Cécile Péchu | University of Lausanne (original) (raw)
Papers by Cécile Péchu
L'Harmattan, coll. Dossiers sciences humaines et sociales, 1992
Les Cahiers de l'IEP, 2021
Scholarship in political science usually attributes a pivotal, or even exclusive, role to the wor... more Scholarship in political science usually attributes a pivotal, or even exclusive, role to the working class in the progress of the radical right in Europe in recent years. This paper discusses the link between working class and radical right bearing on the case of the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) with a focus on its electorate and activists’ support. Using post-electoral survey data and in-depth interviews with activists, it develops two critical arguments. The first is that support for the radical right is interclassist and based on various types of social and political rationales. The second argument is that a significant proportion of the working class does not support the SVP. Consequently class position is not the key determinant of support for the radical right. The paper argues that it is necessary to take into account a plurality of factors liable to bear on political behaviour. These factors can be endogenous (e.g. the political socialization and social trajectories of the actors) or exogenous (such as mobilizing sociability networks, political offer, and context). Studies on the radical right would gain by incorporating these various determinants of political behaviour. This requires going beyond monocausal explanations of support for the radical right, and allows to put into perspective explanations for support of the SVP in terms of frustration and economic deprivation often present in scholarship
The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, has contributed sig... more The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, has contributed significantly to the evolution of the repertoires of collective action in the last 10 years by using direct action modes such as squatting or camping. The article seeks to explain commitment within the Association, emphasizing the role of time. The existence in the association between 1990 and 1996 of three « militant generations », influenced by the association’s relations to the historical context, is highlighted. The analysis deals with defections as well as new members. Such attention to changes in membership makes it possible to illuminate debates, conflicts, scissions and tactics and their developments both synchronically and diachronically. At the individual level, it accounts for the activists’ careers and exit/entry phenomena. Three militants’ careers, typical of each of the three generations, are detailed in order to grasp the relations of the reasons and causes of flows. These pr...
This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union democratique... more This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union democratique du centre. From the post-electoral surveys « Selects » carried out after the Swiss national elections of 1999 and 2003, a plurality of indicators is considered. The analysis shows the growing weight of socio-professional dimensions in the explanation. It also shows the socially composite and interclassist character of the vote for UDC : beside its traditional basis, made up of farmers and of small independent, the share of not qualified workers increased. The vote for UDC is not thus now explained mainly by linguistic, religious or residence cleavages, traditionally mobilized to account for the electoral choice in Switzerland. On the methodological level, the study shows the relative character of the indicators used in the study of the « heavy » determinants of the vote.
La litterature tend a caracteriser le populisme par deux dimensions : l'appel au peuple contr... more La litterature tend a caracteriser le populisme par deux dimensions : l'appel au peuple contre les elites et un type particulier de rapport au leader. A partir d'entretiens approfondis avec des militants de l'Union Democratique du Centre (UDC) menes dans le cadre d'une etude sur la pluralite des logiques d'engagement dans ce parti, ce texte traite du role de ces deux dimensions dans l'attachement au parti. Nous constatons d'une part que ces dimensions ne sont pas systematiquement presentes chez les militants rencontres ; l'attachement au parti peut meme s'operer en depit du discours « populiste » du parti. Nous montrons d'autre part que les formes que prennent ces dimensions different en fonction des proprietes sociales et des parcours de vie des activistes. En definitive, la notion de populisme, lorsqu'elle entend rendre compte de la « demande » d'attachement a ce type de parti venant des militants et/ou des electeurs, provoque plus d...
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2005
This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique... more This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique du centre. From the post-electoral surveys « Selects » carried out after the Swiss national elections of 1999 and 2003, a plurality of indicators is considered. The analysis shows the growing weight of socio-professional dimensions in the explanation. It also shows the socially composite and interclassist character of the vote for UDC : beside its traditional basis, made up of farmers and of small independent, the share of not qualified workers increased. The vote for UDC is not thus now explained mainly by linguistic, religious or residence cleavages, traditionally mobilized to account for the electoral choice in Switzerland. On the methodological level, the study shows the relative character of the indicators used in the study of the « heavy » determinants of the vote.
