religion in Turkey” (with Ahmet Erdi Öztürk), Oxford Bibliographies, Oxford University Press, 2020

In this policy brief, Ahmet Erdi Öztürk argues that Turkey, under the ruling Justice and Developm... more In this policy brief, Ahmet Erdi Öztürk argues that Turkey, under the ruling Justice and Development Party of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has sought to use Islam visibly and impactfully in its foreign policy, sparking a diverse range of responses. Countries with Muslim and Turkish diasporas that are more economically and politically influential than Turkey are troubled by Turkey’s political actions. Nations that are politically and economically equal to or less developed than Turkey appear satisfied by the very same activity. Turkey’s multidimensional use of religious soft power can be designated as being fundamentally ambivalent in nature.

This policy brief was written as part of the Geopolitics of Religious Soft Power project, a partnership between Georgetown University’s Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs and the Brookings Institution supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan released a decree on July 10, 2020 stating that the Hagia Sophia, ... more President Recep Tayyip Erdogan released a decree on July 10, 2020 stating that the Hagia Sophia, which since 1934 has been a museum, would be converted back into a mosque. Such a move is controversial and raises questions concerning secularism, religion, and pluralism in modern-day Turkey.

In this post, Ahmet Erdi Öztürk reflects on how President Erdogan’s decision instrumentalizes religion for political purposes and will have significant ramifications in both Turkey and in the wider world.

LSE, Religion and Global Society blog, 2020

In a piece for the LSE Religion and Global Society blog, we argue that by reading the rise of eth... more In a piece for the LSE Religion and Global Society blog, we argue that by reading the rise of ethno-religious populists as a post-modern rather than a regressive phenomenon we can better confront its toxic forms. The framework helps to think outside the box of the "secularization thesis" which discounts the transitive power of religion as a tool of political mobilization. The approach aims to help make comparative sense of the recent rise of right-wing religious populists across the globe, from Trump's Bible-brandishing and the re-election of Poland's right-wing government on a platform of "sacred tradition", to the re-conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque.

LSE BLOG

Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets

OASIS, 2022

GIGA Focus Middle East, 2022

ELIAMEP, 2022

Middle East Policy, 2020

MEDITERRANEAN POLITICS, 2021

Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), 2021

Middle East Policy, 2020

Religion, Identity and Power: Turkey and the Balkans in the Twenty-First Century, 2021

Discusses the effects of Turkey's authoritarian turn during the AKP rule in the domain of foreign policy

Examines the role of religion, ethnicity, state identity and power in the relations between Turkey and the Balkan Peninsula

Provides an example of a hybrid insider/outsider status when conducting ethnographical fieldwork among religious groups

SOUTHEASTEUROPE in Focus, 2020

“Politics and Religion in Turkey” (with Ahmet Erdi Öztürk), Oxford Bibliographies, Oxford University Press, 2020

LSE, Religion and Global Society blog, 2020

Regrettably, some of the representatives of European Union, have been giving a bad account of the... more Regrettably, some of the representatives of European Union, have been giving a bad account of themselves regarding the recent developments that are still unfolding especially after the bloody coup attempt in Turkey. Particularly, in the recent times, three different names and their statements on Turkey are thought-provoking;

Erdoğan is successfully pushing the HDP further to the margins and the HDP seems to be taking the... more Erdoğan is successfully pushing the HDP further to the margins and the HDP seems to be taking the bait doubly pressed upon them by Erdoğan and the PKK.

