Minoru Fukuda | Miyazaki Municipal University (original) (raw)

Papers by Minoru Fukuda

Journal of Japanese Linguistics, 1991

Showing how Nishihara’s (2005) P incorporation analysis accounts for the relevant data under Nune... more Showing how Nishihara’s (2005) P incorporation analysis accounts for the relevant data under Nunes’s (2004) Copy Theory of Movement, we have proposed that the optionality of particle alternation is due to the two possible applications of Chain Reduction to links of chains that are irrelevant to formal feature checking. Following Ross’s (1967) insight, we have argued that ungrammatical cases can be explained in terms of the general requirements of the phonological component.

In this paper, we provide several sets of empirical data to identify the syntactic positions of t... more In this paper, we provide several sets of empirical data to identify the syntactic positions of the genitive ga phrase in the noun phrase structure in the Kumamoto dialect that is spoken in Japan’s Kumamoto Prefecture. The syntactic and semantic facts regarding the genitive ga phrase in the dialect are explained in terms of our proposal that is comprised of the following hypotheses. First, the genitive ga phrase is located in the A-bar position in DP, and hence island effects are induced. Second, if Chomsky’s (2001) phase theory is applicable to DP, the position of the genitive ga can be considered to be the edge of the DP phase. Third, the focus interpretation of the genitive ga phrase can be ascribed to the feature checking, which accounts for its fixed word order or syntactic position in DP.

Given a phonetic form (PF) representation π and a logical form (LF) representation λ, the computa... more Given a phonetic form (PF) representation π and a logical form (LF) representation λ, the computational system of human language, CHL, maps a numeration to (π, λ).1 According to Chomsky (1995, 2000), this mapping procedure is subject to an inviolable principle referred to as the Inclusiveness Condition (IC), which precludes features absent in the numeration from entering CHL. However, adopting the derivational formation of a numeration proposed by Stroik (2009a), I argue that the IC is no longer required as an independent principle under the strictly derivational theory of syntax referred to as Survive-minimalism (Stroik (2009b)). On the basis of Survive-minimalist assumptions (Stroik (2009b), Stroik and Putnam (2010)), I also argue that the effects of Chomsky’s (2008) No Tampering Condition are derivative. Consequently, Survive-minimalism offers a simpler, more restrictive theory of CHL than that provided by Chomsky.

In this paper, it is argued that the Subjacency Condition is not required to explain strong islan... more In this paper, it is argued that the Subjacency Condition is not required to explain strong island effects and that under the Minimalist Program, the relevant data are explicable by means of a general condition on movement rules, which is defined from a derivational viewpoint. To be mores pacific, we provide two proposals in the present paper. First, assuming a new theory of Workspaces in syntax, we argue that the application of Select is always accompanied by the application of Merge. Second, we claim that the strong island effects are natural consequences of our constraint that prohibits Generalized Pied-Piping foam moving a part of Selected terms. We also indicate three theoretical implications of our proposal: (i) the strong island effects can be regarded as PF-related phenomena, (ii )the absence of the Strong island effects in LF is due to the failure to apply our constraint in LF, and (iii) the cost of Move is ultimately attributable to the creation of an extra Workspace that ...

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics, 2000

... Linguistic Inquiry 15:603-638. Stowell, Tim. To appear. ... (10) a. Dare-ga dare# nagutta no?... more ... Linguistic Inquiry 15:603-638. Stowell, Tim. To appear. ... (10) a. Dare-ga dare# nagutta no? who-NOM who hit Q 'Who hit who?' b. *Dare# dare-ga t nagutta no? (11) a. John-wa Up Tom-ga tvp Jane-ni sono hon# John-ToPIc Tom-NOM Jane-DAT the book ageta]] koto-o sitteru ...

Chomsky (2015: 9) proposes that English T differs from Italian T in that it is so weak that it ca... more Chomsky (2015: 9) proposes that English T differs from Italian T in that it is so weak that it cannot label an output syntactic object derived by the application of Merge. Interestingly enough, Chomsky (2015: 10) also proposes that English T can be strengthened sufficiently by a Spec-Head relation to serve as a label for an unlabeled syntactic object. In this paper, we propose a new manner of labelingby means of which the label of {T, v*P} is determined without recourse to Spec-Head relations. More specifically, we argue that the valuation of the φ feature strengthens both English weak T and universally weak R. Given Boeckx's (2011) analysis of feature composition for parametric variation, the difference in licensing of pro-drop phenomena―subjectless finite sentences― between, for example, English and Italian follows from our proposal.