Sociologie Du Travail, Mar 31, 2015
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2019
Pour reconsidérer la thèse de l’apparition de « nouveaux mouvements sociaux » et de nouveaux cliv... more Pour reconsidérer la thèse de l’apparition de « nouveaux mouvements sociaux » et de nouveaux clivages, cet article s’intéresse aux liens que les organisations politiques et du mouvement social entretiennent les unes avec les autres. Dans une perspective d’analyse localisée, il compare la structuration de l’espace militant constitué par les appartenances organisationnelles des « soixante-huitards » engagés à Genève et Zurich, cartographié au moyen d’analyses de correspondances multiples (ACM). Les années 1968 voient bien se développer partout des engagements un peu à part, centrés sur la dénonciation des formes de domination autres qu’économiques. Mais ce ne sont ni les mêmes militants, ni les mêmes organisations qui peuplent ces types de militantisme dans les deux villes. Une telle analyse montre aussi que les mêmes labels doctrinaux revendiqués ne signalent pas forcément une proximité des engagements.
Cahiers de littérature orale , 2020
Travaux de Science Politique de l'Université de Lausanne n°24, 2006
This contribution has several theoretical aims: to question the implicit aspects of the concept o... more This contribution has several theoretical aims: to question the implicit aspects of the concept of repertory of action, to propose a typification of the modes of action ; to indicate leads for a joint analysis of the instrumental and discursive repertories implemented by the organizations ; to reconsider the historical ruptures stressed by Charles Tilly ; and finally to think of the organisational and contextual conditions supporting the use of direct actions. This paper is empirically grounded on the study of the genesis of a specific mode of action, squat, between 1880 and 1914, and based on a work on archives and on etymology. We show in particular that the
passage from "resistance" to "contest", in which prevails the "claimed", supposes a particular form of relation to politics which constituted in itself a significant stake of struggles between various groups, at the beginning of this century.
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2005
This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique... more This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique du centre. From the post-electoral surveys « Selects » carried out after the Swiss national elections of 1999 and 2003, a plurality of indicators is considered. The analysis shows the growing weight of socio-professional dimensions in the explanation. It also shows the socially composite and interclassist character of the vote for UDC : beside its traditional basis, made
up of farmers and of small independent, the share of not qualified workers increased. The vote for UDC is not thus now explained mainly by linguistic, religious or residence cleavages, traditionally mobilized to account for the electoral choice in Switzerland. On the methodological
level, the study shows the relative character of the indicators used in the study of the « heavy » determinants of the vote.
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2001
The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, bas contributed sig... more The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, bas contributed significantly to the evolution of the repertoires of collective action in the last 10 years by using direct action modes such as squatting or camping. The article seeks to explain commitment within the Association, emphasizing the role of time. The existence in the association between 1990 and 1996 of three « militant generations », influenced by the association's relations to the historical context, is highlighted. The analysis deals with defections as well as new members. Such attention to changes in membership makes it possible to illuminate debates, conflicts, scissions and tactics and their developments both synchronically and diachronically. At the individual level, it accounts for the activists' careers and exit/entry phenomena. Three militants' careers, typical of each of the three generations, are detailed in order to grasp the relations of the reasons and causes of flows. These provide an illustration of the differentiation of two types of fields over the last 20 years, the partisan field on which most social movements depended since at least the end of World War Il, and the militant field, of which Droit au logement seems to be typical.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1999
The mid‑1980s in France saw the emergence of an activist movement focusing on the issue of housin... more The mid‑1980s in France saw the emergence of an activist movement focusing on the issue of housing. Until 1993, primarily African families made up the social basis of this movement. I study its genesis from two perspectives: first, a macro‑sociological angle identifying the structural modifications to African immigration as the reason why it came about in 1986 and, second, a micro‑sociological anglefocusing more specifically on the iterative process of social action at the time. It is the transformations of African immigration to France at the beginning of the 1980s and changes to the housing market in Paris area that encourage the appearance of the movement leading to housing claims. The collective action can only develop, however, because black African immigrants in France already have minimum 'indigenous' resources. The genesis of the mobilisation as a process is considered from a microsociological perspective. This approach serves to show that a defensive mobilisation contained a certain number of advantages for a group with low levels of resources. It alone allows legitimate use of community networks, even though the French conception of citizenship assumes their non‑existence.
