Emanuele Profumi | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (original) (raw)
Videos by Emanuele Profumi
Una retrospettiva delle caratteristiche politiche più rilevanti dei più importanti movimenti per ... more Una retrospettiva delle caratteristiche politiche più rilevanti dei più importanti movimenti per la pace contemporanei, e l'interrogativo principale sull'attuale "guerra in Ucraina".
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Papers by Emanuele Profumi
Los tres presupuestos de la creación política The three presuppositions of political creation , 2024
Los tres presupuestos de la creación política The three presuppositions of political creation Les... more Los tres presupuestos de la creación política The three presuppositions of political creation Les tres premisses de la creació política EMANUELE PROFUMI * Resumen: En una condición postdemocrática en la que la política como proceso de emancipación social de la dominación y de la violencia prácticamente ha desaparecido, es crucial identificar a los supuestos de la creación política. Este tipo de creación, de hecho, es la única forma para recuperar la capacidad de renovar la emancipación humana y la sociedad democrática, especialmente frente a una nueva forma de totalitarismo, lo que está llevado, sobretodo, por la tendencia interna a la economía capitalista. Los tres presupuestos de la creación política, no por casualidad, surgen de las lúcidas reflexiones de tres de los más importantes pensadores antitotalitarios del siglo pasado (Castoriadis, Arendt, Capitini). Tras esclarecer el problema de la tendencia totalitaria de la sociedad capitalista actual, este ensayo evidencia las coordenadas de estos tres presupuestos y porque son fundamentales para cualquier movimiento revolucionario de tipo democrático, así como los retos que este movimiento tiene por delante, suponiendo que va a renacer, tarde o temprano. Para que se pueda reconocer en sus propias formas de reflexión y transformación social, cada vez peculiar, en el marco aclarado por estos presupuestos.
Politica & Società (ISSN 2240-7901) Fascicolo 2, maggio-agosto 2022, 2022
This article aims to reflect on the philosophical idea of Political Imaginary. Following Castoria... more This article aims to reflect on the philosophical idea of Political Imaginary. Following Castoriadis philosophical reflection on Social Imaginary, it is plausible to say that the Political imaginary is a privileged sphere of it, since it has to do with the self-representation of society and its conception of power, on the one hand, and with the central significations and institutions that each society erects as a centre of orientation
thanks to its vision of temporality. In order to grasp what the Political Imaginary is, we must abandon the Castoriadsian idea that there is a “social phantom” composed of central social imaginary significations without a referent in society or in the world.
Analysing the symbolic network that refers to the collective self-representation of society, therefore, seems to be the main possibility for identifying the moment and the institutions that create the core of beliefs about society and power that hold together the normative fabric underlying social relations. It is the central institutions that convey the central imaginary of a society and show us where the Imaginary Node
is generated. Which means that, to find it, one must identify the symbolism of the central institutions. In fact, the central social imaginary significations are concentrated in the Imaginary Node, which we can assume to be the root of the fundamental link between the instituting imaginary and the Political Imaginary
International Journal of Social Imaginaries, 2022
Cornelius Castoriadis’ entire work is shot through with reflections on the political imaginary, b... more Cornelius Castoriadis’ entire work is shot through with reflections on the political imaginary, but it is rarely named explicitly and is not considered as a central, stand-alone, privileged idea within the social imaginary. This is why it is important to develop this idea in the domain of philosophy of politics. Moreover, for each contemporary democratic movement it is crucial to understand what “Political Imaginary” exactly is, to develop an effective change in politics in itself, as some Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Chile) show us. In these countries, there are contemporary socio-historical examples of what is an effective transformation in the political imaginary domain. They allow us to enrich the meta-theoretical reflection through the historical identification of the political imaginary carried out by peculiar instituting movements that generated important transformations in the social self-representation and in the practice of collective power in the countri...
Calamo, Revista de estudios juridicos, 2016
El problema de las actuales teorías sobre la migración forzada es que, en general, está considera... more El problema de las actuales teorías sobre la migración forzada es que, en general, está considerada bajo la misma perspectiva de protección que se aplica a los refugiados, o sea la del derecho humanitario y del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. El caso de los desplazados internos nos obliga a cambiar de perspectiva y a considerar la guerra como la categoría principal gracias a la cual tratar el problema. Desde una perspectiva filosófico política, entonces, la cuestión de los migrantes internos nos impone de considerar la relación entre guerra y política como central para resolver el problema. La creación de lo que consideramos “común” y la distinción entre “lo político” y “la política” son herramientas conceptuales indispensables para avanzar en la reflexión sobre el tema.
Micromega, 2020
Cio cui abbiamo assistito in Cile negli scorsi mesi e probabilmente qualcosa di unico. A mobilita... more Cio cui abbiamo assistito in Cile negli scorsi mesi e probabilmente qualcosa di unico. A mobilitarsi contro il modello neoliberista sono stati infatti quasi tutti i settori della societa, non solo gli studenti o le giovani generazioni: i sindacati di tutte le categorie, il movimento femminista, le moltissime associazioni civiche e territoriali cresciute negli ultimi decenni un po’ ovunque, il mondo della cultura, della scuola e delle universita nel suo complesso, i popoli indigeni (primi fra tutti i mapuche), le organizzazioni contadine e quelle ecologiste, i disoccupati e i precari, le associazioni delle vittime della dittatura e molti altri gruppi di cittadinanza attiva. Un movimento plurale a cui non interessa prendere il potere, ma modificare radicalmente il sistema.
Im@go. A Journal of the Social Imaginary, 2020
When the Emperor is naked: Castoriadis and the capitalist imaginary. In his original elaboration... more When the Emperor is naked: Castoriadis and the capitalist imaginary. In his original elaboration of a “Philosophy of human creation”, the concept of “Social Imaginary” assumes a decisive theoretical meaning for Cornelius Castoriadis. His critical perspective on the Contemporary society, for this reason, is deeply linked to a specific idea of what he called “Capitalist Imaginary”. In order to understand it, it is necessary to underline what he considers at the same time its most dangerous and disturbing aspect and its most apparently invisible one: its intimate totalitarian tendency.
Prometeica - Revista de Filosofía y Ciencias, 1969
La crítica de la descomposición de la sociedad que sostiene Castoriadis, y más precisamente la id... more La crítica de la descomposición de la sociedad que sostiene Castoriadis, y más precisamente la idea de un declive de la autorrepresentación de la sociedad, o de su dimensión social-histórica, es decir, su consistencia ontológica, debe ser revisada. La insignificancia de la sociedad contemporánea no puede jugar un rol central dentro del análisis crítico si pensamos que esta sociedad es también la expresión de una nueva heteronomía. Con las mismas categorías filosóficas de Castoriadis debemos rechazar la idea de descomposición y elaborar una crítica del presente. Para pensar la actualidad del “proyecto de autonomía”, el particular, es necesario sobre todo concentrarse en la naturaleza de esta nueva forma de dominación. Este trabajo crítico es urgente, si consideramos la actual bifurcación social-histórica de las sociedades occidentales: es necesario comprender la oposición entre democracia y capitalismo a través de la alternativa entre la servil y activa defensa del statu quo y una pr...
Micromega, 2010
Nella "lettera al popolo brasiliano", programma-manifesto scritto prima dell'elezione presidenzia... more Nella "lettera al popolo brasiliano", programma-manifesto scritto prima dell'elezione presidenziale del 2002, Lula invitava tutti al voto per farla finita con la politica e l'economia neoliberale avviata da Fernando Henrique Cardoso ('94-'02). Il progetto era chiaro: il progresso economico e sociale in Brasile doveva ripartire sulla base di un compromesso storico tra le forze del lavoro e quelle del capitale, tra le ragioni della modernizzazione e della giustizia sociale e quelle della stabilità e della crescita economica. Una serie di riforme strutturali (tributaria, agraria, della previdenza e del lavoro) avrebbero dovuto accompagnare il mutamento di rotta, arrivando ad una sicurezza sociale, in politica interna, grazie ad una decisa lotta alla povertà, e, in politica estera, al rispetto degli accordi presi con gli organismi internazionali circa il pagamento del debito estero. Lanciando lo slogan "Um Brasil de todos" Lula anticipava anche il carattere democratico della proposta di governo: un ampio schieramento di forze politiche, da quelle di destra, rappresentate dal Partito Liberale del vicepresidente, al PCdoB (Partito Comunista del Brasile), necessario per sostenere il cambiamento del modello economico-politico sulla base di continue negoziazioni con i rappresentanti della società civile (dagli imprenditori ai movimenti sociali). La vasta coalizione multipartitica ha trovato negli anni il proprio collante nel maggiore partito di sinistra del Paese, il Pt (Partito dos Trabalhadores) e, in seguito, anche nel Pmdb, partito di centro, erede del partito d'opposizione alla dittatura dei militari ('64-'85). L'obiettivo generale, già chiaramente sancito in questa lettera, era quello di fare recuperare al Brasile la sovranità nazionale in politica e in economia. Lo sviluppo dell'enorme mercato interno e la valorizzazione del ruolo dello Stato, a loro volta, erano indicati come gli strumenti principali per raggiungerlo. Ma quanto di quello che era stato annunciato sette anni fa è stato realizzato? Com'è cambiato il Brasile in questo periodo? Con un viaggio che ha toccato tutti i luoghi simbolo del Paese ho cercato risposte a queste importanti domande per carpire la natura del compromesso e poter raccontare come questa società stia vivendo un'impresa politica che non pochi definirebbero paradossale.
Violencia y heteronomía en el populismo de Ernesto Laclau in deSignis, Número 31: Populismo(s), Revista Internacional de la Federación Latinoamericana de Semiótica (FELS). pp.47-55., 2019
Universidad de Rosario (Argentina) Versión electrónica: designisfels.net 47 Violencia y heteronom... more Universidad de Rosario (Argentina) Versión electrónica: designisfels.net 47 Violencia y heteronomía en el populismo de Ernesto Laclau Politics, Violence, Democracy, Political Theory, Social change. Emanuele Profumi (pág 47-pág 55) La ontología política de Ernesto Laclau está profundamente marcada por una lógi-ca violenta. Ella se basa sobre una doble perspectiva que lo lleva a teorizar la primacía de la razón populista sobre el proceso democrático teorizado en los años '80: la estructura del proceso hegemónico y la interpretación holista de la diferencia heideggeriana. Para Laclau el conflicto social instituyente tiene que ser interpretado como negación absoluta de lo que es común (conflicto y creación) y lleva la sociedad a eliminar la alteridad social con un pro-ceso de exclusión antagónica que sigue el imperativo autoritario de restablecer el orden del conjunto social. En este proceso está excluido cualquier papel de la autonomía humana. Política, Violencia, Democracia, Teoría política, Cambio social Ernesto Laclau's political ontology is deeply marked by a violent logic. It is based on a double perspective that leads him to theorize the primacy of the populist reason on the democratic process valorised in the years' 80: the structure of the hegemonic process and the Heideggerian "ontological difference" reinterpreted. The social instituting conflict is for him an absolute denial of what we consider as common (conflict and creation) and leads the hegemonic process to eliminate the social alterity with an antagonistic exclusion that follow the authoritarian imperative of restoring the social order. In this process, it is excluded any role of the human autonomy. Politics, Violence, Democracy, Political Theory, Social change. Emanuele Profumi es investigador post-doc en la Università della Tuscia, Vi-terbo, Italia. Es especialista de filosofía política contemporánea y ha dedicado muchos estudios a la obra del filósofo psicoanalista Cornelius Castoriadis. Entre sus escritos recor-damos: Sulla creazione politica. Critica filosofica e rivoluzione, (Roma 2013) y Los migrantes for-zados y la guerra, cuestiones preliminares desde la filosofía política. Cálamo. Revista de Estudios jurídicos, n°5, pp. 6-17 (Quito 2016).
La politica come rivoluzione antropologica. In trópoj RIVISTA DI ERMENEUTICA E CRITICA FILOSOFICA. Anno XI. N.2. 2018. pp. 11-30., 2018
To analytically refute the thesis of Axel Honneth on the Cornelius Castoriadis' concept of revolu... more To analytically refute the thesis of Axel Honneth on the Cornelius Castoriadis' concept of revolution allows to identify different ideas of revolution that mark his philosophical-political horizon. After the publication of his main book, "The Imaginary Institution of Society" (1975), Castoriadis distinguishes the ideas of Social-historical and human autonomy to prevent building a political ontology. On this basis, he affirms a new idea of revolution at the beginning of the decade of 80: revolution is a general and instituting political practice. At the base of the "Project of Autonomy" there is Politics, understood as a social-historical creation that establishes autonomy on a collective level. Through a precise analysis of his thesis, we can affirm that this idea can be expressed by the concept of "political creation", and we can highlight it is based on the philosophical category of anthropological transformation. Despite its validity, the idea of "political creation" must be rethought. Se ci soffermiamo su alcuni pensatori considerati minori nel secolo scorso, si può concludere che la riflessione sulla rivoluzione non ha smesso di rappresentare l'oggetto di un dibattito prolifico. È il caso di Cornelius Castoriadis, filosofo politico che ha dedicato tutta la sua esistenza, e non solo l'impegno intellettuale, a elaborare a una nuova visione della rivoluzione. L'obiettivo del presente saggio critico è triplice: 1) superare l'interpretazione del concetto castoriadisiano di rivoluzione avanzata da Axel Honneth; 2) ricostruire le diverse idee di rivoluzione che il filosofo greco-francese assume nel tempo; 3) capire in che misura si possa assumere e usare l'idea di rivoluzione dedotta dal "Castoriadis maturo" (la creazione politica), per metterla a disposizione della discussione attuale. Link con la versione definitiva: https://ipk.uni-greifswald.de/storages/uni-greifswald/fakultaet/phil/ipk/Mitarbeiter/PoWi/Lehrstuhl_Politische_Theorie/Tropos_Prime_Bozze_trimcev.pdf
Las tres direcciones de la autonomia: Filosofia y politica en Cornelius Castoriadis. in Derechos, libertades, emancipaciòn, cuadernos para el anàlisis n.29, ed José Manuel Bermudo, Ed Horsori, Barcelona 2010, 2010
A diferencia de cuanto ha sido recientemente sostenido implícita o explícitamente en varios y vál... more A diferencia de cuanto ha sido recientemente sostenido implícita o explícitamente en varios y válidos trabajos introductorios de la obra de Cornelius Castoriadis, el pensamiento y la actividad de este pensador se pueden clarificar procediendo a una tripartición temporal y cualitativa de su actividad filosófica y política. Más allá de la unidad y de la coherencia en la búsqueda de un pensamiento y de una práctica de la autonomía humana que acepte la posibilidad revolucionaria como momento ontológico, el recorrido de Castoriadis está interiormente atravesado y constituido por el paso de una filosofía y de una práctica política ligada al horizonte marxista a una filosofía de la creación, primeramente fundada y después desarrollada, que le permite asumir más o menos claramente una reflexión filosófico-política original. El objetivo de este ensayo es sacar a luz este movimiento hacia la filosofía política evidenciando los momentos principales de la transforma-ción del pensamiento castoriadisiano .