Starting from the second half of 2015, there has been an increase in multi-sided violence in sout... more Starting from the second half of 2015, there has been an increase in multi-sided violence in southeast Turkey. There have been a number of attacks including suicide attacks by ISIS, and attacks by the far left DHKPC and Kurdish separatist TAK in cities including Ankara and İstanbul. Almost 200 people lost their lives and great many people got wounded. Moreover, four of the academics, who signed the famous petition denouncing military operations against Kurdish civilians in the southeast of the country, are under arrest and the others are come across investigations and other forms of pressure. Additionally, Turkey's government confiscated one of the country's critical voices, Zaman Daily, – ostensibly because of its so called " terrorist " activities, but more likely because the publication was linked to US-based Muslim preacher Fethullah Gülen, an opponent of Mr. Erdoğan. To make matters worse, well-known journalists Can Dündar and Erdem Gül are facing secret trial for revealing arms deliveries to Syria. Rape and murder news are increasing every day. But, Mr. Erdoğan wants to be the President under a new

Democracy is a system that calls for an accumulation of information, habit, history and sociology... more Democracy is a system that calls for an accumulation of information, habit, history and sociology. In other words, the road to democracy is not a linear process. When there is failure

Türkiye'de Gezi Parkı olayları ile doruğa çıkan, sonrasında yaşanan 17 ve 25 Aralık soruşturmalar... more Türkiye'de Gezi Parkı olayları ile doruğa çıkan, sonrasında yaşanan 17 ve 25 Aralık soruşturmalarıyla hızını hiç kesmeyen ve Hizmet Hareket'ine yönelik yoğun negatif propaganda ile devam eden gündem sıkışması, hiç kuşkusuz oldukça bayağı ve yorucu bir hal almış durumdadır. Doğal sınırlarını çoktan aşan bu durum, seçim takvimi ve diğer beklenmedik olayları da göz önüne alacak olursak normal dışı olan büyüme ve karmaşıklaşma durumu devam edecektir. Bütün bu yaşananların yanı sıra gündelik nefret söylemleri, hukuk devletinde görülmeyecek talep ve uygulamalar, üzüncü bir şekilde sıradanlaşmış ve toplumun hatırı sayılır bir kesimi tarafından da normal olarak algılanmaya başlanmıştır. Hal böyleyken, devlet geleneğinin oldukça büyük bir tahribatta olduğunu söylemekte yerinde olacaktır. Seçilmiş yöneticilerin görev sınırlarını aşan uygulamaları ilerideki dönemlerde bunların kabul gören sıradanlıklar olması durumunu da doğurabilir ki bu keyfiyet yönetim mekanizmasını da sıradanlaştıracaktır. Yaşanan süreçlerin, insanların zihinlerinde kimi karışıklıklara yol açması da hiç kuşkusuz bu yoğunluğun doğal bir çıktısı olarak da okunabilir. Kısacası, belirli hata payları ile yapılan yanlış tespitlerin olması insan doğasının bir gereğidir. Buna karşın, entelektüel camianın mensuplarının yaptığı kimi analizlerin rasyonalite sınırlarının fersah fersah dışına çıkması, bağlı bulundukları mesleklerin etik kurallarını çiğnemeleri, adlarının önündeki sıfatlar uğruna harcadıkları emekleri hiçe sayarak davranmaları ve tartışmasız vicdani değerleri bireysel ikbal uğruna zedelemeleri kabullenilebilecek bir durum değildir. Yapılan bu analiz ve yorumların kendilerine verdiği normatif zararın yanında Türkiye'ye verdiği algısal zararı da görmek gerekmektedir. Diğer bir deyişle, devletin kurumlarının işleyişinin bozulması kuşkusuz oldukça tehlikelidir ve fakat düzeltilmesi ehil kişiler ile mümkün bir durumdur. Buna karşın düşün dünyası bireylerinin, yorum ve analizlerinde doğrudan daha çok çıkara hizmet etmeye başlamaları geri dönülmesi oldukça zor durumlar doğuracaktır. Düşün dünyasının birbiri ile eklemli bir yapı olduğunu ve bireylerin bulgularının üzerine inşa edilen diğer bulgular ile

According to official announcements, 16 Turkish soldiers were killed and six others were wounded ... more According to official announcements, 16 Turkish soldiers were killed and six others were wounded in a clash over the weekend that erupted following an attack in Dağlıca.

Turkey's social and political scene has long been subject to polarisation, protests and police in... more Turkey's social and political scene has long been subject to polarisation, protests and police investigations. Many expected the atmosphere of confusion to evaporate after last year's presidential election was won by former prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. But as the country prepares for its general election ten months on, doubt still persists.

Turkey has been suffering from a busy political and social agenda, with protests, polarizations a... more Turkey has been suffering from a busy political and social agenda, with protests, polarizations and police investigations, for what seems like forever.

https://theconversation.com/can-turkeys-opposition-finally-unite-and-challenge-erdogan-95461

Victory for the “yes” side in the country’s April 16 constitutional referendum granting Turkish P... more Victory for the “yes” side in the country’s April 16 constitutional referendum granting Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan sweeping new powers has left commentators wondering whether his foreign policy still includes joining the European Union as a primary goal.

Open Democracy, Sep 19, 2014

There is no doubt that Turkey’s political and social agenda has been extremely complicated by the... more There is no doubt that Turkey’s political and social agenda has been extremely complicated by the Gezi Park protests, polarisation in its internal political arena, corruption investigations and regional problems. Amid this intricate and unpleasant atmosphere, Turkey has now a new President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was elected by popular vote for the first time in the history of Turkish republic, as well as a new Head of the AK Party and Prime Minister of Turkey, Ahmet Davutoglu.
Turkey’s 62nd government was formed and announced by the 26th Prime Minister of Turkish Republic, Ahmet Davutoglu, on August 29, 2014. On the days following the cabinet formation, PM Davutoglu unveiled a road map of his government that places a strong emphasis on the economy, a dialogue-oriented foreign policy and a more democratic environment in domestic politics. In tune with the Davutoglu’s public speeches as well as the statements in the government’s road map, Turkey now needs a number of concrete actions and policies to reach those targets concerning advanced democracy, sustainable economic development and rational/balanced foreign policy, which are detailed below.

Türkiye'de gündem sürekli büyük kırılmalarla değişiyor. En son kırılma AKP ile siyasi İslam'ın en... more Türkiye'de gündem sürekli büyük kırılmalarla değişiyor. En son kırılma AKP ile siyasi İslam'ın en muhafazakar kesimleri arasında yaşanıyor. Kısaca özetlersek bir süredir bir takım " din adamı " tarafından yapılan sohbetlerden görüntüler sosyal medyaya ve basına yansıyordu. Çoğunluğu İslam dininin kadına yaklaşımı konusunda yapılan bu konuşmalar tartışma yaratıyordu. 8 Mart Dünya Kadınlar Günü öncesi bu görüntülere ve açıklamalara tepkiler daha da arttı. Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan 8 Mart konuşmasında isim vermeden " kadının nasıl dövülmesi " gerektiği konusunda açıklamalar yapan " din adamları " na çıkışınca olayın rengi değişti. Şöyle diyordu: " İslamın güncellenmesinin gerektiğini bilmeyecek kadar da aciz bunlar. İslam'ın hükümlerinin güncellenmesi vardır. Siz İslam'ı 14 – 15 asır öncesi hükümleriyle kalkıp da bugün uygulayamazsınız. Böyle bir şey yok" " Bunlar " dedi, konuşmayı dinleyenlerin aklına gelen ilk isim Sosyal Doku Vakfı Başkanı ve İlahiyatçı Nurettin Yıldız oldu. Aylardır süren eleştirilere yüzünde müstehzi gülümsemeyle " asansöre bir kadınla erkeğin yalnız kalmasının uygun olmadığından " " Altı yaşındaki kızlar evlenebilir " e uzanan fetvalarını sürdürüyordu. Erdoğan'ın konuşmasının hemen akabinde Sosyal Doku Vakfı'ndan yazılı açıklama geldi ve " muhterem başkanları Yıldız " ın sözlerinin ve görüntülerinin cımbızlanarak kullanıldığını belirtiler. Ancak Erdoğan 8 Mart sonrası yaptığı her konuşmasında " bazı din adamları " na çıkışmayı sürdürdü. Diyanet hemen devreye sokuldu. Diyanet İşleri Başkanı CNN'e çıktı, uzun bir röportaj verdi. AKP'nin bu süreçteki açıklama ve hamlelerinin özeti şuydu: Artık din müessesi Diyanet eliyle şekillendirilecek.

