Sabeen Ahmed | Swarthmore College (original) (raw)
Peer-reviewed Articles by Sabeen Ahmed
Philosophy Today, 2023
The following conversation examines the role of the university in our present moment and examines... more The following conversation examines the role of the university in our present moment and examines the necessity of anti-colonial praxis in the academy. The dialogue takes as its starting point the long history of white, heteropatriarchal capitalist supremacy that has oriented the institutional production of knowledge and considers its present permutations in such practices as diversity initiatives in teaching and hiring. The discussants in turn reflect on their own approaches and strategies for enacting liberatory pedagogy in light of the contingent, historical, and material limitations of higher education today.
Philosophy Today, 2023
What follows is a series of provocations, loosely interconnected, centered on the ambiguous relat... more What follows is a series of provocations, loosely interconnected, centered on the ambiguous relationship between liberalism and fascism in our age of democratic decline. Together they seek to trouble the established binaries and analytic frameworks that would position liberalism and fascism as antithetical and suggest instead that both emerge from the same condition of possibility: imperial racialism. In doing so, they reflect on the discursive function of fascism in sustaining liberal democracy as a project of white supremacy.
Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence, 2020
Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new... more Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new lens through which to consider Hegel's infamous 'rabble problem.' By rethinking the conflict between the rabble and the State as a conflict between intersubjective and institutional recognition-generating a failure of reciprocal recognition-I suggest that there is embedded in Hegel's right of necessity a right of resistance that the rabble may justifiably claim in their struggle for recognition. The existence of the rabble, I ultimately suggest, is therefore not an inevitable consequence of the State, but an indication that the State has itself failed to concretize the universal consciousness of Spirit.
Puncta: Journal of Critical Phenomenology, 2019
This article examines the lasting phenomenological consequences of inhabiting “spaces” of excepti... more This article examines the lasting phenomenological consequences of inhabiting “spaces” of exception by rethinking the operation of sovereign violence therein. Taking as its point of departure Giorgio Agamben’s suggestion that the ‘state of exception’ is the ‘rule’ of modern politics, I argue that arbitrary sovereign violence has taken the place of the ‘sovereign decision’ of Carl Schmitt’s original theory. However, recognizing that it is neither enough simply to articulate the institutional grid of intelligibility of the state of exception nor expose the logics of sovereignty that make possible arbitrary violence, it draws on phenomenology, affect theory, and trauma studies to reorient our focus from the sovereign to the subject upon whom sovereign power is executed. Ultimately it proposes a new understanding of modern subjecthood as one of existential insecurity generated by the ‘new age of anxiety’ permeating social and political life today.
Philosophy Today, 2019
Drawing from the works of Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida, th... more Drawing from the works of Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida, this article offers a theory of political theology for the contemporary Western liberal nation-state. Taking as its starting point the death penalty, it presents a triune theory of governance—what I call Trinitarian Governmentality—which exposes the thanatopolitical dimension fundamental to the very articulation of sovereign power and, as such, the theologico-political. It is thus only by conceptualizing sovereignty as Trinitarian Governmentality—composed of biopower/oikonomia, disciplinary power/theologia, and pastoral power/eschatologia—that we can begin to address Derrida’s central question: how might we theorize a properly philosophical abolitionism for the present?
Giornale critico di storia delle idee / Critical Journal of History of Ideas, 2018
This paper examines the distinction between two categories of subjects – legal subjects and merel... more This paper examines the distinction between two categories of subjects – legal subjects and merely-human subjects – and the figure who today concretizes the distinction between the two: the refugee. By illuminating the disparity between rights-bearing and non-rights-bearing persons, I hope to illustrate the legal implications of this distinction – and concomitantly, our understanding of legal responsibility – through an analysis of the refugee. Drawing on Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, and Seyla Benhabib as my main interlocutors, I ultimately aim to provide an analytic platform from which to approach modern refugee crises. In so doing, we are better able to conceptualize the ‘problem of the refugee’ as both a consequence of and necessary condition for the juridical logic of the nation-state. I conclude with two theoretical ‘solutions’ to the ‘problem of the refugee’ – the first drawing from the theory of ‘relational autonomy’ presented by Jennifer Nedelsky and the second drawing from contemporary critiques of nation-statehood – and demonstrate how each takes as its ultimate aim the total elimination of the category of ‘refugee’. Ultimately, however, I intend more modestly to give voice to a philosophically underemphasized catastrophe that is plaguing our sociopolitical spheres today, and which will doubtlessly dominate political discourse in the years to come.
International Journal of Philosophy & Social Values, 2018
Karl Marx states in Capital that “man, if not as Aristotle thought a political animal, is at all ... more Karl Marx states in Capital that “man, if not as Aristotle thought a political animal, is at all events a social animal” (Marx, 1992, 444). That Marx draws from Aristotle’s work has been long-recognized, but one could argue that Marx’s very conception of man—what he calls “species-being”—is a derivative of Aristotle’s theory of the good life. This article explores the Aristotelian underpinnings of Marx’s political philosophy and argues that Marx’s theory of species-being and human emancipation supervenes upon Aristotle’s theory of eudaimonia. The consequence of such a rethinking suggests that the Aristotelian good life itself is possible only in the communist society of Marx’s imaginings and, as such, is a state that must be realized—whether by nature or revolution—for human flourishing. Inspired by Aristotle’s assertion that “friendship exists to the extent that what is just exists” (Aristotle, 1991a, 527), this article draws from several of Aristotle’s and Marx’s texts to situate man as an inherently social being, whose need of other men serves both to edify and realize a common end toward which the state is oriented: the life of virtuous activity performed by and in an association of equals.
Theory and Event, 2018
The use of armed drones in post-9/11 US military conflicts has increasingly been the subject of a... more The use of armed drones in post-9/11 US military conflicts has increasingly been the subject of academic writings; few, however, examine its collateral effects from a biopolitically-framed, phenomenological lens. This article examines how the indeterminate field of threat produced and sustained by the preventive military paradigm of drone warfare transforms potential threats into determinate targets of military violence. The spatial disruption experienced by inhabitants of the "space of death" generated by the "drone zone" thus transforms their existential comportment of living under drones into that of 'walking corpses' whose relationships to space expose the devastating phenomenological consequences of drone warfare.
In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philo... more In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philosophical analyses of "democracy" both at home and abroad. This is nowhere better articulated than in Jacques Derrida's Rogues, in which he describes Islam as the only religious or theocratic culture that would "inspire and declare any resistance to democracy" (Derrida 2005, 29). Curiously, Derrida attributes the failings of democracy in Islam to the lack of reference to Aristotle's Politics in the writings of the medieval Muslim philosophers. This paper aims to analyze this gross misconception of Islamic philosophy and illuminate the thoroughgoing influence the Muslim philosophers had on their Christian successors, those who are so often credited as foundations of Western political philosophy. In so doing, I compare the ideal states presented by Averroes and Dante – in which Aristotelian influence is intimately interlaced – and offer an analysis thereof as heralds of what we might call the secularization of the political, inspiring those democratic values that Derrida believes to be absent in the rich philosophy of the Middle Ages.
Books, Book Chapters, & Edited Volumes by Sabeen Ahmed
Refugees Now: Rethinking Borders, Hospitality, and Citizenship, 2019
Sabeen Ahmed adds a critical dimension to refugee scholarship by interrogating Giorgio Agamben’s ... more Sabeen Ahmed adds a critical dimension to refugee scholarship by interrogating Giorgio Agamben’s oft-explored notion of homo sacer and this figure’s inability to account for contemporary refugee crises. Ahmed shows how Agamben’s refugee—and texts that take up this figure similarly—is paradigmatic of a particular sociohistorical moment, the Jewish Holocaust, and therefore is ontologically incapable of capturing the situation of the non-European refugee of today.
Rowman & Littlefield, 2019
This important new book examines the status of refugees from a philosophical perspective. The co... more This important new book examines the status of refugees from a philosophical perspective. The contributors explore the conditions faced by refugees and clarify the conceptual, practical, and ethical issues confronting the contemporary global community with respect to refugees. The book takes up topics ranging from practical matters, such as the social and political production of refugees, refugee status and the tension between citizen rights and human rights, and the handling of detention and deportation, to more conceptual and theoretical concerns, such as the ideology, rhetoric, and propaganda that sustain systems of exclusion and expulsion, to the ethical dimensions that invoke hospitality and transnational responsibility. Ideal for students and scholars in Political and Social Philosophy and Migration Studies more broadly, the book provides a critical commentary on material responses to contemporary refugee crises as a means of opening pathways to more pointed assessments of both the political and ideological underpinnings of statelessness.
Book Reviews by Sabeen Ahmed
Contemporary Political Theory, 2021
Since the eighteenth century, political revolutions in the West have claimed to have supplanted t... more Since the eighteenth century, political revolutions in the West have claimed to have supplanted traditional modes of domination with a new political thinking premised on the notion that 'all men are created equal'. It is tempting to think that our current era of global politics, dominated by authoritarian abuses of power under the guise of 'law and order', is a radical departure from the ideals of individual freedom and equality that we uphold as the ethos of modern liberalism. In Critique of Rights, Christoph Menke suggests instead that the juridicalization of these ideals in the modern form of rights reifies these very modes of domination. By laying bare the contradiction immanent in our bourgeois-revolutionary notions of freedom and autonomy, Menke demonstrates that the form of rights upon which modern law is predicated has itself disempowered the political community by elevating, legitimizing, and naturalizing the desire of the individual over and above the social. Describing his work as a 'genealogy of bourgeois rights', Menke reveals how the modern form of rights has engendered a 'fundamental upheaval in the ontology of law' that has redefined normativity itself (pp. 4-5). By tracing the development of law across three historical legal systems-Aristotle's Athens, Cicero's Rome, and Ockham's London-Menke demonstrates how the emergence and reification of an individual, claims-based notion of rights took the place of classical, normative conceptualizations of justice: justice is no longer fair distribution or right reason, but the ability to will at one's discretion, negative liberty made manifest. This bourgeois form of rights has reduced law to an assessment of rights claims and transformed the 'ontology of normativity' into the juridicalization of the natural. Justice, in turn, has become the protection and validation of individual autonomy over and against the autonomy of others. The first half of Menke's four-part book traces the 'legalization of the natural' that has culminated in the modern form of rights. Menke's work differs from other critical analyses of law by taking as his focus not the subject, but the structure of rights that comprises modern law: By demonstrating how the transition from a normative and natural understanding of law to a formal and nominal understanding of right has engendered a more fundamental separation of law and morality, Menke
Syndicate Philosophy, 2018
Anthony Robert Booth, in Islamic Philosophy and the Ethics of Belief, advances a novel categoriza... more Anthony Robert Booth, in Islamic Philosophy and the Ethics of Belief, advances a novel categorization of rationalist, medieval epistemology as what he calls “Moderate Evidentialism,” with the “Moderate anti-Evidentialism” of the orthodox Ash’arite theologians as the counterpoint to the writings of the Peripatetic falasifa. Booth’s analysis is oriented toward two significant aims: first, it proffers to unify the underlying philosophical commitments of the three major falasifa—Abu Nasr al-Farabi, Ibn Sina (Avicenna), and Ibn Rushd (Averroes)—against those of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, the Ash’arite credited with delegitimizing the rationalist project; and second, it uses these philosophical distinctions to shed light on contemporary philosophico-theological debates on Islamic politics. These aims are certainly ambitious, but Booth’s background in analytic epistemology, ethics, and philosophy of mind lend a unique clarity and systematicity to their notoriously complex subject matter...
Book review for William Dalrymple's "Return of a King: The Battle for Afghanistan, 1839-42."
Teaching Documents by Sabeen Ahmed
Below you will find a compilation of scholarly texts, literature, and mixed media resources borne... more Below you will find a compilation of scholarly texts, literature, and mixed media resources borne out of the social and political realities of our age. They are, I hope, a diverse collection of materials that may help us shed light on the historical and present contingencies that have led us to this moment in time, and make sense of where we might go from here. It is by no means a perfect or definitive list; it is merely a personal compendium – one which itself is constantly evolving through conversations with friends and colleagues – made public. As such, freely share this with those you think would be interested, and especially to those who wouldn't. I extend the following disclaimer: for non-English-language texts that have amassed multiple translations, the ones presented here are those of my own preference. Nonetheless, I strongly encourage you read the texts in all their diverse manifestations, sensitive to the historical and material contexts of their being translated, as well as the authors who carry out the translations themselves. And for those of you proficient in the original language(s) of transcription, I strongly encourage you to first read the original works. Translations, after all, are never able to capture the nuances and beauty of the original (and we may, of course, say this of language more generally). As an instructor of undergraduate students, I offer this as a source of inspiration for academics who are writing course syllabi, no matter the discipline. As an American, I offer this because we cannot allow fear to conquer resolve. As a friend, I offer this out of weariness, capitulation, and disappointment, but also out of fortitude, hope, and love.