The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth.-nitions and limite... more The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth.-nitions and limited connections to political philosophy and democracy theory. This article offers a critical review of democracy theory within the degrowth literature, taking as its focal point a relevant debate between Serge Latouche and Takis Fotopoulos. We argue that the core of their contention can be traced back to the relationship between the concepts of democracy and autonomy as-erally the degrowth movement consider as one of their theoretical reference points. We show how both Latouche and Fotopoulos hold a misconception of Castoriadis' notions of autonomy, the social imaginary and politics, which in turn limits their cognisance of democracy and hence confuses their debate liberal parliamentary democracy. the interconnected democracy-autonomy assemble, we proceed to an evaluation of the revolutionary potential of the degrowth movement and to a better understanding of a possible relationship between democracy and degrowth. Universidad Autonoma De Barcelona = username 158.109.1.16 = IP address Wed, 13 Mar 2013 18:09:21 = Date & Time VIVIANA ASARA, EMANUELE PROFUMI and GIORGOS KALLIS 218 Environmental Values 22.2
La creación política. Con y más allá de Cornelius Castoriadis, in Isegoria, Revista de Filosofia Moral y Política., 2013
En este articulo es posible comprender el legado, la importancia y los limites, de la reflexión d... more En este articulo es posible comprender el legado, la importancia y los limites, de la reflexión de Cornelius Castoriadis para utilizar la idea de "creación política" y darle la centralidad que merece en el debate filosófico y político sobre la transformación social y la emancipación humana. Es antes que todo a través de sus categorías que podemos entender como repensar a la idea de cambio revolucionario y cual es el papel de la filosofía critica en eso.
Environmental Values, 2013
Environmental Values is an international peer-reviewed journal that brings together contributions... more Environmental Values is an international peer-reviewed journal that brings together contributions from philosophy, economics, politics, sociology, geography, anthropology, ecology and other disciplines, which relate to the present and future environment of human beings and other species. In doing so we aim to clarify the relationship between practical policy issues and more fundamental underlying principles or assumptions.
The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth. But the incipient ... more The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth. But the incipient debate on democracy and degrowth suffers from general definitions
and limited connections to political philosophy and democracy theory. This article offers a critical review of democracy theory within the degrowth literature, taking as its focal point a relevant debate between Serge Latouche
and Takis Fotopoulos. We argue that the core of their contention can be traced back to the relationship between the concepts of democracy and autonomy as defined by philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis, which both authors and generally the degrowth movement consider as one of their theoretical reference points. We show how both Latouche and Fotopoulos hold a misconception of Castoriadis’ notions of autonomy, the social imaginary and politics, which in turn limits their cognisance of democracy and hence confuses their debate concerning the possibilities for a degrowth transition within the confines of a liberal parliamentary democracy. With a clarified theoretical understanding of
the interconnected democracy-autonomy assemble, we proceed to an evaluation of the revolutionary potential of the degrowth movement and to a better understanding of a possible relationship between democracy and degrowth.
Books by Emanuele Profumi
In this book one can find the philosophical justification of the idea of "Politics creation", and... more In this book one can find the philosophical justification of the idea of "Politics creation", and a new perspective on Philosophy of politics which is connected with. Castoriadis above all, but also Ricoeur, Arendt, Zizek, Ranciere, Badiou, and others are part of this reflection on two fundamental preconditions for creating politics until now, and again.
Thesis Chapters by Emanuele Profumi
Collettività e prassi democratica. Castoriadis e Capitini, la rivoluzione della sfera pubblica. in I confini della sfera publica . Orizzonti ed emergenze, ed Rony Medaglia, Editore Liguori, Napoli 2008, pp. 59-78. , 2008
Thanks to Cornelius Castoriadis and Aldo Capitini we can have a new image of "Public space". A re... more Thanks to Cornelius Castoriadis and Aldo Capitini we can have a new image of "Public space". A revolutionary one, which is basical for a new form of Democratic society. In this sense we can use their reflections for rethinking the link beween social power and human emancipation.
In: "I confini della sfera pubblica" Eds. Rony Medaglia, Liguori, Napoli 2008.
Philosophy facing the European Crisis of migrants: when does violence become a juridical rule? in Can a Person be ilegal? Refugees, Migrants and Citizenship in Europe, eds. Alexander Stangnell, Louise Schou Therkildsen, Mats Rosengren, Uppsala Rethorical studies, Uppsala-Sweden, , 2017
Based on the problem of political and humanitarian crisis of Migrants, in this article the proble... more Based on the problem of political and humanitarian crisis of Migrants, in this article the problem is related with war and social violence from a point of view which is marked by the difference between politics and juridical sphere.
This article argues the following points:
- Alain Supiot’s idea is probably a specifc product of a certain conceptual genealogy that goes back to Kant;
- Kant maintains that moral and legal rules can solve the problem of war (and, consequently, of social violence): he does not
distinguish correctly between the political and the juridical sphere,
this one absorbs characteristics of politics and this is the reason why
he afrms the respect of law itself can solve the war problem. - Among Contemporary neo-Kantian philosophers of law, only
Norberto Bobbio tries to reintroduce the distinction and the proper
relationship between the juridical sphere and the political one, but
without proposing a convincing explanation. Norberto Bobbio’s
explanation does not hold if we consider the political side of the
juridical sphere. - Only if we relinquish Kant’s point of view, are we actually able
to make clear that the dilemma we have just expressed is apparent,
finding a new point of view that is capable of answering the deep
philosophical question deriving from the recent European refugee
crisis.
Una retrospettiva delle caratteristiche politiche più rilevanti dei più importanti movimenti per ... more Una retrospettiva delle caratteristiche politiche più rilevanti dei più importanti movimenti per la pace contemporanei, e l'interrogativo principale sull'attuale "guerra in Ucraina".