Ahmet Erdi Öztürk: HDP barajı geçmelidir. Her ne olursa olsun amasız şartsız geçmek zorunda by EL... more Ahmet Erdi Öztürk: HDP barajı geçmelidir. Her ne olursa olsun amasız şartsız geçmek zorunda by ELİF ÖZGÜR IMG_3439 (1)-2 Taraf gazetesi'nin genc yazarlarından Ahmet Erdı Özturk ile Türkıye'nin dünden bugüne, iç ve diş meselelerine dair bir söyleşi gerceklestirdik. Başarılı akademisyen AKP siyaseti üzerine tedırgınlıgını anlatırken, HDP icinde "HDP barajı geçmelidir. Her ne olursa olsun amasız şartsız geçmek zorunda. Sadece kendisi için değil herkes için geçmek zorunda." diye devam etti. Taraf'ta yayınlanan son yazından başlamak istiyorum. Diyorsun ki: "iyi ki paralel var", yaşanan her olumsuz olay iktidar tarafından Gülen Hareketi'ne bağlanıyor ve bir şekilde de aklanıyor. Buradan yola çıkarak aradan geçen bir yılı aşkın sürede sence kavga ne durumda ve önümüzdeki seçimlere yansıması nasıl olur? Öncelikle son yazımda tam olarak şunu demeye çalıştım. Gerek iktidar gerek herhangi bir konuda geçmişte ya da bu gün hata yapmış iktidara yakın kişiler bütün olumsuzluklardan bir şekilde Hizmet Hareketi'ni sorumlu tutuyor. Hizmet Hareketi'nin hiç mi hatası suçu yok, elbette var. Hemen yeri gelmişken Gülen Hareketi, Cemaat, Tarikat, Camia olarak adlandırılan bu sosyolojik gerçekliğe neden Hizmet dediğimi de söyleyeyim. Benim yetiştiğim akademik ortam ve disiplinde gruplar, yapılar ya da kişiler kendini nasıl tanımlıyorsa onlara o şekilde anma geleneği var. Bu da bunun bir alışkanlığı. Hizmet Hareketi'ni çalışmaya başladığım yıllarda ben de Hareket ya da Cemaat diyordum. Ama ne zaman ki Gazeteci ve Yazarlar Vakfı resmen bir basın açıklamasına Hizmet Hareketi dedi, bende de adlandırma değişti. Ne olumlu ne de olumsuz.

Current victimizations may be eliminated with the help of education. The victimization arising ou... more Current victimizations may be eliminated with the help of education. The victimization arising out of the hash economic conditions of our time may be eliminated by raising awareness via education.

T24, Sep 21, 2014

Hiç şüphesiz Türkiye, Gezi Park’ı protestoları ile başlayan, iç siyasetteki kutuplaşma ile devam ... more Hiç şüphesiz Türkiye, Gezi Park’ı protestoları ile başlayan, iç siyasetteki kutuplaşma ile devam eden, sonrasında da yolsuzluk soruşturmaları ve bölgesel problemler ile zirveye tırmanan siyasal ve sosyal gündem ile oldukça uzun süredir mücadele etmektedir. Bütün bu yoğun ve hoş olmayan gündeme karşın, nihayetinde Türkiye tarihinde ilk defa halkın oyları ile cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimleri yapılmış ve oylamanın ilk turunda da Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Cumhurbaşkanı olarak seçilmiştir. Aynı zamanda da dışişleri eski bakanı Ahmet Davutoğlu, hem AK Parti genel başkanı seçilmiş hem de Türkiye’nin 26. Başbakan’ı olarak 62. Türkiye hükümetini kurmuştur. Bu bağlamda Davutoğlu ve hükümeti ortaya koydukları hükümet programında ekonomiye güçlü şekilde vurgu yapmış, diyalog merkezli bir dış politika hedefi ortaya koymuş ve daha demokratik bir düzlemde iç politika yürüteceklerini beyan etmişlerdir. Her ne kadar hem Davutoğlu’nun konuşmaları hem de hükümetin resmi programı bunları içeriyor olsa da, Türkiye şu anda oldukça acil ve aktif bir şekilde demokrasi seviyesini yukarıya çekecek, sürdürülebilir ekonomik gelişmeyi sağlayacak ve hem bölgesel hem de küresel bazda akılcı ve dengeli bir dış politikayı tesis etmek durumundadır. Bu bağlamda da belirtilen bu üç alanda şunları yapması kanımızca elzemdir.

