Ivanka Vasilevska | Ss. Cyril and Methodius University (UKIM) (Univerzitet "Sv. Kiril i Metodij" - Skopje) (original) (raw)

Papers by Ivanka Vasilevska

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Sep 1, 2019

The historical state-legal development of Germany in many ways is specific, because although the ... more The historical state-legal development of Germany in many ways is specific, because although the German state was created after the Franco-Prussian war of 1871, certain announcements and elements of its statehood existed even before its official creation. With the Paris Peace Aagreement of May 30, 1814, German states were declared autonomous and joined forces in a federal alliance. The decisions of the Vienna Congress of 1815 were regarded as the fundamental law of the German Union, and its regulation was envisaged by the German federal acts, which in a small part were altered by the Viennese federal acts of 1820. In the second half of the 19th century the conditions for the national formation of Germany matured, and this was largely the merit of the Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarck. His goal was to unite Germany around Prussia and for that purpose he used manipulation, diplomacy and power. At the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, the strengthene...

Enlightened absolutism represents a state policy which is implemented by the European forces in t... more Enlightened absolutism represents a state policy which is implemented by the European forces in the duration of the 18th century. The chronological line of the enlightened absolutism covers the period of almost a half of century, from 1740 until 1789 i.e. to the start of the French revolution. The enlightened absolutism is a movement within the absolutism which follows after autocracy (fascism) and precedes the despotism. As founder and ideologist of the Enlightened absolutism is considered Thomas Hobbes with his master piece the Leviathan. The Leviathan according to Hobbes is a sovereign state power (the best form for him is absolute monarchy), which is needed in order to compel people of their obligations. The philosophy of this policy amounts to postulate which stipulates that the social reforms are possible but only through the state and for the state, this phenomena are social expression of the state interest and the state is the only possible protector of fundamental rights and freedoms of the man and the citizen is the state. In other words, according to the Enlightened absolutists (adherents of the absolute monarchy) 'welfare in society "is possible only and only through the state and the regime that was established by the same. Because of all above mention, our interest in this paper is to explain the basic goal of the ideas of the enlightened absolutism.

Историја, 2020

Трудот ги анализира резултатите од периодот на Првата светска војна.Очигледно е дека овие состојб... more Трудот ги анализира резултатите од периодот на Првата светска војна.Очигледно е дека овие состојби влијаеле на промените на Југозападниот дел од Балканскиот Полуостров, воедно предизвикувајќи ги интересите на Турција, Италија, Грција и
Бугарија. Како пример, со договорот од Севр беше очекувано дека Источна Тракија и регионот на Смирна би се инкорпорирале во територијалното проширување на Грција, на што остро се спротивстави револуцијата предводена од Кемал Ататурк. Тоа беа причините за почетокот на грчко-турската војна која што започна во март 1921 година. Што се однесува до Бугарија со Нејскиот договор Западна Тракија беше одвоена од неа и
ѝ беше дадена на Грција. Единствената добивка за Бугарија, како поразена страна во војната, беше гарантираниот излез на Егејското Море. Самиот чин на потпишувањето на Париските мировни договори за Балканските прилики неспорно имаа две значења.
Првото беше содржано во фактот дека со нив беше реализирана поделбата на Отоманските и на Австро-Унгарските поседи на Балканскиот Полуостров. Второто значење беше тоа што со Париските мировни договори се случи ревизија на Букурешкиот мировен договор од 1913 година и со тие одлуки со кои балканските држави се стекнаа со територијални добивки и со овие акти беа зацементирани на подолг временски период.

НИВЕРЗИТЕТ "ГОЦЕ ДЕЛЧЕВ" -ШТИП ПРАВЕН ФАКУЛТЕТ GOCE DELCEV UNIVERSITY -STIP СЕДМА МЕЃУНАРОДНА КОНФЕРЕНЦИЈА ОПШТЕСТВЕНИТЕ ПРОМЕНИ ВО ГЛОБАЛНИОТ СВЕТ ЗБОРНИК НА ТРУДОВИ -СЕКЦИЈА МЛАДИ ИСТРАЖУВАЧИ, 2020

