Chris WJ Roberts | University of Calgary (original) (raw)

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Papers by Chris WJ Roberts

International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 2013

Canada has historically been very supportive of African countries' efforts to promote socioeconom... more Canada has historically been very supportive of African countries' efforts to promote socioeconomic development. While being the case, the perceived indifference towards Africa since the Conservative government under the leadership of Stephen Harper assumed office in 2006 could not have been more evident. Although announcing recently that it would provide financial support to African countries to develop their infrastructure, as well as launching the Muskoka Initiative (MI), which seeks to promote maternal, child and newborn health, there is no denying that the Conservative government of Canada's attitude towards African countries can at best be described as distant and indifference. From reducing aid to Africa, shifting the focus and aid assistance from African countries to countries in Latin America, as well as incorporating the aid agency, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), into the newly-created Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development (DFATD), the general consensus is that the Government of Canada's focus on aid under Stephen Harper is to serve its

During the Second World War, Canadian expeditionary forces played a proportionally significant ro... more During the Second World War, Canadian expeditionary forces played a proportionally significant role in the war in Europe, but, just like the First World War, Canada avoided or was not asked to consider deployment of land forces in any significant way to African theatres of operations. Not since the South African War (also known as the Second Anglo-Boer War) of 1899-1902 had Canadian-raised combat arms units been sent to the continent. Between 1956 and 1969, however, Africa became an active theatre of operations for the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), but in substantially new roles: peacekeeping (Suez, Congo) and military training and assistance outside the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Ghana, Tanzania and Nigeria). Africa was the experimental lab for both of these new taskings, and the first time Canadians served alongside, under, or trained soldiers from newly independent African states. Canada’s early engagement with post-colonial Africa was led by security, commercial, ...

Bulletin FrancoPaix (Vol4 No8 - October) English), 2019

In office since 1982, President Paul Biya is feeling increased domestic and international scrutin... more In office since 1982, President Paul Biya is feeling increased domestic and international scrutiny over his maladroit and tone-deaf approaches to a cascade of political, security, and economic crises since 2016. Usually insulated from international criticism about domestic issues due to carefully managed diplomatic, commercial, and military ties, Biya finally started to feel the heat in 2019, but not enough for Biya to change course going into 2020.

This is the introduction to a special issue (co-edited with Tim Stapleton) of the Journal of Mili... more This is the introduction to a special issue (co-edited with Tim Stapleton) of the Journal of Military and Strategic Studies (Vol. 17, No. 2, October 2016) that focuses on Africa's contemporary security challenges. The full issue is available here (open access): http://jmss.org/jmss/index.php/jmss/issue/view/74

Despite apparent marginalization from the global economy, Burkina Faso and Mali represent two piv... more Despite apparent marginalization from the global economy, Burkina Faso and Mali represent two pivotal West African states that attract considerable Canadian mining foreign direct investment (FDI). They are “canaries in the gold mine,” providing important signals about three complex, interdependent global challenges: environmental vulnerability, state fragility, and resource nationalism. As land-locked Sahelian states, these two ex-French colonies face
tremendous challenges to overcome their ranking among the globe’s poorest 25 economies.

Since 2010, many African governments have challenged twenty years of extractive sector liberaliza... more Since 2010, many African governments have challenged twenty years of extractive sector liberalization that has played a key role in unlocking mineral riches and attracting foreign direct investment. The potential for extractives to drive economic structural transformation is intuitively attractive, the Africa Mining Vision (2009) document providing a primary template. Geological inheritance alone, however, is not a
panacea for economic development, industrialization or poverty alleviation. While much attention to the ‘resource curse’ has identified the problem of excessive rent-seeking and the consequent impact on elite consolidation, democracy, governance and macroeconomic distortions, a more fundamental problem, the ‘other resource curse’, may be an overlooked driver: a lingering assumption that mineral resources should straightforwardly provide significant revenue streams for public goods, inputs for industrial transformation, and extensive employment. Geology alone is neither conducive nor antithetical to economic development. Stakeholders require a more comprehensive understanding of the possibilities and limits of extractives in contemporary Africa.