Antonio Negri ile birlikte İmparatorluk'u yayınladıklarından beri önemli tartışmalara esin veren,... more Antonio Negri ile birlikte İmparatorluk'u yayınladıklarından beri önemli tartışmalara esin veren, eserlerinin Türkçeye çevrilmesiyle birlikte Türkiye'de de siyasal tartışmalarda fikirleri dolaşıma giren Michael Hardt ile son kitapları Duyuru, dünyada ayaklanmalar ve Gezi üzerine konuştuk. 1 Dinçer Demirkent: Dünyanın ayaklandığı yılardan geçiyoruz. Yapısalcılık ve post-yapısalcılıkla birlikte, siyasal özne ve kuruculuk, kurma sorunu ötelendi, edilgen kimlikler, öznellikler üzerine konuşmak daha cazip bir hale geldi. Belki de ortaya çıktıkları dünya ile ilişkiliydi bu. Bugün Arap coğrafyasında Akdeniz havzasında, ABD'de, dünyanın farklı yerlerinde sokaklara çıkan, meydanları tutan kitleler, ayaklanmalar var. Bugün yeniden siyasal özne üzerine konuşmanın zamanı gelmedi mi? M. Hardt: Evet, ayaklanmalardan sonra siyasal özneden söz etmek daha da zorunlu hale gelir ve ayaklanmalar, bizi, siyasal özneyi farklı bir biçimde düşünmeye zorlar. Bana kalırsa, önceden mevcut olan siyasal öznellikler, önceden mevcut olan pasif siyasal öznellikler, normalleştirilmiş olan, yaratılmış ve yeniden yaratılmakta siyasal öznellikler, ayaklanmalar tarafından bazı bakımlardan kırılır. Söylemek istediğim, ayaklanmaların bazı bakımlardan yeni bir öznellik ürettiğidir. Böylelikle söz konusu olan yalnızca ayaklanmaları yaratan özneler değildir; belki de daha önemli bir şey olarak, ayaklanmaların kendilerinin bir tür siyasallaşma içerisinde yeni özneler yarattıklarını söyleyeceğim. Böylelikle ortaya çıkan, yalnızca, Gezi Protestolarını yeni öznelerin gerçekleştirmiş olması değil, ayrıca Gezi Protestolarının da yeni özneler oluşturmuş olmasıdır. Ve benim daha ilginç bulduğum da bu. Ayaklanmalar tarafından ne türde siyasal özneler yaratılmaktadır? Ve bu özneler ne tür siyasal eylem yetisine sahiplerdir? Bana ilginç gelen bu. Erdi Öztürk: Gezi Protestolarında ya da Gezi İşgalinde doğrudan ne görüyorsunuz? Sizce buradaki temel özneyi nasıl konumlandırmak gerekir? Mevcut iktidar, yeni kuşakları, hayatın bütün