Enlightened absolutism represents a state policy which is implemented by the European forces in t... more Enlightened absolutism represents a state policy which is implemented by the European forces in the duration of the 18th century. The chronological line of the enlightened absolutism covers the period of almost a half of century, from 1740 until 1789 i.e. to the start of the
French revolution. The enlightened absolutism is a movement within the absolutism which follows after autocracy (fascism) and precedes the despotism. As founder and ideologist of the Enlightened absolutism is considered Thomas Hobbes with his master piece the Leviathan.The Leviathan according to Hobbes is a sovereign state power (the best form for him is absolute monarchy), which is needed in order to compel people of their obligations. The philosophy of this policy amounts to postulate which stipulates that the social reforms are possible but only through the state and for the state, this phenomena are social expression of the state interest and the state is the only possible protector of fundamental rights and freedoms of the man and the citizen is the state. In other words, according to the Enlightened absolutists (adherents of the absolute monarchy) ‘welfare in society “is possible only and only through the state and the regime that was established by the same. Because of all above mention, our interest in this paper is to explain the basic goal of the ideas of the enlightened absolutism.

ГОЦЕ ДЕЛЧЕВ во колективната меморија на македонскиот народ, 2020

Почнувајќи од барањето за автономија, па сѐ до варијациите за федерално или конфедерално конструи... more Почнувајќи од барањето за автономија, па сѐ до
варијациите за федерално или конфедерално
конструирање, сите тие обиди имаа свое влијание
кое доведе до соединувањето во единствениот
антифашистички блок за време на Втората светска
војна, во која македонскиот народ на заседанието на
АСНОМ ја доби и првата голема битка за
државотворност, пришто конечно се здоби со
шансата за започнување на процесот на решавање на
македонското прашање. Повеќедецениската борба од
страна на македонското национално револуционерно
движење, беше длабоко проткаена со визијата на
великанот на македонското народно-ослободително
дело, Гоце Делчев кој несомнено ги постави
темелите и највисокиот дострел на Организацијата,
кој се состоеше во ослободувањето на Македонија и
во борбата за создавање на самостојна, независна и
суверена држава Македонија.
Оваа борба за зачувување на неговиот идеал за
Македонската национална држава, трае до ден денес.

Political thought, 2006

The nationalism in 19th century was directed in the first place towards the conviction that every... more The nationalism in 19th century was directed in the first place towards the conviction that every nation is special by the fact that it has only one original language, by which can be clearly determined the ethnical expression of being a part of a certain nation. The second very important factor was contained in the insistence of researching the history of the peculiar nation, and also the research for fairy-tales and fables. The leaders of the national revival upon the basis of the historical occasions and the awareness about the question for the identity of the Macedonian nation, indicates two tendencies of fundamental importance, which are gathered around the idea of the historical past of Macedonia, and which are expressing the Macedonian national consciousness for: the antic Macedonian and the new Slavic tradition. The first expressed through the spontaneous verbal tradition through the centuries, for the origin connected with the great Macedonian antic kings, mostly with the myth of Alexander the Macedonian - called the Great, and the second which was representing the historical past of the Slavs, connected and built upon the antic Macedonian folklore and cultural genesis.

Policy Brief No.-5.pdf, 2020

"ПРАВНО-ПОЛИТИЧКИ И ЕКОНОМСКИ ДИСКУРС ВО ВРЕМЕ НА COVID-19" ОN-LINE АКАДЕМСКА РАБОТНА МАСА Република Северна Македонија Универзитет "Св. Кирил и Методиј" во Скопје ПРАВЕН ФАКУЛТЕТ "ЈУСТИНИЈАН ПРВИ" - СКОПЈЕ, 2020