Politix, 1996
The mobilization of persons who have housing problems and homeless people, through two associatio... more The mobilization of persons who have housing problems and homeless people, through two associations, Droit au logement and the Comité des mal-logés, brings a theoretical problem : how can people a priori without any resources act together ? Two caracteristics of these associations allow this collective action : the existence of professional activists and the use of specific types of action, which, as the «squat», may be defined as a sectorbased illegalisms. They constitute individual incitements to collective action, and also breaking of civil peace. But these two aspects lead to an extension of the revendications. These associations for the migrants houses spread out to revendications about a range of social rights. The people who are excluded may then, play an important role in the transformation of society.
Books by Cécile Péchu
Mémoire présenté pour le DEA d'Etudes Politiques, Sciences Po Paris, 1990
Avanza, Martina, Miaz, Jonathan, Péchu, Cécile, Voutat, Bernard, 2023
Les mouvements sociaux et les associations ne font pas que manifester ou pétitionner: souvent, il... more Les mouvements sociaux et les associations ne font pas que manifester ou pétitionner: souvent, ils fournissent aussi des services individuels aux populations bénéficiaires de leur action. Les militants remplissent des demandes de permis de séjour, rédigent des réponses à des employeurs, contestent des augmentations de loyer… Ce militantisme de guichet a été peu étudié par la sociologie de l’action collective. Comment cette forme d’action s’articule-t-elle avec la défense d’une cause? En quoi transforme-t-elle les mouvements sociaux? Quel en est l’impact sur leur dimension contestataire? Cet ouvrage décline ce questionnement dans quatre domaines de l’action collective: le logement, l’aide aux personnes migrantes, le travail et les enjeux de genre, dans plusieurs pays (Suisse, France, Italie, Etats-Unis).
L'Harmattan, coll. Dossiers sciences humaines et sociales, 1992
Les Cahiers de l'IEP, 2021
Scholarship in political science usually attributes a pivotal, or even exclusive, role to the wor... more Scholarship in political science usually attributes a pivotal, or even exclusive, role to the working class in the progress of the radical right in Europe in recent years. This paper discusses the link between working class and radical right bearing on the case of the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) with a focus on its electorate and activists’ support. Using post-electoral survey data and in-depth interviews with activists, it develops two critical arguments. The first is that support for the radical right is interclassist and based on various types of social and political rationales. The second argument is that a significant proportion of the working class does not support the SVP. Consequently class position is not the key determinant of support for the radical right. The paper argues that it is necessary to take into account a plurality of factors liable to bear on political behaviour. These factors can be endogenous (e.g. the political socialization and social trajectories of the actors) or exogenous (such as mobilizing sociability networks, political offer, and context). Studies on the radical right would gain by incorporating these various determinants of political behaviour. This requires going beyond monocausal explanations of support for the radical right, and allows to put into perspective explanations for support of the SVP in terms of frustration and economic deprivation often present in scholarship
The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, has contributed sig... more The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, has contributed significantly to the evolution of the repertoires of collective action in the last 10 years by using direct action modes such as squatting or camping. The article seeks to explain commitment within the Association, emphasizing the role of time. The existence in the association between 1990 and 1996 of three « militant generations », influenced by the association’s relations to the historical context, is highlighted. The analysis deals with defections as well as new members. Such attention to changes in membership makes it possible to illuminate debates, conflicts, scissions and tactics and their developments both synchronically and diachronically. At the individual level, it accounts for the activists’ careers and exit/entry phenomena. Three militants’ careers, typical of each of the three generations, are detailed in order to grasp the relations of the reasons and causes of flows. These pr...
