Seevan Saeed | Shaanxi Normal University (original) (raw)
Papers by Seevan Saeed
The commentaries, Feb 6, 2024
As the modern Republic of Turkey-officially established on 29 October 1923-enters its second cent... more As the modern Republic of Turkey-officially established on 29 October 1923-enters its second century and crucial national elections for president and parliament were held on 14 and 28 May 2023 in which the Kurds played a crucial role, this is a particularly important time to reappraise the county's long-continuing Kurdish insurgency and related events. Over the years, two over-arching, seemingly contradictory themes involving change and continuity have characterized Turkey's policy toward the Kurds. During Ottoman times (1261-1923) and even into the early Republican days (1923-), the Kurds were granted a type of separate status befitting their unique ethnic identity. However, probably largely because of the Sheikh Said Rebellion in 1925, Kemalist Turkey abruptly cancelled this policy and instead initiated one of denial, assimilation, and force. The fear was that the Kurds would potentially challenge Turkey's newly established territorial integrity and divide the state. Only gradually beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, when this position of, denial, assimilation, and the fist had clearly failed, did Turkey cautiously and incrementally begin again reversing its policy and granting the Kurds some type of recognition. Thus this article also will cover the PKK insurgency, as well as Abdullah (Apo) Ocalan's capture and its consequences. Subsequently, Part II of this reappraisal will bring events up to the present in 2024.
The commentaries, Mar 14, 2024
This reappraisal of Turkey's Kurdish insurgency picks up from where the earlier Part I left off, ... more This reappraisal of Turkey's Kurdish insurgency picks up from where the earlier Part I left off, by revisiting from the perspective of a decade the involved rise and fall of the Kurdish Opening (2009-2015), Erdogan's continuing "train to authoritarianism," the failed Gulenist coup on 15 July 2016, and the surprising presidential elections held in May 2023 that reelected Erdogan yet again despite the polls seemingly showing that Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the opposition leader whom the pro-Kurdish HDP supported, might win.
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies
The Commentaries
When it comes to the issue of terror and terrorism, the Turkish State very comfortably labels who... more When it comes to the issue of terror and terrorism, the Turkish State very comfortably labels whoever is not in line with Turkey’s interest and strategy. Moreover, almost all Western states are outspokenly suggesting that they do understand Turkish concern about its national security and its struggle for counter terrorism actions. However, the other side of the coin is very rarely looked at. This article argues that the Turkish State is promoting terror through supporting the Islamist fundamentalist organisations inside and outside Turkey. The aid and support of the Turkistan Islamic party is one of the cases that Turkey has its hand in it.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 2018
ABSTRACT In 2013, after two years of Öcalan’s isolation and revelations of secretive Oslo meeting... more ABSTRACT In 2013, after two years of Öcalan’s isolation and revelations of secretive Oslo meetings between the Turkish state and the PKK; the state agreed to open a new series of meetings with the Kurdish movement. Due to this relatively peaceful atmosphere, the Kurdish movement has started various activities to promote cultural nationalism and nation building. Yet, the Kurdish spring did not last long. Suddenly, the state has ended meetings with Öcalan. Thousands of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, HDP members are detained under the allegedly KCK operations. Guerrilla warfare started again, this time in the cities even. Part of the cities were destroyed and about a million civilians were displaced. This paper seeks to make sense of this policy revanchism: why after acknowledging that the military approach to the Kurdish question would never work and moving relations towards peaceful resolution instead has the Turkish state returned to the failed policy models of the past? I try to elaborate why the Kurdish movement found it hard to resist the Turkish state’s entreaty to join the so-called peace process. In addressing these questions, the paper sheds much-needed light on the complicated contemporary relations between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement.
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 2019
Abstract After nine decades of denial, military confrontation and securitisation of the Kurdish p... more Abstract After nine decades of denial, military confrontation and securitisation of the Kurdish problem, the AKP government outspokenly addressed the Kurdish question, wanting to change the course of Turkish-Kurdish conflict by introducing the notion of Kurdish opening. Despite the claims of the founder of the Turkish Republic Kemal Ataturk of reconciliation within his country and with the world, Turkey still witnesses conflicts and tensions with all the countries of the region and domestically, with various secular and religious factions, and with the Kurds in particular. Since the establishment of Turkey as a modern state, peace and prosperity have not clearly been seen. Military coups have frequently overthrown civilian governments in the political arena. One of the very visible and complicated obstacles to peace and prosperity is the Kurdish problem. After three decades of costly war between the state and the Kurdish movement, in the AKP era for the first time, public negotiations between the two took place. The Kurdish movement became invested in this relatively peaceful environment and started to promote cultural nationalism on a large scale. Suddenly, however, the state abruptly ceased the peace process with representatives of the Kurdish movement and detained thousands of its activists. Some southeastern areas have faced destruction, and about one million civil habitants have been displaced. This article seeks to explain why the state has returned to its old policy of security and military approach, whilst in the past few years it had repeatedly claimed that it was possible to deal with the Kurdish question through peace and reconciliation. The research tries to examine the complex relationship between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement.