Издавач: Правен факултет "Јустинијан Први" во Скопје За издавачот: проф. д-р Горан Коевски, декан... more Издавач: Правен факултет "Јустинијан Први" во Скопје За издавачот: проф. д-р Горан Коевски, декан Скопје, јуни 2020 година Проф. д-р Гордана Силјановска Давкова 1 Вонредната состојба: тест за демократскиот имунитет на политичкиот систем 1. Нужна е дополна на делот VII на Уставот, насловен како "Одбрана на Републиката, воена и вонредна состојба" во оваа смисла: а) треба да се вгради одредба за можност од продолжување на вонредната состојба, под определени услови. б) Одлуката за прогласување воена или вонредна состојба од страна на Претседателот на Републиката, кога Собранието не е во можност да се состане, треба да се носи, на предлог на Владата и со премапотпис на Премиерот. в) Во некои држави, Претседателот има уставна обврска да се консултира со премиерот и претседателот на Собранието пред донесувањето на одлуката за воена и вонредна сотојба, како и да ја поднесе на потврда на Собранието пред да ја објави. в) Ограничувањето на правата мора да биде соодветно и пропорционално на заканата, што треба да се утврди со уставна норма, по примерот на многу уставни системи. г) треба да се вгради одредба за условите под кои ќе се продолжи вонредната состојба од страна на претсседателот и нејзиото времетраење. 2. Во членот 54, став 3, одредбата" ограничувањето на слободите и правата не може да биде дискриминаторско по основ на пол, раса, боја на кожа, јазик, вера, национално или социјално потекло, имотна или општествена положба", треба да се дополни со формулацијата" или друг основ". Се разбира, истово треба да се вгради и во член 9, став 1, на Уставот. 3. Наместо изборите за пратеници да ги распишува претседателот на Собранието, како што е тоа пропишано во член 67, став 4 , истите треба да ги распишува Претседателот на државата. Ова е вообичаено решение во компартивното уставно право, кое го анулира проблемот со распишување парламентарни избори во услови на распуштено собрание. 4. Членот 126 треба да се дополни со одредба за поднесување на уредбите со законска сила на потврда на Собранието. Во некои уставни системи, тие му се поднесуваат на Собранието, пред да стапат во сила. 5. Врз основа на член 124 и 125 од уставот, треба да се донесе Закон за воена и вонредна состојба заради конкретизирање на функционирањето на Владата и другите органи во воени, односно вонредни околности, прецизирање на постапката на донесување на уредбите со законска сила, мерките на ограничувањето, контролата и одговорноста за пречекорување. Водена од фактот дека воената состојба е уредена со член 124, а вонредната со член 125, како и дека се работи за суштински различни ситуации за кои се потребни и различни мерки, добро е да се донесат два закони: еден за воена и друг за вонредна состојба. 6. Материјата на уредбите со законска сила, односно постапката за нивно донесување и обемот на покривање може да се уреди и во посебна глава на Законот за Владата, но претпочитам тоа да биде Законот за вонредна состојба, заради конкретниот фокус.

ДРЖАВА И ИМПЕРИЈА Зборник на трудови од Шестиот меѓународен симпозиум „Денови на Јустиниjан I“, Охрид, Ресен, 23-24.11.2018, 2019

After the establishment of the new Greek state in 1830, the Greeks looked into the past as a mode... more After the establishment of the new Greek state in 1830, the
Greeks looked into the past as a model for creating of their identity which did not exist before. However, there were two different ideal types for tracing of their origins. The supporters of the ancient Hellenic ideology sought to shape the identity of the new Greek state within the framework of the ancient Hellenic ideal by denying and excluding the Byzantine and Ottoman past form the newly projected modern Greek identity. Thus, the clash between the Hellenic way of interpreting the Greek past and the Romeic was inevitable. The tensions between the Hellenic and Romeic models was reflected in the distinction between katharevousa and demotic Greek language. Here we are examining the tensions between the two mutually opposed forces in the cultural and linguistic field. The rift between these two concepts exists even today despite the fact that the wast majority of the Greeks affiliated themselves with the Ancient Greek tradition.

IusR 2018 2 Humanitas Entire PDF (1), 2018

The historical and structural relationship between the Church and the Byzantine Empire form an im... more The historical and structural relationship between the Church and the Byzantine Empire form an important tradition. However, this topic is equally tradi-tional, as it is current, especially in Europe. It addresses a particularly complex problem which contains in itself the elements of the relation between the Church and the Byzantine Empire. Specifically, we analyze the historical, cultural, legal, political and ideological aspects of these elements. In the present state of our knowledge, the byzantine life is seen as marked by constant change, although at the same time there was loyal adherence to certain traditions governing the out-look of both Church and Empire. As regards the Byzantine Empire, a specific relationship between Church and State is characteristic, so apart from the ruler who was chosen by the Lord himself, the role of the religious head was limited to the spiritual functions i.e. to the preservation of the purity of faith within the Church. Despite of this character of the relationships, the Emperor also occupied a special place in the church service. This mode of action of the Byzantine Em-peror would later become known under the term of caesaropapism. It encom-passed in itself the entire Orthodox ecumene which obediently received it.