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics, 1996

ENGLISH LINGUISTICS, 2011

[This is the first draft.] As discussed by Saito (2015), modals, complementizers, and discourse p... more [This is the first draft.] As discussed by Saito (2015), modals, complementizers, and discourse particles serve as categories occupying the right periphery in Japanese. Showing that c-selection and l-selection (Pesetsky (1991)) rather than s-selection play a significant role in constructing the right peripheral domain, the present paper focuses on Japanese modals, aiming to identify their feature matrices, i.e. their hierarchically ordered sets of features for structure building (Stroik and Putnam (2013)). The proposed analysis enables us to circumvent the problem of over-generation, which arises from the assumption that Merge applies freely (Chomsky (2013), Narita (2011)), as well as to dispense with the Uniqueness Condition (Ueda (2007), Saito (2015)), which prohibits multiple occurrences of modals. One implications of this new approach is that the right periphery occupied by other categories such as discourse particles can also be derived in a similar crash-proof manner.

Kyushu Studies in English Literature 31 (2015), Jan 20, 2015

In this article, we argue that pied-piping phenomena are explicable if we assume a revised versio... more In this article, we argue that pied-piping phenomena are explicable if we assume a revised version of Grimshaw’s (2000) extended projections under the purely derivational theory referred to as “Survive-minimalism,” proposed by Stroik (2009) and Stroik and Putnam (2013). In the course of discussion, we indicate that (i) not only does our analysis require no representational conditions but also demands no backward operational mechanisms to explicate pied-piping phenomena; and (ii) the possibility of pied-piping is determined strictly derivationally, that is, by means of step-by-step syntactic calculation. As a consequence, our proposal paves the way for the elaboration and enhancement of the nonrepresentational and derivational theory referred to as Survive-minimalism.

To appear in FLC 40, 2013

Given a phonetic form (PF) representation π and a logical form (LF) representation λ, the computa... more Given a phonetic form (PF) representation π and a logical form (LF) representation λ, the computational system of human language, CHL, maps a numeration to (π, λ). According to Chomsky (1995, 2000), this mapping procedure is subject to an inviolable principle referred to as the Inclusiveness Condition (IC), which precludes features absent in the numeration from entering CHL. However, adopting the derivational formation of a numeration proposed by Stroik (2009a), I argue that the IC is no longer required as an independent principle under the strictly derivational theory of syntax referred to as Survive-minimalism (Stroik (2009b)). On the basis of Survive-minimalist assumptions (Stroik (2009b), Stroik and Putnam (2010)), I also argue that the effects of Chomsky’s (2008) No Tampering Condition are derivative. Consequently, Survive-minimalism offers a simpler, more restrictive theory of CHL than that provided by Chomsky.

Gengo-riron-no Tenkai-to Ouyou (Extension and Application of Linguistic Theory) ed. by Kenji Nakagami, pp. 216-234, Mar 30, 2009

A Festschrift for Dr. Fujiwara: Kotoba no Kizuna (Bonds of Language), pp. 284-297., 2006

Showing how Nishihara’s (2005) P incorporation analysis accounts for the relevant data under Nune... more Showing how Nishihara’s (2005) P incorporation analysis accounts for the relevant data under Nunes’s (2004) Copy Theory of Movement, we propose that the optionality of particle alternation is due to the two possible applications of Chain Reduction to links of chains that are irrelevant to formal feature checking. Following Ross’s (1967) insight, we argue that ungrammatical cases can be explained in terms of the general requirements of the phonological component.

Konan Eibungaku (Konan English Literature) 20, pp. 35-48, 2005

In this paper, it is argued that the Subjacency Condition is not required to explain strong islan... more In this paper, it is argued that the Subjacency Condition is not required to explain strong island effects and that under the Minimalist Program, the relevant data are explicable by means of a general condition on movement rules, which is defined from a derivational viewpoint. To be more specific, we provide two proposals in the present paper. First, assuming a new theory of Workspaces in syntax, we argue that the application of Select is always accompanied by the application of Merge. Second, we claim that the strong island effects are natural consequences of our constraint that prohibits Generalized Pied-Piping foam moving a part of Selected terms. We also indicate three theoretical implications of our proposal: (i) the strong island effects can be regarded as PF-related phenomena, (ii )the absence of the Strong island effects in LF is due to the failure to apply our constraint in LF, and (iii) the cost of Move is ultimately attributable to the creation of an extra Workspace that is irrelevant to structure building.

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics 25, pp. 39-52, 2000

The main purpose of the present paper is to provide a principled account for a phenomenon called ... more The main purpose of the present paper is to provide a principled account for a phenomenon called "Complementizer Drop" in the dialects of Japanese and its related phenomena in teens of the head-raising approach without recourse to the ECP or GB-type approach, under the assumption that the complement clause without a complementizer is not CP but a smaller projection such as IP. This head-raising operation is triggered to satisfy the licensing condition on non-canonical structural realizations such as a marked IP complement clause. It is also argued that our new analysis can explain the dialectal differences With regard to Complementizer Drop under a theory of markedness.

Journal of Japanese Linguistics, 1991

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics, 2000

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics, 1996

ENGLISH LINGUISTICS, 2011

Kyushu Studies in English Literature 31 (2015), Jan 20, 2015

To appear in FLC 40, 2013

Given a phonetic form (PF) representation π and a logical form (LF) representation λ, the computa... more Given a phonetic form (PF) representation π and a logical form (LF) representation λ, the computational system of human language, CHL, maps a numeration to (π, λ). According to Chomsky (1995, 2000), this mapping procedure is subject to an inviolable principle referred to as the Inclusiveness Condition (IC), which precludes features absent in the numeration from entering CHL. However, adopting the derivational formation of a numeration proposed by Stroik (2009a), I argue that the IC is no longer required as an independent principle under the strictly derivational theory of syntax referred to as Survive-minimalism (Stroik (2009b)). On the basis of Survive-minimalist assumptions (Stroik (2009b), Stroik and Putnam (2010)), I also argue that the effects of Chomsky’s (2008) No Tampering Condition are derivative. Consequently, Survive-minimalism offers a simpler, more restrictive theory of CHL than that provided by Chomsky.

Gengo-riron-no Tenkai-to Ouyou (Extension and Application of Linguistic Theory) ed. by Kenji Nakagami, pp. 216-234, Mar 30, 2009

A Festschrift for Dr. Fujiwara: Kotoba no Kizuna (Bonds of Language), pp. 284-297., 2006

Showing how Nishihara’s (2005) P incorporation analysis accounts for the relevant data under Nune... more Showing how Nishihara’s (2005) P incorporation analysis accounts for the relevant data under Nunes’s (2004) Copy Theory of Movement, we propose that the optionality of particle alternation is due to the two possible applications of Chain Reduction to links of chains that are irrelevant to formal feature checking. Following Ross’s (1967) insight, we argue that ungrammatical cases can be explained in terms of the general requirements of the phonological component.

Konan Eibungaku (Konan English Literature) 20, pp. 35-48, 2005

In this paper, it is argued that the Subjacency Condition is not required to explain strong islan... more In this paper, it is argued that the Subjacency Condition is not required to explain strong island effects and that under the Minimalist Program, the relevant data are explicable by means of a general condition on movement rules, which is defined from a derivational viewpoint. To be more specific, we provide two proposals in the present paper. First, assuming a new theory of Workspaces in syntax, we argue that the application of Select is always accompanied by the application of Merge. Second, we claim that the strong island effects are natural consequences of our constraint that prohibits Generalized Pied-Piping foam moving a part of Selected terms. We also indicate three theoretical implications of our proposal: (i) the strong island effects can be regarded as PF-related phenomena, (ii )the absence of the Strong island effects in LF is due to the failure to apply our constraint in LF, and (iii) the cost of Move is ultimately attributable to the creation of an extra Workspace that is irrelevant to structure building.

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics 25, pp. 39-52, 2000

We propose a new manner of labeling in this paper by means of which the label of {T, v*P} is dete... more We propose a new manner of labeling in this paper by means of which the label of {T, v*P} is determined without recourse to Spec-Head relations. More specifically, we argue that the valuation of the φ feature strengthens both English weak T and universally weak R. Given Boeckx’s (2011) analysis of feature composition for parametric variation, the difference in licensing of pro-drop phenomena—subjectless finite sentences—between, for example, English and Italian follows from our proposal.

In this paper, we point out several conceptual and empirical problems with Chomsky’s (2015) downw... more In this paper, we point out several conceptual and empirical problems with Chomsky’s (2015) downward inheritance of phasehood. We also propose two hypotheses: (i) the inheritance applies upward so that C can inherit phasehood from T; and (ii) T is strong enough to become a label once its phasehood is activated.