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Los tres presupuestos de la creación política The three presuppositions of political creation , 2024
Los tres presupuestos de la creación política The three presuppositions of political creation Les... more Los tres presupuestos de la creación política The three presuppositions of political creation Les tres premisses de la creació política EMANUELE PROFUMI * Resumen: En una condición postdemocrática en la que la política como proceso de emancipación social de la dominación y de la violencia prácticamente ha desaparecido, es crucial identificar a los supuestos de la creación política. Este tipo de creación, de hecho, es la única forma para recuperar la capacidad de renovar la emancipación humana y la sociedad democrática, especialmente frente a una nueva forma de totalitarismo, lo que está llevado, sobretodo, por la tendencia interna a la economía capitalista. Los tres presupuestos de la creación política, no por casualidad, surgen de las lúcidas reflexiones de tres de los más importantes pensadores antitotalitarios del siglo pasado (Castoriadis, Arendt, Capitini). Tras esclarecer el problema de la tendencia totalitaria de la sociedad capitalista actual, este ensayo evidencia las coordenadas de estos tres presupuestos y porque son fundamentales para cualquier movimiento revolucionario de tipo democrático, así como los retos que este movimiento tiene por delante, suponiendo que va a renacer, tarde o temprano. Para que se pueda reconocer en sus propias formas de reflexión y transformación social, cada vez peculiar, en el marco aclarado por estos presupuestos.
Politica & Società (ISSN 2240-7901) Fascicolo 2, maggio-agosto 2022, 2022
This article aims to reflect on the philosophical idea of Political Imaginary. Following Castoria... more This article aims to reflect on the philosophical idea of Political Imaginary. Following Castoriadis philosophical reflection on Social Imaginary, it is plausible to say that the Political imaginary is a privileged sphere of it, since it has to do with the self-representation of society and its conception of power, on the one hand, and with the central significations and institutions that each society erects as a centre of orientation
thanks to its vision of temporality. In order to grasp what the Political Imaginary is, we must abandon the Castoriadsian idea that there is a “social phantom” composed of central social imaginary significations without a referent in society or in the world.
Analysing the symbolic network that refers to the collective self-representation of society, therefore, seems to be the main possibility for identifying the moment and the institutions that create the core of beliefs about society and power that hold together the normative fabric underlying social relations. It is the central institutions that convey the central imaginary of a society and show us where the Imaginary Node
is generated. Which means that, to find it, one must identify the symbolism of the central institutions. In fact, the central social imaginary significations are concentrated in the Imaginary Node, which we can assume to be the root of the fundamental link between the instituting imaginary and the Political Imaginary
International Journal of Social Imaginaries, 2022
Cornelius Castoriadis’ entire work is shot through with reflections on the political imaginary, b... more Cornelius Castoriadis’ entire work is shot through with reflections on the political imaginary, but it is rarely named explicitly and is not considered as a central, stand-alone, privileged idea within the social imaginary. This is why it is important to develop this idea in the domain of philosophy of politics. Moreover, for each contemporary democratic movement it is crucial to understand what “Political Imaginary” exactly is, to develop an effective change in politics in itself, as some Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Chile) show us. In these countries, there are contemporary socio-historical examples of what is an effective transformation in the political imaginary domain. They allow us to enrich the meta-theoretical reflection through the historical identification of the political imaginary carried out by peculiar instituting movements that generated important transformations in the social self-representation and in the practice of collective power in the countri...
Calamo, Revista de estudios juridicos, 2016
El problema de las actuales teorías sobre la migración forzada es que, en general, está considera... more El problema de las actuales teorías sobre la migración forzada es que, en general, está considerada bajo la misma perspectiva de protección que se aplica a los refugiados, o sea la del derecho humanitario y del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. El caso de los desplazados internos nos obliga a cambiar de perspectiva y a considerar la guerra como la categoría principal gracias a la cual tratar el problema. Desde una perspectiva filosófico política, entonces, la cuestión de los migrantes internos nos impone de considerar la relación entre guerra y política como central para resolver el problema. La creación de lo que consideramos “común” y la distinción entre “lo político” y “la política” son herramientas conceptuales indispensables para avanzar en la reflexión sobre el tema.
Micromega, 2020
Cio cui abbiamo assistito in Cile negli scorsi mesi e probabilmente qualcosa di unico. A mobilita... more Cio cui abbiamo assistito in Cile negli scorsi mesi e probabilmente qualcosa di unico. A mobilitarsi contro il modello neoliberista sono stati infatti quasi tutti i settori della societa, non solo gli studenti o le giovani generazioni: i sindacati di tutte le categorie, il movimento femminista, le moltissime associazioni civiche e territoriali cresciute negli ultimi decenni un po’ ovunque, il mondo della cultura, della scuola e delle universita nel suo complesso, i popoli indigeni (primi fra tutti i mapuche), le organizzazioni contadine e quelle ecologiste, i disoccupati e i precari, le associazioni delle vittime della dittatura e molti altri gruppi di cittadinanza attiva. Un movimento plurale a cui non interessa prendere il potere, ma modificare radicalmente il sistema.
Im@go. A Journal of the Social Imaginary, 2020
When the Emperor is naked: Castoriadis and the capitalist imaginary. In his original elaboration... more When the Emperor is naked: Castoriadis and the capitalist imaginary. In his original elaboration of a “Philosophy of human creation”, the concept of “Social Imaginary” assumes a decisive theoretical meaning for Cornelius Castoriadis. His critical perspective on the Contemporary society, for this reason, is deeply linked to a specific idea of what he called “Capitalist Imaginary”. In order to understand it, it is necessary to underline what he considers at the same time its most dangerous and disturbing aspect and its most apparently invisible one: its intimate totalitarian tendency.