БЕЗБЕДНОСТА КАКО ПРЕДМЕТ НА ИСТРАЖУВАЊЕ -ПРИСТАПИ, КОНЦЕПТИ И ПОЛИТИКИ INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE RESEARCHING SECURITY: APPROACHES, CONCEPTS AND POLICIES, 2015

http://pf.ukim.edu.mk/lawreview/, 2020

The aim of our research is not to present the development of the Macedonian-Greek relations and t... more The aim of our research is not to present the development of the Macedonian-Greek relations and the disagreement about the Constitutional name of our country, but to point out that the conflict existed even before the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989. Main Greek thesis up to a day for their stance towards Macedonia, is based on the "irredеntism" on our part, on stealing history and on nonexistent Macedonian minority in Greece, because, according to the Greeks, the Macedonian nation does not exist. However, we will point out several occasions which will paint a different picture concerning the one we know today. That's why we will focus at several critical moments in the Greek-Yugoslav relations caused by the Macedonian question, the problem of the irredentism in the relation between Belgrade, Skopje and Athens, which even to date, after the signing of the Prespa agreement, occasionally drifts as an argument on the side of Greek officials the question of ancient Macedonia, an argument that was not visible in the period between 1944 and the proclamation of the Macedonian independence.

ПОЛИТИЧКА ИСТОРИЈА СЛОВЕНА -ИЗМЕЂУ МИТА И СТВАРНОСТИ, 2019

Legal protection of religious and linguistic identity of non-Muslim population in the Millet Syst... more Legal protection of religious and linguistic identity
of non-Muslim population in the Millet System in
the Ottoman empire provided the non-Muslim elites
of this system the opportunity to gradually embrace
Western ideas of the nation and articulate political
aspirations of their ethnic or linguistig groups in
line with these ideas. Therefore in the age of dissolution
of the Ottoman Turkish empire and the age
of „Moderna“ in Slavic/Balkan states there were
created preconditions and circumstances for the
establishment and revival of ethnic and cultural
identities in former Ottoman Turkish Slavic and
other state-colonies.

ПОЛИТИЧКА МИСЛА ПОЛИТИЧКИ ЕЛИТИ, ГРАЃАНСТВО И ОПШТЕСТВЕНИ ПРОМЕНИ, 2016

Во Европа, 1990 година започна со голема доза на оптимизам. По паѓањето на Берлинскиот ѕид во 198... more Во Европа, 1990 година започна со голема доза на оптимизам. По паѓањето на Берлинскиот ѕид во 1989 година, повторно обединетата Германија беше решена да постигне своја сопствена внатрешна социо-политичка консолидација, но и натаму да го обединува и да го развива остатокот од Европа. Стана јасно дека социо-политичките услови во тоа време во Европа и во светот поставуваа предизвици пред статус-квото на Северноатлантскиот
договор и на Варшавскиот пакт. Како резултат на овие настани, советската идеологија во својот економски и воен аспект во времето на нејзиниот конечен колапс го загуби своето место во рамките на западниот свет и значително влијаеше врз развојот на источноевропската геополитичка сфера, која почна да заостанува.

МЕЃУНАРОДНА НАУЧНА КОНФЕРЕНЦИЈА БАЛКАНОТ: ЛУЃЕ, ВОЈНИ И МИР, 2015

The foundations of the system of international relations in the period before of the Balkan wars,... more The foundations of the system of international relations in the period
before of the Balkan wars, undoubtedly led to the creation of an international political situation which opened the possibility for major changes of the state borders in the Balkans. The interest of the Balkan states was the removal of the Empire from the Balkans and the redistribution of its territorial possession. Starting from the strategic interest of the economical benefits of the space, for the Balkan states was especially important to whom will this territory belong. The Balkan states based their arguments for their aspirations of the remaining Ottoman possessions on the Balkans on three main principles: the historical background, the ethnic composition of the population, and the necessity to maintain the balance between the forces. In the third argument was also included the idea for compensation. For these reasons, at the end of the first decade of the
XX-th century, the governments of Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria started an intensive diplomatic activity, to make military alliances, with ultimate goal - self-expansion through the parts of European Turkey. Starting from the above, our interest is to show the diplomatic activities of the Balkan states, and the position of the Ottoman Empire in the period from 1878 to 1913.