boyutları üzerinde belirlenim kurarak siyasallaştırmaya çalışırken, belirli bir 'iyi' tarifiyle hareket etmeyen, daha çok iktidarın yapmış olduğu belirlenimlere farklı noktalardan gelen ve farklı beslenme zeminlerine sahip itirazlarla yükselen bir hareket sizce bir öznellik oluşturur mu? M. Hardt: Her şeyden önce sizi, dışarıdan birinin mücadeleler hakkında söylediklerine asla inanmamanız hususunda uyarmalıyım; mesela benim gibi birinin. Hiç kuşku yok ki bu konuda hepinizden daha az bilgi sahibiyim. Bu nedenle söylediğim hiçbir şeye inanmayın. Önemli olduğunu düşündüğüm bir başka nokta da Gezi gibi mücadelelerin, geçici olarak bir araya gelmiş ve geniş bir çeşitlilik arz eden öznelliklerden, ilgilerden ve mücadelelerden oluştuğunun farkında olmaktır. Bana kalırsa, böylelikle, yalnızca bir, tek bir yapı ya da çember ya da ad altında birleşmekten ziyade, gücünün bir kısmını oluşan bir tür ağ içinde farklı ilgilerin bir çeşitliliğini bir araya getirmesinden alması oldukça önemlidir. Söylemek istediğim, Gezi'nin, sizin de söylediğiniz gibi, başlangıcında açıkça çevresel ilgiler söz konusuydu ve kuşkusuz devamında da vardı bu, fakat gündelik hayata ilişkin her türlü sorun, cinsiyetle ilgili olanları, dinle ilgili olanları, hükümetle ilgili olarak sizin de belirttiğiniz gibi temsil sorunları da vs. eklenerek sürdü ve ayrıca hükümetin politikalarını destekleyenleri de zan altında bıraktı. Beni büyüleyen şeylerden biri, elbette bunu dışarıdan biri olarak söylüyorum ve dışarıdan biri olarak Gezi'yi asla gerçekten anlayamayacağımı bilerek söylüyorum, geleneksel sol ile Kürt sorunu arasında işgal sırasında beliren ilişkidir. Bu kriz sırasında Kürt 1 Berlin'de, Avrupa'nın birçok ülkesindeki ayaklanmaların konuşulduğu bir çalıştay düzenleme fikriyle dünyanın farklı yerlerindeki ayaklanmaların karakterini kavramamıza yardımcı olan Manuela Bozadzijev'e teşekkür ederiz. Michael Hardt ile yapılan bu söyleşi, Türkiye'den çalıştaya katılan Meltem Keskin, Erdi Öztürk, Eren Buğlalılar ve Dinçer Demirkent'in katılımıyla gerçekleşti. Söyleşinin çevirisini Ayrıntı Dergi için Abdurrahman Aydın yaptı.