International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 2013

Canada has historically been very supportive of African countries' efforts to promote socioeconom... more Canada has historically been very supportive of African countries' efforts to promote socioeconomic development. While being the case, the perceived indifference towards Africa since the Conservative government under the leadership of Stephen Harper assumed office in 2006 could not have been more evident. Although announcing recently that it would provide financial support to African countries to develop their infrastructure, as well as launching the Muskoka Initiative (MI), which seeks to promote maternal, child and newborn health, there is no denying that the Conservative government of Canada's attitude towards African countries can at best be described as distant and indifference. From reducing aid to Africa, shifting the focus and aid assistance from African countries to countries in Latin America, as well as incorporating the aid agency, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), into the newly-created Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development (DFATD), the general consensus is that the Government of Canada's focus on aid under Stephen Harper is to serve its

During the Second World War, Canadian expeditionary forces played a proportionally significant ro... more During the Second World War, Canadian expeditionary forces played a proportionally significant role in the war in Europe, but, just like the First World War, Canada avoided or was not asked to consider deployment of land forces in any significant way to African theatres of operations. Not since the South African War (also known as the Second Anglo-Boer War) of 1899-1902 had Canadian-raised combat arms units been sent to the continent. Between 1956 and 1969, however, Africa became an active theatre of operations for the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), but in substantially new roles: peacekeeping (Suez, Congo) and military training and assistance outside the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Ghana, Tanzania and Nigeria). Africa was the experimental lab for both of these new taskings, and the first time Canadians served alongside, under, or trained soldiers from newly independent African states. Canada’s early engagement with post-colonial Africa was led by security, commercial, ...

Bulletin FrancoPaix (Vol4 No8 - October) English), 2019

In office since 1982, President Paul Biya is feeling increased domestic and international scrutin... more In office since 1982, President Paul Biya is feeling increased domestic and international scrutiny over his maladroit and tone-deaf approaches to a cascade of political, security, and economic crises since 2016. Usually insulated from international criticism about domestic issues due to carefully managed diplomatic, commercial, and military ties, Biya finally started to feel the heat in 2019, but not enough for Biya to change course going into 2020.

This is the introduction to a special issue (co-edited with Tim Stapleton) of the Journal of Mili... more This is the introduction to a special issue (co-edited with Tim Stapleton) of the Journal of Military and Strategic Studies (Vol. 17, No. 2, October 2016) that focuses on Africa's contemporary security challenges. The full issue is available here (open access): http://jmss.org/jmss/index.php/jmss/issue/view/74

Despite apparent marginalization from the global economy, Burkina Faso and Mali represent two piv... more Despite apparent marginalization from the global economy, Burkina Faso and Mali represent two pivotal West African states that attract considerable Canadian mining foreign direct investment (FDI). They are “canaries in the gold mine,” providing important signals about three complex, interdependent global challenges: environmental vulnerability, state fragility, and resource nationalism. As land-locked Sahelian states, these two ex-French colonies face
tremendous challenges to overcome their ranking among the globe’s poorest 25 economies.

Since 2010, many African governments have challenged twenty years of extractive sector liberaliza... more Since 2010, many African governments have challenged twenty years of extractive sector liberalization that has played a key role in unlocking mineral riches and attracting foreign direct investment. The potential for extractives to drive economic structural transformation is intuitively attractive, the Africa Mining Vision (2009) document providing a primary template. Geological inheritance alone, however, is not a
panacea for economic development, industrialization or poverty alleviation. While much attention to the ‘resource curse’ has identified the problem of excessive rent-seeking and the consequent impact on elite consolidation, democracy, governance and macroeconomic distortions, a more fundamental problem, the ‘other resource curse’, may be an overlooked driver: a lingering assumption that mineral resources should straightforwardly provide significant revenue streams for public goods, inputs for industrial transformation, and extensive employment. Geology alone is neither conducive nor antithetical to economic development. Stakeholders require a more comprehensive understanding of the possibilities and limits of extractives in contemporary Africa.