Самоиловата држава во историската, воено-политичката, духовната и културната традиција на Македонија, 2015

The great crisis and turning points that occurred in the Byzantine Empire in 976 AD preconditione... more The great crisis and turning points that occurred in the Byzantine
Empire in 976 AD preconditioned the uprising known as the uprising of
the cometopuli. Spreading to a great extent the uprising resistance refused primarily the Bulgarian state administration, and then it directed towards the Byzantine hegemony at the Balkan Peninsula. In that way a new Kingdom was created which, led by King Samuel, formed the Macedonian medieval state.
Our interest in this study is directed towards analysis of the state and legal sources in the period of the classical feudalism, i.e. in the time of the fall of the great Samuel's state in 1018.

Political Science Forum, 2016

The period between the two world wars is an era marked by permanent crises. During the period bet... more The period between the two world wars is
an era marked by permanent crises. During the period
between 1918 and 1940, merely a few years have
been stable and without any major military
interventions in the Balkans. For the critics of the
international system, known also as the balance of
power, World War I served as a proof that the same
system will eventually end in a military conflict. After
the end of the war, it became necessary to find new
ways which will prevent bloody outcomes in the future.
The solution was envisioned through the creation of
the first supranational organization which was
responsible for the maintenance of world peace. The
purpose of this research is to show how the doctrine
of collective defense has been incorporated in the
Covenant of the League of Nations and its impact on
braking the imperial aspirations of Germany and its
allies for nearly two decades and, at the same time,
how this doctrine became inoperative, thus paving the
way towards the start of World War II. Furthermore,
the topic of study in this paper will be the analysis of
outstanding national and territorial issues between the
two world wars, which contributed to the growing
instability of the political situation in Europe. For these
reasons, the decisions of the "Big Three" made in
Yalta in February 1945, carried the responsibility for
the regulation of the post-war world, and formed the
main basis for the creation of a bipolar system that
lasted for more than four decades.

The Byzantine Missionary activity and its legacy in Europe, 2017

The creation of the Modern Greek state in 1830 meant the beginning of the building of a new ident... more The creation of the Modern Greek state in 1830 meant the
beginning of the building of a new identity in the Balkan region. Greek
population, as well, the rest of the Balkans did not have developed ethnic
consciousness. Some of the Greeks considered themselves as Romeion,
some as the Greeks, and the rest one as Hellenes. Politicians and the
intellectuals of the newborn Greek kingdom had been under strong
influence of the western progressive ideas. So, taking into the account the
behavior of the western intellectuals to the Byzantine past, it was quite
understandable that there was no room for Byzantium to be a part of the
Greek national identity, at the very early times of its creation. However,
the speech of Ioannis Kolettis in 1844 and his introducing of Megali idea,
has changed the approach of the Greek intellectuals towards the Byzantine
past. Although the most prominent Greek intellectuals, Konstantionos
Paparrigopoulos or Spyridon Zambelios, for example, at the early phase
of their works had not considered Byzantium as a part of the Modern
Greek identity, they changed their views under the influence of Kolettis’s
speech. Byzantium became an unavoidable part of the Modern Greek
identity.

политичка мисла/ political thought, 2015

In 1815, the four major European powers met in Vienna with a single purpose: “To ensure the final... more In 1815, the four major European powers met in Vienna with a single purpose: “To ensure the final and irrevocable end of the Napoleonic hegemony!” Their mission was far from simple; however, they were strongly driven by the need to restore
the pride of the dynastic heritage which was violently usurped and devalued by the illegitimate French emperor. At that moment, regardless of their family connections, the representatives of England, Austria and Prussia hypocritically accepted the Russian Tsarist autocracy, embodied in the great Russian Tsar Alexander I who, in terms of the decisions that emerged from the Congress of Vienna (like Wilson in 1919), was the main protagonist and was certainly the creator of the informal union
called the Holy Alliance. In terms of the foreign policy of Tsarist Russia, this entire creation signified a stable terrain and a guarantee of its foreign policy plans aimed at the Ottoman Empire, as well as further expansion of its influence in the region of Southeast Europe, where
a substantial Orthodox population lived under Ottoman Sharia rule for several centuries. Given the circumstances, the Russian court was shocked to learn that, after the declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire in 1853, the Russian navy found itself standing against not only the Ottoman, but also the British and French naval forces, an unprecedented event in the autocratic era where, in wartime,
Christian countries sided with a Muslim country against another Christian country. Considering the reasons listed above, this paper aims at providing a comparative analysis of the decisions made at the Vienna Congress of 1815 in terms of the changes that conditioned the established balance of power in Europe. Additionally, we intend to compare the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca of 1774 with the decisions of
the Treaty of Paris of 1856, considering them the most adequate indicator of the geopolitical interests that will condition the international system throughout the 20th century.