President Erdogan's victory in the April 2017 referendum granted him sweeping new powers across T... more President Erdogan's victory in the April 2017 referendum granted him sweeping new powers across Turkey. The constitutional reforms transform the country from a parliamentary democracy into a "Turkish style" presidential republic. Despite being democratically elected, Turkey's ruling AKP party has moved towards increasingly authoritarian measures. During the coup attempt in July 2016, the AKP government declared a state of emergency which Erdogan saw as an opportunity to purge the public sector of pro-Gulenist individuals and criminalise opposition groups including Kurds, Alevites, leftists and liberals. The country experienced political turmoil and rapid transformation as a result. This book identifies the process of democratic reversal in Turkey. In particular, contributors explore the various ways that a democratically elected political party has used elections to implement authoritarian measures. They scrutinise the very concepts of democracy, elections and autocracy to expose their flaws which can be manipulated to advantage.

The book includes chapters discussing the roots of authoritarianism in Turkey; the political economy of elections; the relationship between the political Islamic groups and the government; Turkish foreign policy; non-Muslim communities' attitudes towards the AKP; and Kurdish citizens' voting patterns. As well as following Turkey's political trajectory, this book contextualises Turkey in the wider literature on electoral and competitive authoritarianisms and explores the country's future options.

The International Spectator, 2019

Turkey's recent slide into authoritarianism will have implications for its close neighbours in th... more Turkey's recent slide into authoritarianism will have implications for its close neighbours in the West. Especially Greece cannot avoid negative spill-over effects. A coalition government comprising Syriza and Independent Greeks does not have an unconstrained set of policy choices in responding to this. Maintaining effective working relations is a paramount interest but achieving this is easier in principle than in practice especially considering the issues of asylum seekers and Turkish revisionism on the Lausanne Treaty. Unlike the two parties that dominated the Greek political scene after 1974, PASOK and New Democracy, the current government has little experience navigating choppy diplomatic seas with Turkey.

SSRN Working Paper Series, 2019

This study is informed by contemporary discussions on hegemonic party regimes and applied to Turk... more This study is informed by contemporary discussions on hegemonic party regimes and applied to Turkey's long-lasting single-party government since the beginning of multi-party politics in Turkey. AK Party's political journey to become a hegemonic party in Turkey is critically examined on the basis of political, economic and organisational factors. This study provides a comprehensive explanation of how the AK Party established and accordingly maintains its hegemonic position in three different ways; political manoeuvres developed by the party to overcome obstacles, economic policies, and the multi-dimensional and interwoven nature between the party organisation, state structure, and society.

SSRN Working Paper Series, 2019

This research focuses on the determinants of declining democracy values in the world using recent... more This research focuses on the determinants of declining democracy values in the world using recently available data. By doing so, factors that are expected to be correlated with declining democratic values are illuminated and discussed based on formulated hypotheses. This paper utilises multi-variable regression technique to map out the individual impacts of independent variables onto two different dependent variables. Findings of this research find a statistically significant coefficient for GDP per capita which points out that better economic circumstances lead to a more democratic environment. Secondly, xenophobic attitudes seem to be highly correlated with the declining trend in democratic values. Thirdly, Islamic countries deviate from non-Islamic countries in a negative way in relation to democracy indices. And lastly, an established institutional structure embodied by a higher corruption index value goes hand in hand with a greater democracy index.

“Turkey’s Constitutional Amendments: A Critical Perspective” (with Ahmet Erdi Öztürk), Journal of Research and Policy on Turkey, 2: 2 (2017), 210-224, 2017

Although Turkey has largely maintained the constitutional tradition inherited from the Ottomans, ... more Although Turkey has largely maintained the constitutional tradition inherited from the Ottomans, and has been ruled by the parliamentary system since its establishment, in 1923, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi -AKP), which is one of the most controversial political structures in Turkish political history, has changed the accustomed system into a Turkish type of presidential one. Furthermore, this important decision was taken in a plebiscite held under state of emergency conditions, after the failed coup attempt and in an authoritarian political atmosphere that has been gradually increasing for more than half a decade. In this regard, this article explains two major points; the constitutional history of contemporary Turkey with its Ottoman background, and the AKP's political journey that is a swing from hope to oppression. Yet, additionally, the article clarifies the minutiae of the amended constitution which are related to human rights and liberties. Lastly, it argues that the proposed constitution will neither reveal a new system, nor will it constitute a democratic socio-political environment and an advanced human rights constitution.

“A Frame for Turkey’s Foreign Policy via the Diyanet in the Balkans” (with Ahmet Erdi Öztürk), Journal of Muslims in Europe, 7: 3, 2018

This article deals with Turkey's increasing involvement and activism in the Balkans between 2002 ... more This article deals with Turkey's increasing involvement and activism in the Balkans between 2002 and 2016, under the government of the Justice and Development Party. The central focus is Turkey's pliable state apparatus; the Presidency of Religious Affairs and its activities in the region. The article therefore aims to answer the following questions: Why does Turkey use these various state apparatuses specifically as a foreign policy tool and how does their influence differ from country to country? What factors determine the scope of activity of Turkish transnational state apparatuses in the case of each country? And, how do local actors and public opinion respond to Turkey's newly-emerging activities in the region?