Articles by Sabeen Ahmed
International Encyclopedia of Ethics, 2021
Although the term was first coined in 1945, the concept of a “nongovernmental organization” (NGO)... more Although the term was first coined in 1945, the concept of a “nongovernmental organization” (NGO) predates the postwar order as a concurrent feature of the nation-state era. Many NGOs in operation today have their origins in organizations and institutions established in as early as the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, changing shape in the wake of the two twentieth-century world wars and the construction of our modern, internationalist, and humanitarian global system. The moral orientation of NGOs has, since the two major world wars, increasingly served the aims of international development, environmental protection, humanitarian aid, and poverty alleviation. Given their distinctive influence on our increasingly cosmopolitan-minded era, this entry focuses predominantly on service-oriented, international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) working in the interests of global development and humanitarian and disaster relief. The entry is thus very much written in the spirit of political ethics. I do not by any means suggest that these are the only issues faced by service NGOs, nor do I suggest that nonservice NGOs do not confront the issues addressed here; it is simply that development and service NGOs have historically garnered the most attention from philosophers and political ethicists. Before turning to these issues, however, this entry will offer a brief overview of the origin and function of NGOs more broadly.
In These Times
"The generation of capital, rather than free and critical thought, is increasingly becoming the p... more "The generation of capital, rather than free and critical thought, is increasingly becoming the purpose of higher education. Deans see themselves as micro-CEOs, while provosts and chancellors view the university as a money-making venture. We instructors are the face of the university and provide the classroom education that students pay for, yet revenue we bring in doesn’t pay for our security. Instead, we are told that admission to a doctoral program is a gift, that our employers are benevolent, and that quiet gratitude is the only appropriate response to our conditions. They pretend this is enough to ignore watching us sink below a living wage, struggle with mental health with little support, and work ourselves to exhaustion."
Papers by Sabeen Ahmed
Philosophy Today, 2023
The following conversation examines the role of the university in our present moment and examines... more The following conversation examines the role of the university in our present moment and examines the necessity of anti-colonial praxis in the academy. The dialogue takes as its starting point the long history of white, heteropatriarchal capitalist supremacy that has oriented the institutional production of knowledge and considers its present permutations in such practices as diversity initiatives in teaching and hiring. The discussants in turn reflect on their own approaches and strategies for enacting liberatory pedagogy in light of the contingent, historical, and material limitations of higher education today.
Philosophy Today, 2023
What follows is a series of provocations, loosely interconnected, centered on the ambiguous relat... more What follows is a series of provocations, loosely interconnected, centered on the ambiguous relationship between liberalism and fascism in our age of democratic decline. Together they seek to trouble the established binaries and analytic frameworks that would position liberalism and fascism as antithetical and suggest instead that both emerge from the same condition of possibility: imperial racialism. In doing so, they reflect on the discursive function of fascism in sustaining liberal democracy as a project of white supremacy.
Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence, 2020
Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new... more Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new lens through which to consider Hegel's infamous 'rabble problem.' By rethinking the conflict between the rabble and the State as a conflict between intersubjective and institutional recognition-generating a failure of reciprocal recognition-I suggest that there is embedded in Hegel's right of necessity a right of resistance that the rabble may justifiably claim in their struggle for recognition. The existence of the rabble, I ultimately suggest, is therefore not an inevitable consequence of the State, but an indication that the State has itself failed to concretize the universal consciousness of Spirit.
Puncta: Journal of Critical Phenomenology, 2019
This article examines the lasting phenomenological consequences of inhabiting “spaces” of excepti... more This article examines the lasting phenomenological consequences of inhabiting “spaces” of exception by rethinking the operation of sovereign violence therein. Taking as its point of departure Giorgio Agamben’s suggestion that the ‘state of exception’ is the ‘rule’ of modern politics, I argue that arbitrary sovereign violence has taken the place of the ‘sovereign decision’ of Carl Schmitt’s original theory. However, recognizing that it is neither enough simply to articulate the institutional grid of intelligibility of the state of exception nor expose the logics of sovereignty that make possible arbitrary violence, it draws on phenomenology, affect theory, and trauma studies to reorient our focus from the sovereign to the subject upon whom sovereign power is executed. Ultimately it proposes a new understanding of modern subjecthood as one of existential insecurity generated by the ‘new age of anxiety’ permeating social and political life today.
Philosophy Today, 2019
Drawing from the works of Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida, th... more Drawing from the works of Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida, this article offers a theory of political theology for the contemporary Western liberal nation-state. Taking as its starting point the death penalty, it presents a triune theory of governance—what I call Trinitarian Governmentality—which exposes the thanatopolitical dimension fundamental to the very articulation of sovereign power and, as such, the theologico-political. It is thus only by conceptualizing sovereignty as Trinitarian Governmentality—composed of biopower/oikonomia, disciplinary power/theologia, and pastoral power/eschatologia—that we can begin to address Derrida’s central question: how might we theorize a properly philosophical abolitionism for the present?
Giornale critico di storia delle idee / Critical Journal of History of Ideas, 2018
This paper examines the distinction between two categories of subjects – legal subjects and merel... more This paper examines the distinction between two categories of subjects – legal subjects and merely-human subjects – and the figure who today concretizes the distinction between the two: the refugee. By illuminating the disparity between rights-bearing and non-rights-bearing persons, I hope to illustrate the legal implications of this distinction – and concomitantly, our understanding of legal responsibility – through an analysis of the refugee. Drawing on Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, and Seyla Benhabib as my main interlocutors, I ultimately aim to provide an analytic platform from which to approach modern refugee crises. In so doing, we are better able to conceptualize the ‘problem of the refugee’ as both a consequence of and necessary condition for the juridical logic of the nation-state. I conclude with two theoretical ‘solutions’ to the ‘problem of the refugee’ – the first drawing from the theory of ‘relational autonomy’ presented by Jennifer Nedelsky and the second drawing from contemporary critiques of nation-statehood – and demonstrate how each takes as its ultimate aim the total elimination of the category of ‘refugee’. Ultimately, however, I intend more modestly to give voice to a philosophically underemphasized catastrophe that is plaguing our sociopolitical spheres today, and which will doubtlessly dominate political discourse in the years to come.
International Journal of Philosophy & Social Values, 2018
Karl Marx states in Capital that “man, if not as Aristotle thought a political animal, is at all ... more Karl Marx states in Capital that “man, if not as Aristotle thought a political animal, is at all events a social animal” (Marx, 1992, 444). That Marx draws from Aristotle’s work has been long-recognized, but one could argue that Marx’s very conception of man—what he calls “species-being”—is a derivative of Aristotle’s theory of the good life. This article explores the Aristotelian underpinnings of Marx’s political philosophy and argues that Marx’s theory of species-being and human emancipation supervenes upon Aristotle’s theory of eudaimonia. The consequence of such a rethinking suggests that the Aristotelian good life itself is possible only in the communist society of Marx’s imaginings and, as such, is a state that must be realized—whether by nature or revolution—for human flourishing. Inspired by Aristotle’s assertion that “friendship exists to the extent that what is just exists” (Aristotle, 1991a, 527), this article draws from several of Aristotle’s and Marx’s texts to situate man as an inherently social being, whose need of other men serves both to edify and realize a common end toward which the state is oriented: the life of virtuous activity performed by and in an association of equals.
Theory and Event, 2018
The use of armed drones in post-9/11 US military conflicts has increasingly been the subject of a... more The use of armed drones in post-9/11 US military conflicts has increasingly been the subject of academic writings; few, however, examine its collateral effects from a biopolitically-framed, phenomenological lens. This article examines how the indeterminate field of threat produced and sustained by the preventive military paradigm of drone warfare transforms potential threats into determinate targets of military violence. The spatial disruption experienced by inhabitants of the "space of death" generated by the "drone zone" thus transforms their existential comportment of living under drones into that of 'walking corpses' whose relationships to space expose the devastating phenomenological consequences of drone warfare.