Journal of University of Human Development, 2018
The Kurds in Erdogan's ‘New' Turkey
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies
The commentaries, Feb 6, 2024
As the modern Republic of Turkey-officially established on 29 October 1923-enters its second cent... more As the modern Republic of Turkey-officially established on 29 October 1923-enters its second century and crucial national elections for president and parliament were held on 14 and 28 May 2023 in which the Kurds played a crucial role, this is a particularly important time to reappraise the county's long-continuing Kurdish insurgency and related events. Over the years, two over-arching, seemingly contradictory themes involving change and continuity have characterized Turkey's policy toward the Kurds. During Ottoman times (1261-1923) and even into the early Republican days (1923-), the Kurds were granted a type of separate status befitting their unique ethnic identity. However, probably largely because of the Sheikh Said Rebellion in 1925, Kemalist Turkey abruptly cancelled this policy and instead initiated one of denial, assimilation, and force. The fear was that the Kurds would potentially challenge Turkey's newly established territorial integrity and divide the state. Only gradually beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, when this position of, denial, assimilation, and the fist had clearly failed, did Turkey cautiously and incrementally begin again reversing its policy and granting the Kurds some type of recognition. Thus this article also will cover the PKK insurgency, as well as Abdullah (Apo) Ocalan's capture and its consequences. Subsequently, Part II of this reappraisal will bring events up to the present in 2024.
The commentaries, Mar 14, 2024
This reappraisal of Turkey's Kurdish insurgency picks up from where the earlier Part I left off, ... more This reappraisal of Turkey's Kurdish insurgency picks up from where the earlier Part I left off, by revisiting from the perspective of a decade the involved rise and fall of the Kurdish Opening (2009-2015), Erdogan's continuing "train to authoritarianism," the failed Gulenist coup on 15 July 2016, and the surprising presidential elections held in May 2023 that reelected Erdogan yet again despite the polls seemingly showing that Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the opposition leader whom the pro-Kurdish HDP supported, might win.
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies
The Commentaries
When it comes to the issue of terror and terrorism, the Turkish State very comfortably labels who... more When it comes to the issue of terror and terrorism, the Turkish State very comfortably labels whoever is not in line with Turkey’s interest and strategy. Moreover, almost all Western states are outspokenly suggesting that they do understand Turkish concern about its national security and its struggle for counter terrorism actions. However, the other side of the coin is very rarely looked at. This article argues that the Turkish State is promoting terror through supporting the Islamist fundamentalist organisations inside and outside Turkey. The aid and support of the Turkistan Islamic party is one of the cases that Turkey has its hand in it.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 2018
ABSTRACT In 2013, after two years of Öcalan’s isolation and revelations of secretive Oslo meeting... more ABSTRACT In 2013, after two years of Öcalan’s isolation and revelations of secretive Oslo meetings between the Turkish state and the PKK; the state agreed to open a new series of meetings with the Kurdish movement. Due to this relatively peaceful atmosphere, the Kurdish movement has started various activities to promote cultural nationalism and nation building. Yet, the Kurdish spring did not last long. Suddenly, the state has ended meetings with Öcalan. Thousands of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, HDP members are detained under the allegedly KCK operations. Guerrilla warfare started again, this time in the cities even. Part of the cities were destroyed and about a million civilians were displaced. This paper seeks to make sense of this policy revanchism: why after acknowledging that the military approach to the Kurdish question would never work and moving relations towards peaceful resolution instead has the Turkish state returned to the failed policy models of the past? I try to elaborate why the Kurdish movement found it hard to resist the Turkish state’s entreaty to join the so-called peace process. In addressing these questions, the paper sheds much-needed light on the complicated contemporary relations between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement.
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 2019
Abstract After nine decades of denial, military confrontation and securitisation of the Kurdish p... more Abstract After nine decades of denial, military confrontation and securitisation of the Kurdish problem, the AKP government outspokenly addressed the Kurdish question, wanting to change the course of Turkish-Kurdish conflict by introducing the notion of Kurdish opening. Despite the claims of the founder of the Turkish Republic Kemal Ataturk of reconciliation within his country and with the world, Turkey still witnesses conflicts and tensions with all the countries of the region and domestically, with various secular and religious factions, and with the Kurds in particular. Since the establishment of Turkey as a modern state, peace and prosperity have not clearly been seen. Military coups have frequently overthrown civilian governments in the political arena. One of the very visible and complicated obstacles to peace and prosperity is the Kurdish problem. After three decades of costly war between the state and the Kurdish movement, in the AKP era for the first time, public negotiations between the two took place. The Kurdish movement became invested in this relatively peaceful environment and started to promote cultural nationalism on a large scale. Suddenly, however, the state abruptly ceased the peace process with representatives of the Kurdish movement and detained thousands of its activists. Some southeastern areas have faced destruction, and about one million civil habitants have been displaced. This article seeks to explain why the state has returned to its old policy of security and military approach, whilst in the past few years it had repeatedly claimed that it was possible to deal with the Kurdish question through peace and reconciliation. The research tries to examine the complex relationship between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement.
Journal of University of Human Development, 2018
The Kurds in Erdogan's ‘New' Turkey
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies