Eyal Zisser | Tel Aviv University (original) (raw)
Books by Eyal Zisser
Israel's relations with the Arab world underwent dramatic changes during its seventy-five years o... more Israel's relations with the Arab world underwent dramatic changes during its seventy-five years of existence-from hostility and enmity to peacemaking and reconciliation. This development is the result of the strengthening of Israel's regional and international position on the one hand, and the weakening of the Arab world and the Arab states' withdrawal into themselves in the face of the socioeconomic problems confronting them, on the other. And while the regional fear of Iran's hegemonic drive has played an important role in the evolution of Israeli-Arab cooperation, the potential for consolidation of the nascent relationship goes well beyond the Iranian threat as both sides share weighty political, security and economic interests such as fighting radical Islam, promoting regional stability and security, and ensuring economic prosperity. Yet while the Palestinian issue didn't prevent the consolidation of Arab-Israeli relations, it remains the lowest common denominator for Arab public opinion in its search for identity and meaning. As such, it will continue to threaten regional stability and the building of Israel's relations with its Arab partners.
Strategic Assessment , 2022
The war in Syria is over, and Bashar al-Assad has weathered the tumult. However, the regime is we... more The war in Syria is over, and Bashar al-Assad has weathered the tumult. However, the regime is weakened, stripped of power and resources, and hard-pressed to impose its authority in the state. Moreover, Russia and Iran continue to maintain their presence and influence in the country. Yet notwithstanding the regime's weakness, there is no evident alternative. All the respective domestic, regional, and international actors understand this, and are ready to renew the dialogue with the regime, recognize it, and thereby grant it legitimacy. Syria will not readily recover its prewar status, but Bashar has survived the war and is laboring to regain control in the country. In that case, sooner or later, Israel, like the other regional actors, will have to factor him in when formulating policy and planning activity in the Syrian space.
Middle Eastern Studies, 2022
After all, the ruler and the dynasty and the Syrian state's institutions have won the battle, but... more After all, the ruler and the dynasty and the Syrian state's institutions have won the battle, but it is doubtful whether this is the victory of a 'Syrian identity' that the Syrian regime has sought to promote in recent decades. It seems, therefore, that the built-in tension between the components of the Syrian state identity remains the same and so do the doubts regarding the degree of identification and commitment of the Syrians to their country. Thus, the question of identity, which has been a key question throughout Syrian history, remains a relevant question for the future of the Syrian state. The civil war that broke out in Syria in the spring of 2011 witnessed ups and downs and sharp turnarounds, some entirely unforeseen. After nearly a decade of bloody fighting, the war was finally nearly over. While the restoration of stability and peacemaking in the country remain remote, if at all viable objectives, the fighting on the battlefield has been decided and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has ended with the upper hand. As early as the summer of 2017, in anticipation of the approaching victory, Bashar al-Assad boasted that despite the terrible price the Syrian state had paid during the war, it had come out victorious after all: Syria, throughout its history, has been a target for outside foreign powers. For it is known that whoever controls Syria holds in his hand the key to making decisions all over the Middle East, and also gains a position of influence in the whole international arena…. We have lost the best of our sons in this war. The state's economic infrastructure has been almost entirely destroyed. We have spent much money, and the war has cost us blood and sweat. All this is true, but in return we have earned a healthier and more harmonious society in the true, rooted sense of the term harmony. This harmony is the foundation of our national unity, a harmony of opinion and thought, of customs and concepts, and even of our various identities, all of which integrate into one identity, whose color is the national color of one national identity and one homeland. There are those who question this national identity, and there are also those who raise the sectarian question…. If our hearts were tainted with sectarianism, then Syria would have fallen and the civil war the foreign media speaks about would have been an existing fact…. However, Syrian society is not sectarian, for if it were, then Syria would not have survived. 1 Bashar repeated these assertions in March 2018 during a tour he conducted in the rural area east of Damascus (al-ghuta al-sharqiyya), where his forces conducted the final battles against the rebels, taking the lives of thousands of civilians, many of them by the use of chemical weapons in the town of Duma, causing the flight of tens of thousands of others. Bashar praised his soldiers and said that, 'The main card we hold is the support of the Syrian people, for without such support our actions would lack legitimacy. Our enemies always claimed that they enjoyed the support of the people… but we see now how the people are returning to the
Strategic Assessment, 2021
Russia's military involvement in Syria from September 2015 led to the collapse of the rebels oppo... more Russia's military involvement in Syria from September 2015 led to the collapse of the rebels opposing the regime and secured the continued rule of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. In the short term this reinforced Russia's regional and international standing, and encouraged Moscow's hopes of economic and political fruits. Yet over time, Moscow saw it was unable to restore security and stability to Syria and advance the country's reconstruction, and finds itself sinking in the mire of local enmities within Syria, as well as the mire of regional enmities. These entanglements have become a Russian problem, and Moscow finds itself with no readily available solution. In addition, Russia's hopes of leveraging its Syrian achievements against the United States in order to promote Russian interests elsewhere in the world have been dashed. Consequently, involvement in Syria, which at first looked like a knockout against rivals and enemies, has become a source of strategic discomfort for Russia. Significant resources, time, and effort must clearly precede any enjoyment by Russia of the fruits of military achievements in Syria.
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
The Syrian civil war that has been raging since March 2011 appears to be coming to an end, with t... more The Syrian civil war that has been raging since March 2011 appears to be coming to an end, with the Syrian president, Bashar al-Asad, and his allies emerging victorious. The war began with a peaceful and nonviolent protest by peasants and residents of the country’s rural and peripheral regions, members of the Sunni community. In just a few weeks the protest turned into a popular uprising, then into a revolution and a bloody civil war between different ethnic and religious communities. The ferocious fighting has left behind nearly half a million dead, over two million injured, and several million homeless and displaced persons. The economic price of the fighting has also been extremely high. About three-quarters of Syria's economic infrastructure has been destroyed, so that it will take many years and 200-250 billions of dollars to reconstruct the country.
No less significant than these grim figures is the data indicating that between 5 to 8 million Syrians fled or were expelled abroad, that is, between 1/4 to 1/3 of Syria’s pre-war population. It goes without saying that most, if not all, the Syrian refugees belonged either to the economic and social peripheries of Syrian society (mainly from the rural areas in Northern and Southern Syria or to the members of the economic elite or of the Christian minority. Thus, it will take considerable effort to get them to return to Syria or, alternatively, to absorb and integrate them into the countries where they have found refuge. At the same time, now that the fighting is about to end with the regime’s victory, there is nothing surprising about the fact that it shows no willingness to reabsorb the refugees back into their homes in Syria. After all, it was the regime that created the massive flight of Syrian citizens abroad by means of the systematic and unrestrained policies of ethnic or communal cleansing it initiated. This means that many of the refugees will never return to their homeland. If they are not allowed to settle in the places where they find themselves, then they will have to continue seeking a safe haven elsewhere for themselves and their families
Athens Journal of Mediterranean Studies, 2019
During the seventy years of its existence, Israel"s relations with the Arab world have experience... more During the seventy years of its existence, Israel"s relations with the Arab world have experienced a radical turnabout. What began as deadly hostility to the existence of the Jewish state passed over into resignation and a willingness to coexist, even if this was the result of having no choice. Recently, a new stage evolved, with some Arab states willing to develop ties of cooperation that point in the direction of a strategic security alliance. In the 1950s, Israel"s partners to the "Alliance of the Periphery," were the non-Arab states on the periphery of the Middle East, which had to confront the rising Arab nationalism of the time and its undisputed leader, Gamal Abd el-Nasser. Sixty years later, the periphery states, or at least Iran, and to some extent, Turkey, have become influential players in the regional arena, in such a way as to represent a challenge to Israel and many of its neighboring Arab states. Israel came into existence finding itself in a prolonged and apparently insoluble conflict with the Arab states, but now, some of the latter have become Israel"s partners in face of the Iranian threat and the Turkish challenge. The present "alliance" reflects the changing face of the Middle East and the deep processes it is undergoing. At the head of these is the decline of Arabism and the decline of the Arab world, while on the other side, Iran and Turkey, and Israel too, are rising in influence and power. Indeed, it is these three countries that today dictate the path the Middle East will take.
Strategic Assessment,, 2019
The coming end to the civil war in Syria and the victory for Bashar al-Assad raises the question ... more The coming end to the civil war in Syria and the victory for Bashar al-Assad raises the question of which Syrian president Israel will now face. The likely answer is that it will be the "old, familiar" Bashar, a ruler who sticks to the status quo, to what is tried and true, including-and perhaps especially-with respect to his approach toward Israel. This seemingly returns Israel to the point it was at with respect to Bashar before the outbreak of the war in Syria in the spring of 2011. Israel remains positioned against a defiant ruler who alongside his continued dependence on Russia, his most important patron and ally, works to strengthen relations with Iran and with Hezbollah, but who also exercises restraint and maintains quiet along the border and is even willing to engage in peace negotiations with Israel.
Papers by Eyal Zisser
Bustan: The Middle East Book Review
The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies, 2020
There are clearly identifiable patterns in the way in which insurgents operate in certain geograp... more There are clearly identifiable patterns in the way in which insurgents operate in certain geographic areas and cultures, and in which states deal with them. These have been stressed by writing about national "ways of war", strategic culture, or national styles. Nevertheless, there have been important ruptures and changes in some of these, so that for Britain, for example, three successive phases corresponding to patterns can be identified. For France, two pronounced rivaling traditions coincided over two centuries. Algerians by contrast changed fundamentally in their fighting style with the different political ideologies they were following. Palestinian insurgency against Israel is also marked by change in approach. Russia and China possibly show the longest continuity in their handling of insurgencies.
Choice Reviews Online, 2015
She is writing a thesis on the influence of information and communications technologies in confli... more She is writing a thesis on the influence of information and communications technologies in conflict and serves as an editor of the International Affairs Review web journal. Lebanon, a small state of roughly six million people, fascinates as often as it perplexes. The country's cultural and religious diversity (which includes Shiites, Sunnis, Christians, and Druze among a total of 18 religions), combined with its unique political structure and resultant violence, has attracted the attention of international affairs novices and experts. Geographically situated between the opposing states of Israel and Syria, and influenced by Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Lebanon and its politics require no small effort to comprehend. But if you know even a little about Lebanon, you probably know something about Hizbullah. Considered a political party by Lebanon and the broader Middle East, and a terrorist group by the West and Israel, Hizbullah (also known as "The Party of God") makes headlines worldwide and has been studied thoroughly by scholars of many traditions. The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication, written by Lina Khatib, Dina Matar and Atef Alshaer, examines the evolution of this contentious political actor through a political communications perspective, chronicling shifts in Hizbullah's communications strategy since its inception in 1982.
Middle East Contemporary Survey Volume XVI 1992, 2021
Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies
Routledge Handbook on Contemporary Israel, 2022
Israel's relations with the Arab world underwent dramatic changes during its seventy-five years o... more Israel's relations with the Arab world underwent dramatic changes during its seventy-five years of existence-from hostility and enmity to peacemaking and reconciliation. This development is the result of the strengthening of Israel's regional and international position on the one hand, and the weakening of the Arab world and the Arab states' withdrawal into themselves in the face of the socioeconomic problems confronting them, on the other. And while the regional fear of Iran's hegemonic drive has played an important role in the evolution of Israeli-Arab cooperation, the potential for consolidation of the nascent relationship goes well beyond the Iranian threat as both sides share weighty political, security and economic interests such as fighting radical Islam, promoting regional stability and security, and ensuring economic prosperity. Yet while the Palestinian issue didn't prevent the consolidation of Arab-Israeli relations, it remains the lowest common denominator for Arab public opinion in its search for identity and meaning. As such, it will continue to threaten regional stability and the building of Israel's relations with its Arab partners.
Strategic Assessment , 2022
The war in Syria is over, and Bashar al-Assad has weathered the tumult. However, the regime is we... more The war in Syria is over, and Bashar al-Assad has weathered the tumult. However, the regime is weakened, stripped of power and resources, and hard-pressed to impose its authority in the state. Moreover, Russia and Iran continue to maintain their presence and influence in the country. Yet notwithstanding the regime's weakness, there is no evident alternative. All the respective domestic, regional, and international actors understand this, and are ready to renew the dialogue with the regime, recognize it, and thereby grant it legitimacy. Syria will not readily recover its prewar status, but Bashar has survived the war and is laboring to regain control in the country. In that case, sooner or later, Israel, like the other regional actors, will have to factor him in when formulating policy and planning activity in the Syrian space.
Middle Eastern Studies, 2022
After all, the ruler and the dynasty and the Syrian state's institutions have won the battle, but... more After all, the ruler and the dynasty and the Syrian state's institutions have won the battle, but it is doubtful whether this is the victory of a 'Syrian identity' that the Syrian regime has sought to promote in recent decades. It seems, therefore, that the built-in tension between the components of the Syrian state identity remains the same and so do the doubts regarding the degree of identification and commitment of the Syrians to their country. Thus, the question of identity, which has been a key question throughout Syrian history, remains a relevant question for the future of the Syrian state. The civil war that broke out in Syria in the spring of 2011 witnessed ups and downs and sharp turnarounds, some entirely unforeseen. After nearly a decade of bloody fighting, the war was finally nearly over. While the restoration of stability and peacemaking in the country remain remote, if at all viable objectives, the fighting on the battlefield has been decided and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has ended with the upper hand. As early as the summer of 2017, in anticipation of the approaching victory, Bashar al-Assad boasted that despite the terrible price the Syrian state had paid during the war, it had come out victorious after all: Syria, throughout its history, has been a target for outside foreign powers. For it is known that whoever controls Syria holds in his hand the key to making decisions all over the Middle East, and also gains a position of influence in the whole international arena…. We have lost the best of our sons in this war. The state's economic infrastructure has been almost entirely destroyed. We have spent much money, and the war has cost us blood and sweat. All this is true, but in return we have earned a healthier and more harmonious society in the true, rooted sense of the term harmony. This harmony is the foundation of our national unity, a harmony of opinion and thought, of customs and concepts, and even of our various identities, all of which integrate into one identity, whose color is the national color of one national identity and one homeland. There are those who question this national identity, and there are also those who raise the sectarian question…. If our hearts were tainted with sectarianism, then Syria would have fallen and the civil war the foreign media speaks about would have been an existing fact…. However, Syrian society is not sectarian, for if it were, then Syria would not have survived. 1 Bashar repeated these assertions in March 2018 during a tour he conducted in the rural area east of Damascus (al-ghuta al-sharqiyya), where his forces conducted the final battles against the rebels, taking the lives of thousands of civilians, many of them by the use of chemical weapons in the town of Duma, causing the flight of tens of thousands of others. Bashar praised his soldiers and said that, 'The main card we hold is the support of the Syrian people, for without such support our actions would lack legitimacy. Our enemies always claimed that they enjoyed the support of the people… but we see now how the people are returning to the
Strategic Assessment, 2021
Russia's military involvement in Syria from September 2015 led to the collapse of the rebels oppo... more Russia's military involvement in Syria from September 2015 led to the collapse of the rebels opposing the regime and secured the continued rule of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. In the short term this reinforced Russia's regional and international standing, and encouraged Moscow's hopes of economic and political fruits. Yet over time, Moscow saw it was unable to restore security and stability to Syria and advance the country's reconstruction, and finds itself sinking in the mire of local enmities within Syria, as well as the mire of regional enmities. These entanglements have become a Russian problem, and Moscow finds itself with no readily available solution. In addition, Russia's hopes of leveraging its Syrian achievements against the United States in order to promote Russian interests elsewhere in the world have been dashed. Consequently, involvement in Syria, which at first looked like a knockout against rivals and enemies, has become a source of strategic discomfort for Russia. Significant resources, time, and effort must clearly precede any enjoyment by Russia of the fruits of military achievements in Syria.
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
The Syrian civil war that has been raging since March 2011 appears to be coming to an end, with t... more The Syrian civil war that has been raging since March 2011 appears to be coming to an end, with the Syrian president, Bashar al-Asad, and his allies emerging victorious. The war began with a peaceful and nonviolent protest by peasants and residents of the country’s rural and peripheral regions, members of the Sunni community. In just a few weeks the protest turned into a popular uprising, then into a revolution and a bloody civil war between different ethnic and religious communities. The ferocious fighting has left behind nearly half a million dead, over two million injured, and several million homeless and displaced persons. The economic price of the fighting has also been extremely high. About three-quarters of Syria's economic infrastructure has been destroyed, so that it will take many years and 200-250 billions of dollars to reconstruct the country.
No less significant than these grim figures is the data indicating that between 5 to 8 million Syrians fled or were expelled abroad, that is, between 1/4 to 1/3 of Syria’s pre-war population. It goes without saying that most, if not all, the Syrian refugees belonged either to the economic and social peripheries of Syrian society (mainly from the rural areas in Northern and Southern Syria or to the members of the economic elite or of the Christian minority. Thus, it will take considerable effort to get them to return to Syria or, alternatively, to absorb and integrate them into the countries where they have found refuge. At the same time, now that the fighting is about to end with the regime’s victory, there is nothing surprising about the fact that it shows no willingness to reabsorb the refugees back into their homes in Syria. After all, it was the regime that created the massive flight of Syrian citizens abroad by means of the systematic and unrestrained policies of ethnic or communal cleansing it initiated. This means that many of the refugees will never return to their homeland. If they are not allowed to settle in the places where they find themselves, then they will have to continue seeking a safe haven elsewhere for themselves and their families
Athens Journal of Mediterranean Studies, 2019
During the seventy years of its existence, Israel"s relations with the Arab world have experience... more During the seventy years of its existence, Israel"s relations with the Arab world have experienced a radical turnabout. What began as deadly hostility to the existence of the Jewish state passed over into resignation and a willingness to coexist, even if this was the result of having no choice. Recently, a new stage evolved, with some Arab states willing to develop ties of cooperation that point in the direction of a strategic security alliance. In the 1950s, Israel"s partners to the "Alliance of the Periphery," were the non-Arab states on the periphery of the Middle East, which had to confront the rising Arab nationalism of the time and its undisputed leader, Gamal Abd el-Nasser. Sixty years later, the periphery states, or at least Iran, and to some extent, Turkey, have become influential players in the regional arena, in such a way as to represent a challenge to Israel and many of its neighboring Arab states. Israel came into existence finding itself in a prolonged and apparently insoluble conflict with the Arab states, but now, some of the latter have become Israel"s partners in face of the Iranian threat and the Turkish challenge. The present "alliance" reflects the changing face of the Middle East and the deep processes it is undergoing. At the head of these is the decline of Arabism and the decline of the Arab world, while on the other side, Iran and Turkey, and Israel too, are rising in influence and power. Indeed, it is these three countries that today dictate the path the Middle East will take.
Strategic Assessment,, 2019
The coming end to the civil war in Syria and the victory for Bashar al-Assad raises the question ... more The coming end to the civil war in Syria and the victory for Bashar al-Assad raises the question of which Syrian president Israel will now face. The likely answer is that it will be the "old, familiar" Bashar, a ruler who sticks to the status quo, to what is tried and true, including-and perhaps especially-with respect to his approach toward Israel. This seemingly returns Israel to the point it was at with respect to Bashar before the outbreak of the war in Syria in the spring of 2011. Israel remains positioned against a defiant ruler who alongside his continued dependence on Russia, his most important patron and ally, works to strengthen relations with Iran and with Hezbollah, but who also exercises restraint and maintains quiet along the border and is even willing to engage in peace negotiations with Israel.
Bustan: The Middle East Book Review
The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies, 2020
There are clearly identifiable patterns in the way in which insurgents operate in certain geograp... more There are clearly identifiable patterns in the way in which insurgents operate in certain geographic areas and cultures, and in which states deal with them. These have been stressed by writing about national "ways of war", strategic culture, or national styles. Nevertheless, there have been important ruptures and changes in some of these, so that for Britain, for example, three successive phases corresponding to patterns can be identified. For France, two pronounced rivaling traditions coincided over two centuries. Algerians by contrast changed fundamentally in their fighting style with the different political ideologies they were following. Palestinian insurgency against Israel is also marked by change in approach. Russia and China possibly show the longest continuity in their handling of insurgencies.
Choice Reviews Online, 2015
She is writing a thesis on the influence of information and communications technologies in confli... more She is writing a thesis on the influence of information and communications technologies in conflict and serves as an editor of the International Affairs Review web journal. Lebanon, a small state of roughly six million people, fascinates as often as it perplexes. The country's cultural and religious diversity (which includes Shiites, Sunnis, Christians, and Druze among a total of 18 religions), combined with its unique political structure and resultant violence, has attracted the attention of international affairs novices and experts. Geographically situated between the opposing states of Israel and Syria, and influenced by Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Lebanon and its politics require no small effort to comprehend. But if you know even a little about Lebanon, you probably know something about Hizbullah. Considered a political party by Lebanon and the broader Middle East, and a terrorist group by the West and Israel, Hizbullah (also known as "The Party of God") makes headlines worldwide and has been studied thoroughly by scholars of many traditions. The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication, written by Lina Khatib, Dina Matar and Atef Alshaer, examines the evolution of this contentious political actor through a political communications perspective, chronicling shifts in Hizbullah's communications strategy since its inception in 1982.
Middle East Contemporary Survey Volume XVI 1992, 2021
Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies
Routledge Handbook on Contemporary Israel, 2022
Middle Eastern Studies
After all, the ruler and the dynasty and the Syrian state’s institutions have won the battle, but... more After all, the ruler and the dynasty and the Syrian state’s institutions have won the battle, but it is doubtful whether this is the victory of a ‘Syrian identity’ that the Syrian regime has sought to promote in recent decades. It seems, therefore, that the built-in tension between the components of the Syrian state identity remains the same and so do the doubts regarding the degree of identification and commitment of the Syrians to their country. Thus, the question of identity, which has been a key question throughout Syrian history, remains a relevant question for the future of the Syrian state. The civil war that broke out in Syria in the spring of 2011 witnessed ups and downs and sharp turnarounds, some entirely unforeseen. After nearly a decade of bloody fighting, the war was finally nearly over. While the restoration of stability and peacemaking in the country remain remote, if at all viable objectives, the fighting on the battlefield has been decided and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has ended with the upper hand. As early as the summer of 2017, in anticipation of the approaching victory, Bashar al-Assad boasted that despite the terrible price the Syrian state had paid during the war, it had come out victorious after all:
The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies, 2017
Throughout Lebanese history women have managed to reach the top of the political pyramid and fill... more Throughout Lebanese history women have managed to reach the top of the political pyramid and fill leadership positions to a degree that does not exist in other Arab countries. While the phenomenon is most widespread in the Maronite Christian community, in the Druze, Shiite and Sunni communities it manifests itself mainly as women filling in for men or being the power behind the scenes. The political presence described above, however, does not represent a major breakthrough or the abandonment of the rather narrow framework that is generally available for women. In almost every case women who achieve political prominence are, at present or have been in the past, filling some position temporarily for their husbands or some other close relative, until the next male generation of the family can take over. This phenomenon is made possible mainly by the fragmented and family oriented character of Lebanese politics. The article examines the phenomenon of women leaders in Lebanon, through analyzing the case studies of such women after which it will discuss the importance and significance of this phenomenon.
Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism, 2014
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
ABSTRACT The war in Syria led to one of the worst refugee crises experienced by the Middle East i... more ABSTRACT The war in Syria led to one of the worst refugee crises experienced by the Middle East in recent decades. Its scope is unprecedented and has far-reaching implications not only for Syria or what remains of it, but for the receiving countries as well. In some cases, such as Lebanon or Jordan, the mass of newcomers may have an unsettling and disruptive effect on the demography of their host country. Syrian Refugees who found shelter in neighbouring countries may be able to return home or, alternatively, they may be able to be absorbed relatively easily in their current places of residence. With regard to the refugees in Europe, it is doubtful that they will ever return to their homeland, and, in any case, the Syrian regime is not at all interested in their return. Thus, for many more years even after the war in Syria ends, the problem of the refugees will undoubtedly remain complex, unresolved and an enduring burden on the host countries. Abbreviation: EU: European Union; ISIS: the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria; PPS: the Syrian National Party; SNC: Syrian National Council; UN: United Nations; UNCHR: the UN High commisioner for Refugees
Bustan: The Middle East Book Review, 2010
Israel's involvement in Lebanon the 1980's and 1990's has not been the subject of ext... more Israel's involvement in Lebanon the 1980's and 1990's has not been the subject of extensive scrutiny in Israel. Israel's film industry has addressed it through a narrow prism, while Israeli scholarship and media devoted scant attention to the topic-all reflecting the problematic nature of the country's involvement in Lebanon in the eyes of many Israelis. Much of the public preferred to repress and forget the entire saga. ese efforts were shattered by the outbreak of the Second Lebanon War in 2006 compounded by the sense that Israel's performance during the war was unsatisfactory. In the war's aftermath, numerous publications focusing on the2006; war have appeared. Although these are mostly comprehensive journalistic reports rather than scholarly studies, they play an important role in shaping public consciousness and historic memory. is article focuses on several of these publications, and their impact on Israeli views of the war.
Late 19th Century until the 1960s, 2008
The events of recent years in Syria indicate, it would seem, the need to reexamine a number of co... more The events of recent years in Syria indicate, it would seem, the need to reexamine a number of conventional assumptions about the intellectual history of this state. There are many starting points from which one could begin such a reexamination. One of them is the constitutional experiment experienced by Syria soon after its establishment, when this state was granted a constitution. This constitution contributed a great deal to the formation of the political systems and political life in Syria for many years, and it gave expression to liberal attitudes, echoes of which could be heard in Syria in recent years. The writing of constitutions in Syria at the end of the 1920s had less of an impact than might have been expected on the path this state took from then onwards. The constitution was suspended for long periods of time just at formative periods in the constitutional life of Syria.Keywords: constitutional life; political life; Syria
Eyal Zisser's review essay of "Language, Memory, and Identity in the Middle East: The Case for Le... more Eyal Zisser's review essay of "Language, Memory, and Identity in the Middle East: The Case for Lebanon" and "Religion, National Identity, and Confessional Politics in Lebanon: The Challenge of Islamism."