In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philo... more In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philosophical analyses of "democracy" both at home and abroad. This is nowhere better articulated than in Jacques Derrida's Rogues, in which he describes Islam as the only religious or theocratic culture that would "inspire and declare any resistance to democracy" (Derrida 2005, 29). Curiously, Derrida attributes the failings of democracy in Islam to the lack of reference to Aristotle's Politics in the writings of the medieval Muslim philosophers. This paper aims to analyze this gross misconception of Islamic philosophy and illuminate the thoroughgoing influence the Muslim philosophers had on their Christian successors, those who are so often credited as foundations of Western political philosophy. In so doing, I compare the ideal states presented by Averroes and Dante – in which Aristotelian influence is intimately interlaced – and offer an analysis thereof as heralds of what we might call the secularization of the political, inspiring those democratic values that Derrida believes to be absent in the rich philosophy of the Middle Ages.
Refugees Now: Rethinking Borders, Hospitality, and Citizenship, 2019
Sabeen Ahmed adds a critical dimension to refugee scholarship by interrogating Giorgio Agamben’s ... more Sabeen Ahmed adds a critical dimension to refugee scholarship by interrogating Giorgio Agamben’s oft-explored notion of homo sacer and this figure’s inability to account for contemporary refugee crises. Ahmed shows how Agamben’s refugee—and texts that take up this figure similarly—is paradigmatic of a particular sociohistorical moment, the Jewish Holocaust, and therefore is ontologically incapable of capturing the situation of the non-European refugee of today.
Rowman & Littlefield, 2019
This important new book examines the status of refugees from a philosophical perspective. The co... more This important new book examines the status of refugees from a philosophical perspective. The contributors explore the conditions faced by refugees and clarify the conceptual, practical, and ethical issues confronting the contemporary global community with respect to refugees. The book takes up topics ranging from practical matters, such as the social and political production of refugees, refugee status and the tension between citizen rights and human rights, and the handling of detention and deportation, to more conceptual and theoretical concerns, such as the ideology, rhetoric, and propaganda that sustain systems of exclusion and expulsion, to the ethical dimensions that invoke hospitality and transnational responsibility. Ideal for students and scholars in Political and Social Philosophy and Migration Studies more broadly, the book provides a critical commentary on material responses to contemporary refugee crises as a means of opening pathways to more pointed assessments of both the political and ideological underpinnings of statelessness.
Contemporary Political Theory, 2021
Since the eighteenth century, political revolutions in the West have claimed to have supplanted t... more Since the eighteenth century, political revolutions in the West have claimed to have supplanted traditional modes of domination with a new political thinking premised on the notion that 'all men are created equal'. It is tempting to think that our current era of global politics, dominated by authoritarian abuses of power under the guise of 'law and order', is a radical departure from the ideals of individual freedom and equality that we uphold as the ethos of modern liberalism. In Critique of Rights, Christoph Menke suggests instead that the juridicalization of these ideals in the modern form of rights reifies these very modes of domination. By laying bare the contradiction immanent in our bourgeois-revolutionary notions of freedom and autonomy, Menke demonstrates that the form of rights upon which modern law is predicated has itself disempowered the political community by elevating, legitimizing, and naturalizing the desire of the individual over and above the social. Describing his work as a 'genealogy of bourgeois rights', Menke reveals how the modern form of rights has engendered a 'fundamental upheaval in the ontology of law' that has redefined normativity itself (pp. 4-5). By tracing the development of law across three historical legal systems-Aristotle's Athens, Cicero's Rome, and Ockham's London-Menke demonstrates how the emergence and reification of an individual, claims-based notion of rights took the place of classical, normative conceptualizations of justice: justice is no longer fair distribution or right reason, but the ability to will at one's discretion, negative liberty made manifest. This bourgeois form of rights has reduced law to an assessment of rights claims and transformed the 'ontology of normativity' into the juridicalization of the natural. Justice, in turn, has become the protection and validation of individual autonomy over and against the autonomy of others. The first half of Menke's four-part book traces the 'legalization of the natural' that has culminated in the modern form of rights. Menke's work differs from other critical analyses of law by taking as his focus not the subject, but the structure of rights that comprises modern law: By demonstrating how the transition from a normative and natural understanding of law to a formal and nominal understanding of right has engendered a more fundamental separation of law and morality, Menke
Syndicate Philosophy, 2018
Anthony Robert Booth, in Islamic Philosophy and the Ethics of Belief, advances a novel categoriza... more Anthony Robert Booth, in Islamic Philosophy and the Ethics of Belief, advances a novel categorization of rationalist, medieval epistemology as what he calls “Moderate Evidentialism,” with the “Moderate anti-Evidentialism” of the orthodox Ash’arite theologians as the counterpoint to the writings of the Peripatetic falasifa. Booth’s analysis is oriented toward two significant aims: first, it proffers to unify the underlying philosophical commitments of the three major falasifa—Abu Nasr al-Farabi, Ibn Sina (Avicenna), and Ibn Rushd (Averroes)—against those of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, the Ash’arite credited with delegitimizing the rationalist project; and second, it uses these philosophical distinctions to shed light on contemporary philosophico-theological debates on Islamic politics. These aims are certainly ambitious, but Booth’s background in analytic epistemology, ethics, and philosophy of mind lend a unique clarity and systematicity to their notoriously complex subject matter...
Book review for William Dalrymple's "Return of a King: The Battle for Afghanistan, 1839-42."
Below you will find a compilation of scholarly texts, literature, and mixed media resources borne... more Below you will find a compilation of scholarly texts, literature, and mixed media resources borne out of the social and political realities of our age. They are, I hope, a diverse collection of materials that may help us shed light on the historical and present contingencies that have led us to this moment in time, and make sense of where we might go from here. It is by no means a perfect or definitive list; it is merely a personal compendium – one which itself is constantly evolving through conversations with friends and colleagues – made public. As such, freely share this with those you think would be interested, and especially to those who wouldn't. I extend the following disclaimer: for non-English-language texts that have amassed multiple translations, the ones presented here are those of my own preference. Nonetheless, I strongly encourage you read the texts in all their diverse manifestations, sensitive to the historical and material contexts of their being translated, as well as the authors who carry out the translations themselves. And for those of you proficient in the original language(s) of transcription, I strongly encourage you to first read the original works. Translations, after all, are never able to capture the nuances and beauty of the original (and we may, of course, say this of language more generally). As an instructor of undergraduate students, I offer this as a source of inspiration for academics who are writing course syllabi, no matter the discipline. As an American, I offer this because we cannot allow fear to conquer resolve. As a friend, I offer this out of weariness, capitulation, and disappointment, but also out of fortitude, hope, and love.
International Encyclopedia of Ethics, 2021
Although the term was first coined in 1945, the concept of a “nongovernmental organization” (NGO)... more Although the term was first coined in 1945, the concept of a “nongovernmental organization” (NGO) predates the postwar order as a concurrent feature of the nation-state era. Many NGOs in operation today have their origins in organizations and institutions established in as early as the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, changing shape in the wake of the two twentieth-century world wars and the construction of our modern, internationalist, and humanitarian global system. The moral orientation of NGOs has, since the two major world wars, increasingly served the aims of international development, environmental protection, humanitarian aid, and poverty alleviation. Given their distinctive influence on our increasingly cosmopolitan-minded era, this entry focuses predominantly on service-oriented, international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) working in the interests of global development and humanitarian and disaster relief. The entry is thus very much written in the spirit of political ethics. I do not by any means suggest that these are the only issues faced by service NGOs, nor do I suggest that nonservice NGOs do not confront the issues addressed here; it is simply that development and service NGOs have historically garnered the most attention from philosophers and political ethicists. Before turning to these issues, however, this entry will offer a brief overview of the origin and function of NGOs more broadly.
In These Times
"The generation of capital, rather than free and critical thought, is increasingly becoming the p... more "The generation of capital, rather than free and critical thought, is increasingly becoming the purpose of higher education. Deans see themselves as micro-CEOs, while provosts and chancellors view the university as a money-making venture. We instructors are the face of the university and provide the classroom education that students pay for, yet revenue we bring in doesn’t pay for our security. Instead, we are told that admission to a doctoral program is a gift, that our employers are benevolent, and that quiet gratitude is the only appropriate response to our conditions. They pretend this is enough to ignore watching us sink below a living wage, struggle with mental health with little support, and work ourselves to exhaustion."
Theory & Event, 2018
Abstract:The use of armed drones in post-9/11 US military conflicts has increasingly been the sub... more Abstract:The use of armed drones in post-9/11 US military conflicts has increasingly been the subject of academic writings; few, however, examine its collateral effects from a biopolitically-framed, phenomenological lens. This article examines how the indeterminate field of threat produced and sustained by the preventive military paradigm of drone warfare transforms potential threats into determinate targets of military violence. The spatial disruption experienced by inhabitants of the "space of death" generated by the "drone zone" thus transforms their existential comportment of living under drones into that of 'walking corpses' whose relationships to space expose the devastating phenomenological consequences of drone warfare.
Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new... more Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new lens through which to consider Hegel’s infamous ‘rabble problem.’ By rethinking the conflict between the rabble and the State as a conflict between intersubjective and institutional recognition—generating a failure of reciprocal recognition—I suggest that there is embedded in Hegel’s right of necessity a right of resistance that the rabble may justifiably claim in their struggle for recognition. The existence of the rabble, I ultimately suggest, is therefore not an inevitable consequence of the State, but an indication that the State has itself failed to concretize the universal consciousness of Spirit.
Contemporary Political Theory, 2021
Karl Marx’s notion of human nature has significant bearing on such political developments as the ... more Karl Marx’s notion of human nature has significant bearing on such political developments as the establishment of juridical rights of man, political emancipation, and the necessary overthrow of what I will call the “jurid ical” man in the Marxian revolution. Marx’s analysis of human nature (heavily inspired by Aristotle) synchronizes, in many ways, with the juridical notion of human rights that advanced in tandem with the bourgeois capitalist system, the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen . This paper examines Marxian human nature – never fully cleaved from the politico economic – with in Marx’s theories of polit ical and human emancipation, and demonstrates why, for Marx, the fo rmer is insufficient for the latter. In doing so, I will analyze not only the moment but also the form that revolution must take for Marx, which may subsequently allow for more theoretical and crit ical analyses of contemporary revolutionary movements , particularly in the Middle East....
Introduction to the International Human Rights Regime, 2003
As defined by the World Bank NGOs refers to not-for-profit organizations that pursue activities t... more As defined by the World Bank NGOs refers to not-for-profit organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or undertake community development. These organisations are not a part of the governement, have a legal status and they are registered the specific Act under which they have to be registered. The term NGO in India denotes wide spectrum of organisations which may be nongovernmental, quasi or semi governmental, voluntary or non-voluntary etc. In India, based on the law under which they operate and the kind of activities they take up, civil society groups can be classified into following broad categories:
Labyrinth, 2017
In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often underg... more In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philosophical analyses of "democracy" both at home and abroad. This is nowhere better articulated than in Jacques Derrida's Rogues, in which he describes Islam as the only religious or theocratic culture that would "inspire and declare any resistance to democracy" (Derrida 2005, 29). Curiously, Derrida attributes the failings of democracy in Islam to the lack of reference to Aristotle's Politics in the writings of the medieval Muslim philosophers. This paper aims to analyze this gross misconception of Islamic philosophy and illuminate the thoroughgoing influence the Muslim philosophers had on their Christian successors, those who are so often credited as foundations of Western political philosophy. In so doing, I compare the ideal states presented by Averroes and Dante – in which Aristotelian influence is intimately interlaced – and offer an analysis ther...
Puncta, 2019
This article examines the lasting phenomenological consequences of inhabiting “spaces” of excepti... more This article examines the lasting phenomenological consequences of inhabiting “spaces” of exception by rethinking the operation of sovereign violence therein. Taking as its point of departure Giorgio Agamben’s suggestion that the ‘state of exception’ is the ‘rule’ of modern politics, I argue that arbitrary sovereign violence has taken the place of the ‘sovereign decision’ of Carl Schmitt’s original theory. However, recognizing that it is neither enough simply to articulate the institutional grid of intelligibility of the state of exception nor expose the logics of sovereignty that make possible arbitrary violence, it draws on phenomenology, affect theory, and trauma studies to reorient our focus from the sovereign to the subject upon whom sovereign power is executed. Ultimately it proposes a new understanding of modern subjecthood as one of existential insecurity generated by the ‘new age of anxiety’ permeating social and political life today.
Philosophy Today
Drawing from the works of Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida, th... more Drawing from the works of Carl Schmitt, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida, this article offers a theory of political theology for the contemporary Western liberal nation-state. Taking as its starting point the death penalty, it presents a triune theory of governance—what I call Trinitarian Governmentality—which exposes the thanatopolitical dimension fundamental to the very articulation of sovereign power and, as such, the theologico-political. It is thus only by conceptualizing sovereignty as Trinitarian Governmentality—composed of biopower/oikonomia, disciplinary power/theologia, and pastoral power/eschatologia—that we can begin to address Derrida’s central question: how might we theorize a properly philosophical abolitionism for the present?