Prometeica - Revista de Filosofía y Ciencias, 1969
La crítica de la descomposición de la sociedad que sostiene Castoriadis, y más precisamente la id... more La crítica de la descomposición de la sociedad que sostiene Castoriadis, y más precisamente la idea de un declive de la autorrepresentación de la sociedad, o de su dimensión social-histórica, es decir, su consistencia ontológica, debe ser revisada. La insignificancia de la sociedad contemporánea no puede jugar un rol central dentro del análisis crítico si pensamos que esta sociedad es también la expresión de una nueva heteronomía. Con las mismas categorías filosóficas de Castoriadis debemos rechazar la idea de descomposición y elaborar una crítica del presente. Para pensar la actualidad del “proyecto de autonomía”, el particular, es necesario sobre todo concentrarse en la naturaleza de esta nueva forma de dominación. Este trabajo crítico es urgente, si consideramos la actual bifurcación social-histórica de las sociedades occidentales: es necesario comprender la oposición entre democracia y capitalismo a través de la alternativa entre la servil y activa defensa del statu quo y una pr...
Micromega, 2010
Nella "lettera al popolo brasiliano", programma-manifesto scritto prima dell'elezione presidenzia... more Nella "lettera al popolo brasiliano", programma-manifesto scritto prima dell'elezione presidenziale del 2002, Lula invitava tutti al voto per farla finita con la politica e l'economia neoliberale avviata da Fernando Henrique Cardoso ('94-'02). Il progetto era chiaro: il progresso economico e sociale in Brasile doveva ripartire sulla base di un compromesso storico tra le forze del lavoro e quelle del capitale, tra le ragioni della modernizzazione e della giustizia sociale e quelle della stabilità e della crescita economica. Una serie di riforme strutturali (tributaria, agraria, della previdenza e del lavoro) avrebbero dovuto accompagnare il mutamento di rotta, arrivando ad una sicurezza sociale, in politica interna, grazie ad una decisa lotta alla povertà, e, in politica estera, al rispetto degli accordi presi con gli organismi internazionali circa il pagamento del debito estero. Lanciando lo slogan "Um Brasil de todos" Lula anticipava anche il carattere democratico della proposta di governo: un ampio schieramento di forze politiche, da quelle di destra, rappresentate dal Partito Liberale del vicepresidente, al PCdoB (Partito Comunista del Brasile), necessario per sostenere il cambiamento del modello economico-politico sulla base di continue negoziazioni con i rappresentanti della società civile (dagli imprenditori ai movimenti sociali). La vasta coalizione multipartitica ha trovato negli anni il proprio collante nel maggiore partito di sinistra del Paese, il Pt (Partito dos Trabalhadores) e, in seguito, anche nel Pmdb, partito di centro, erede del partito d'opposizione alla dittatura dei militari ('64-'85). L'obiettivo generale, già chiaramente sancito in questa lettera, era quello di fare recuperare al Brasile la sovranità nazionale in politica e in economia. Lo sviluppo dell'enorme mercato interno e la valorizzazione del ruolo dello Stato, a loro volta, erano indicati come gli strumenti principali per raggiungerlo. Ma quanto di quello che era stato annunciato sette anni fa è stato realizzato? Com'è cambiato il Brasile in questo periodo? Con un viaggio che ha toccato tutti i luoghi simbolo del Paese ho cercato risposte a queste importanti domande per carpire la natura del compromesso e poter raccontare come questa società stia vivendo un'impresa politica che non pochi definirebbero paradossale.
Violencia y heteronomía en el populismo de Ernesto Laclau in deSignis, Número 31: Populismo(s), Revista Internacional de la Federación Latinoamericana de Semiótica (FELS). pp.47-55., 2019
Universidad de Rosario (Argentina) Versión electrónica: designisfels.net 47 Violencia y heteronom... more Universidad de Rosario (Argentina) Versión electrónica: designisfels.net 47 Violencia y heteronomía en el populismo de Ernesto Laclau Politics, Violence, Democracy, Political Theory, Social change. Emanuele Profumi (pág 47-pág 55) La ontología política de Ernesto Laclau está profundamente marcada por una lógi-ca violenta. Ella se basa sobre una doble perspectiva que lo lleva a teorizar la primacía de la razón populista sobre el proceso democrático teorizado en los años '80: la estructura del proceso hegemónico y la interpretación holista de la diferencia heideggeriana. Para Laclau el conflicto social instituyente tiene que ser interpretado como negación absoluta de lo que es común (conflicto y creación) y lleva la sociedad a eliminar la alteridad social con un pro-ceso de exclusión antagónica que sigue el imperativo autoritario de restablecer el orden del conjunto social. En este proceso está excluido cualquier papel de la autonomía humana. Política, Violencia, Democracia, Teoría política, Cambio social Ernesto Laclau's political ontology is deeply marked by a violent logic. It is based on a double perspective that leads him to theorize the primacy of the populist reason on the democratic process valorised in the years' 80: the structure of the hegemonic process and the Heideggerian "ontological difference" reinterpreted. The social instituting conflict is for him an absolute denial of what we consider as common (conflict and creation) and leads the hegemonic process to eliminate the social alterity with an antagonistic exclusion that follow the authoritarian imperative of restoring the social order. In this process, it is excluded any role of the human autonomy. Politics, Violence, Democracy, Political Theory, Social change. Emanuele Profumi es investigador post-doc en la Università della Tuscia, Vi-terbo, Italia. Es especialista de filosofía política contemporánea y ha dedicado muchos estudios a la obra del filósofo psicoanalista Cornelius Castoriadis. Entre sus escritos recor-damos: Sulla creazione politica. Critica filosofica e rivoluzione, (Roma 2013) y Los migrantes for-zados y la guerra, cuestiones preliminares desde la filosofía política. Cálamo. Revista de Estudios jurídicos, n°5, pp. 6-17 (Quito 2016).
La politica come rivoluzione antropologica. In trópoj RIVISTA DI ERMENEUTICA E CRITICA FILOSOFICA. Anno XI. N.2. 2018. pp. 11-30., 2018
To analytically refute the thesis of Axel Honneth on the Cornelius Castoriadis' concept of revolu... more To analytically refute the thesis of Axel Honneth on the Cornelius Castoriadis' concept of revolution allows to identify different ideas of revolution that mark his philosophical-political horizon. After the publication of his main book, "The Imaginary Institution of Society" (1975), Castoriadis distinguishes the ideas of Social-historical and human autonomy to prevent building a political ontology. On this basis, he affirms a new idea of revolution at the beginning of the decade of 80: revolution is a general and instituting political practice. At the base of the "Project of Autonomy" there is Politics, understood as a social-historical creation that establishes autonomy on a collective level. Through a precise analysis of his thesis, we can affirm that this idea can be expressed by the concept of "political creation", and we can highlight it is based on the philosophical category of anthropological transformation. Despite its validity, the idea of "political creation" must be rethought. Se ci soffermiamo su alcuni pensatori considerati minori nel secolo scorso, si può concludere che la riflessione sulla rivoluzione non ha smesso di rappresentare l'oggetto di un dibattito prolifico. È il caso di Cornelius Castoriadis, filosofo politico che ha dedicato tutta la sua esistenza, e non solo l'impegno intellettuale, a elaborare a una nuova visione della rivoluzione. L'obiettivo del presente saggio critico è triplice: 1) superare l'interpretazione del concetto castoriadisiano di rivoluzione avanzata da Axel Honneth; 2) ricostruire le diverse idee di rivoluzione che il filosofo greco-francese assume nel tempo; 3) capire in che misura si possa assumere e usare l'idea di rivoluzione dedotta dal "Castoriadis maturo" (la creazione politica), per metterla a disposizione della discussione attuale. Link con la versione definitiva: https://ipk.uni-greifswald.de/storages/uni-greifswald/fakultaet/phil/ipk/Mitarbeiter/PoWi/Lehrstuhl_Politische_Theorie/Tropos_Prime_Bozze_trimcev.pdf
Las tres direcciones de la autonomia: Filosofia y politica en Cornelius Castoriadis. in Derechos, libertades, emancipaciòn, cuadernos para el anàlisis n.29, ed José Manuel Bermudo, Ed Horsori, Barcelona 2010, 2010
A diferencia de cuanto ha sido recientemente sostenido implícita o explícitamente en varios y vál... more A diferencia de cuanto ha sido recientemente sostenido implícita o explícitamente en varios y válidos trabajos introductorios de la obra de Cornelius Castoriadis, el pensamiento y la actividad de este pensador se pueden clarificar procediendo a una tripartición temporal y cualitativa de su actividad filosófica y política. Más allá de la unidad y de la coherencia en la búsqueda de un pensamiento y de una práctica de la autonomía humana que acepte la posibilidad revolucionaria como momento ontológico, el recorrido de Castoriadis está interiormente atravesado y constituido por el paso de una filosofía y de una práctica política ligada al horizonte marxista a una filosofía de la creación, primeramente fundada y después desarrollada, que le permite asumir más o menos claramente una reflexión filosófico-política original. El objetivo de este ensayo es sacar a luz este movimiento hacia la filosofía política evidenciando los momentos principales de la transforma-ción del pensamiento castoriadisiano .
The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth.-nitions and limite... more The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth.-nitions and limited connections to political philosophy and democracy theory. This article offers a critical review of democracy theory within the degrowth literature, taking as its focal point a relevant debate between Serge Latouche and Takis Fotopoulos. We argue that the core of their contention can be traced back to the relationship between the concepts of democracy and autonomy as-erally the degrowth movement consider as one of their theoretical reference points. We show how both Latouche and Fotopoulos hold a misconception of Castoriadis' notions of autonomy, the social imaginary and politics, which in turn limits their cognisance of democracy and hence confuses their debate liberal parliamentary democracy. the interconnected democracy-autonomy assemble, we proceed to an evaluation of the revolutionary potential of the degrowth movement and to a better understanding of a possible relationship between democracy and degrowth. Universidad Autonoma De Barcelona = username 158.109.1.16 = IP address Wed, 13 Mar 2013 18:09:21 = Date & Time VIVIANA ASARA, EMANUELE PROFUMI and GIORGOS KALLIS 218 Environmental Values 22.2
La creación política. Con y más allá de Cornelius Castoriadis, in Isegoria, Revista de Filosofia Moral y Política., 2013
En este articulo es posible comprender el legado, la importancia y los limites, de la reflexión d... more En este articulo es posible comprender el legado, la importancia y los limites, de la reflexión de Cornelius Castoriadis para utilizar la idea de "creación política" y darle la centralidad que merece en el debate filosófico y político sobre la transformación social y la emancipación humana. Es antes que todo a través de sus categorías que podemos entender como repensar a la idea de cambio revolucionario y cual es el papel de la filosofía critica en eso.
Environmental Values, 2013
Environmental Values is an international peer-reviewed journal that brings together contributions... more Environmental Values is an international peer-reviewed journal that brings together contributions from philosophy, economics, politics, sociology, geography, anthropology, ecology and other disciplines, which relate to the present and future environment of human beings and other species. In doing so we aim to clarify the relationship between practical policy issues and more fundamental underlying principles or assumptions.
The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth. But the incipient ... more The quest for real democracy is one of the components of sustainable degrowth. But the incipient debate on democracy and degrowth suffers from general definitions
and limited connections to political philosophy and democracy theory. This article offers a critical review of democracy theory within the degrowth literature, taking as its focal point a relevant debate between Serge Latouche
and Takis Fotopoulos. We argue that the core of their contention can be traced back to the relationship between the concepts of democracy and autonomy as defined by philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis, which both authors and generally the degrowth movement consider as one of their theoretical reference points. We show how both Latouche and Fotopoulos hold a misconception of Castoriadis’ notions of autonomy, the social imaginary and politics, which in turn limits their cognisance of democracy and hence confuses their debate concerning the possibilities for a degrowth transition within the confines of a liberal parliamentary democracy. With a clarified theoretical understanding of
the interconnected democracy-autonomy assemble, we proceed to an evaluation of the revolutionary potential of the degrowth movement and to a better understanding of a possible relationship between democracy and degrowth.
In this book one can find the philosophical justification of the idea of "Politics creation", and... more In this book one can find the philosophical justification of the idea of "Politics creation", and a new perspective on Philosophy of politics which is connected with. Castoriadis above all, but also Ricoeur, Arendt, Zizek, Ranciere, Badiou, and others are part of this reflection on two fundamental preconditions for creating politics until now, and again.
Collettività e prassi democratica. Castoriadis e Capitini, la rivoluzione della sfera pubblica. in I confini della sfera publica . Orizzonti ed emergenze, ed Rony Medaglia, Editore Liguori, Napoli 2008, pp. 59-78. , 2008
Thanks to Cornelius Castoriadis and Aldo Capitini we can have a new image of "Public space". A re... more Thanks to Cornelius Castoriadis and Aldo Capitini we can have a new image of "Public space". A revolutionary one, which is basical for a new form of Democratic society. In this sense we can use their reflections for rethinking the link beween social power and human emancipation.
In: "I confini della sfera pubblica" Eds. Rony Medaglia, Liguori, Napoli 2008.
Philosophy facing the European Crisis of migrants: when does violence become a juridical rule? in Can a Person be ilegal? Refugees, Migrants and Citizenship in Europe, eds. Alexander Stangnell, Louise Schou Therkildsen, Mats Rosengren, Uppsala Rethorical studies, Uppsala-Sweden, , 2017
Based on the problem of political and humanitarian crisis of Migrants, in this article the proble... more Based on the problem of political and humanitarian crisis of Migrants, in this article the problem is related with war and social violence from a point of view which is marked by the difference between politics and juridical sphere.
This article argues the following points:
- Alain Supiot’s idea is probably a specifc product of a certain conceptual genealogy that goes back to Kant;
- Kant maintains that moral and legal rules can solve the problem of war (and, consequently, of social violence): he does not
distinguish correctly between the political and the juridical sphere,
this one absorbs characteristics of politics and this is the reason why
he afrms the respect of law itself can solve the war problem. - Among Contemporary neo-Kantian philosophers of law, only
Norberto Bobbio tries to reintroduce the distinction and the proper
relationship between the juridical sphere and the political one, but
without proposing a convincing explanation. Norberto Bobbio’s
explanation does not hold if we consider the political side of the
juridical sphere. - Only if we relinquish Kant’s point of view, are we actually able
to make clear that the dilemma we have just expressed is apparent,
finding a new point of view that is capable of answering the deep
philosophical question deriving from the recent European refugee
crisis.
Política, democracia y participación ciudadana Aproximaciones teóricas desde la comunicación, 2022
Comunicar y actuar, dos actividades que constituyen la actividad de transformacion. Aqui se intro... more Comunicar y actuar, dos actividades que constituyen la actividad de transformacion. Aqui se introduce como juegan un papel dentro del imaginario politico contemporaneo, gracias a algunos importantes filosofos de nuestros tiempos (Habermas, Arendt, Castoriadis, Galtung)
Castoriadis et les présupposés de la création politique. Une réflexion sur la signification de la solidarité chez Castoriadis, in Praxis et institution, eds Philippe Caumière, Sophie Klimis, Laurent van Eynde, Saint Louis Facultés Universitaires, Bruxelles 2008, pp. 55-76., 2008
Partant de l’idée, chère à Castoriadis, selon laquelle la philosophie se doit d’élucider les prés... more Partant de l’idée, chère à Castoriadis, selon laquelle la philosophie
se doit d’élucider les présupposés de la pensée , je voudrais montrer que la pensée philosophique-politique de Castoriadis s’appuie sur un présupposé qui n’est jamais clarifié comme tel : la solidarité.