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Sep 1, 2019

Историја, 2020

Enlightened absolutism represents a state policy which is implemented by the European forces in t... more Enlightened absolutism represents a state policy which is implemented by the European forces in the duration of the 18th century. The chronological line of the enlightened absolutism covers the period of almost a half of century, from 1740 until 1789 i.e. to the start of the
French revolution. The enlightened absolutism is a movement within the absolutism which follows after autocracy (fascism) and precedes the despotism. As founder and ideologist of the Enlightened absolutism is considered Thomas Hobbes with his master piece the Leviathan.The Leviathan according to Hobbes is a sovereign state power (the best form for him is absolute monarchy), which is needed in order to compel people of their obligations. The philosophy of this policy amounts to postulate which stipulates that the social reforms are possible but only through the state and for the state, this phenomena are social expression of the state interest and the state is the only possible protector of fundamental rights and freedoms of the man and the citizen is the state. In other words, according to the Enlightened absolutists (adherents of the absolute monarchy) ‘welfare in society “is possible only and only through the state and the regime that was established by the same. Because of all above mention, our interest in this paper is to explain the basic goal of the ideas of the enlightened absolutism.

ГОЦЕ ДЕЛЧЕВ во колективната меморија на македонскиот народ, 2020

Political thought, 2006

Policy Brief No.-5.pdf, 2020

IusR 2018 2 Humanitas Entire PDF (1), 2018

http://pf.ukim.edu.mk/lawreview/, 2020

ПОЛИТИЧКА ИСТОРИЈА СЛОВЕНА -ИЗМЕЂУ МИТА И СТВАРНОСТИ, 2019

ПОЛИТИЧКА МИСЛА ПОЛИТИЧКИ ЕЛИТИ, ГРАЃАНСТВО И ОПШТЕСТВЕНИ ПРОМЕНИ, 2016

МЕЃУНАРОДНА НАУЧНА КОНФЕРЕНЦИЈА БАЛКАНОТ: ЛУЃЕ, ВОЈНИ И МИР, 2015

Самоиловата држава во историската, воено-политичката, духовната и културната традиција на Македонија, 2015

Political Science Forum, 2016

The Byzantine Missionary activity and its legacy in Europe, 2017

политичка мисла/ political thought, 2015

BALKAN CROSSROADS Historical Dialogue between Scholars in Southeast Europe, 2017

The Balkan Peninsula, or the Balkans, in Eastern and Southeastern Europe is a cradle of European ... more The Balkan Peninsula, or the Balkans, in Eastern and Southeastern Europe is a cradle of European civilization currently comprising different nations, cultures, religions and traditions. Balkan Crossroads is a shared history project that explores differences and commonalities as the basis for dialogue and reconciliation.

КРИЗИТЕ НА МОДЕРНИОТ СВЕТ регионални и глобални предизвици за либералната демократија наспроти религиозниот фундаментализам, 2014

Идејата да ја истражиме проблематиката поврзана со модерните закани за човештвото произлезе од со... more Идејата да ја истражиме проблематиката поврзана со модерните
закани за човештвото произлезе од сознанието дека оваа област е исклучително дефицитарна во современата македонска
академска мисла. Од тие причини, заедно со истражувачкиот
тим од Институтот за политиколошки истражувања РесПублика
и Македонскиот политиколошки форум, формирани во рамките
на Правниот факултет „Јустинијан Први“ во Скопје, како институти кои се предводени од страната на моите најдобри студенти
– постдипломци и магистри на политички студии (Иван Иванов,
Станислав Цветковски, Сара Ал Бандер, Мартин Бузалковски,
м-р Ивана Атанасоска, Лилјана Лазаревска, м-р Марјан Вукчевиќ
и Џенур Исени), при неколкуте консултации кои ги одржавме,
констатиравме дека во Република Македонија, како и пошироко
на Балканот, па и на целата територија на Европа, постои сериозен недостиг од критички став кој академската јавност треба да
го гради во однос на кризните состојби и современите закани
за човештвото.