This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union democratique... more This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union democratique du centre. From the post-electoral surveys « Selects » carried out after the Swiss national elections of 1999 and 2003, a plurality of indicators is considered. The analysis shows the growing weight of socio-professional dimensions in the explanation. It also shows the socially composite and interclassist character of the vote for UDC : beside its traditional basis, made up of farmers and of small independent, the share of not qualified workers increased. The vote for UDC is not thus now explained mainly by linguistic, religious or residence cleavages, traditionally mobilized to account for the electoral choice in Switzerland. On the methodological level, the study shows the relative character of the indicators used in the study of the « heavy » determinants of the vote.
La litterature tend a caracteriser le populisme par deux dimensions : l'appel au peuple contr... more La litterature tend a caracteriser le populisme par deux dimensions : l'appel au peuple contre les elites et un type particulier de rapport au leader. A partir d'entretiens approfondis avec des militants de l'Union Democratique du Centre (UDC) menes dans le cadre d'une etude sur la pluralite des logiques d'engagement dans ce parti, ce texte traite du role de ces deux dimensions dans l'attachement au parti. Nous constatons d'une part que ces dimensions ne sont pas systematiquement presentes chez les militants rencontres ; l'attachement au parti peut meme s'operer en depit du discours « populiste » du parti. Nous montrons d'autre part que les formes que prennent ces dimensions different en fonction des proprietes sociales et des parcours de vie des activistes. En definitive, la notion de populisme, lorsqu'elle entend rendre compte de la « demande » d'attachement a ce type de parti venant des militants et/ou des electeurs, provoque plus d...
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2005
This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique... more This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique du centre. From the post-electoral surveys « Selects » carried out after the Swiss national elections of 1999 and 2003, a plurality of indicators is considered. The analysis shows the growing weight of socio-professional dimensions in the explanation. It also shows the socially composite and interclassist character of the vote for UDC : beside its traditional basis, made up of farmers and of small independent, the share of not qualified workers increased. The vote for UDC is not thus now explained mainly by linguistic, religious or residence cleavages, traditionally mobilized to account for the electoral choice in Switzerland. On the methodological level, the study shows the relative character of the indicators used in the study of the « heavy » determinants of the vote.
Sociologie Du Travail, Mar 31, 2015
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2019
Pour reconsidérer la thèse de l’apparition de « nouveaux mouvements sociaux » et de nouveaux cliv... more Pour reconsidérer la thèse de l’apparition de « nouveaux mouvements sociaux » et de nouveaux clivages, cet article s’intéresse aux liens que les organisations politiques et du mouvement social entretiennent les unes avec les autres. Dans une perspective d’analyse localisée, il compare la structuration de l’espace militant constitué par les appartenances organisationnelles des « soixante-huitards » engagés à Genève et Zurich, cartographié au moyen d’analyses de correspondances multiples (ACM). Les années 1968 voient bien se développer partout des engagements un peu à part, centrés sur la dénonciation des formes de domination autres qu’économiques. Mais ce ne sont ni les mêmes militants, ni les mêmes organisations qui peuplent ces types de militantisme dans les deux villes. Une telle analyse montre aussi que les mêmes labels doctrinaux revendiqués ne signalent pas forcément une proximité des engagements.
Cahiers de littérature orale , 2020
Travaux de Science Politique de l'Université de Lausanne n°24, 2006
This contribution has several theoretical aims: to question the implicit aspects of the concept o... more This contribution has several theoretical aims: to question the implicit aspects of the concept of repertory of action, to propose a typification of the modes of action ; to indicate leads for a joint analysis of the instrumental and discursive repertories implemented by the organizations ; to reconsider the historical ruptures stressed by Charles Tilly ; and finally to think of the organisational and contextual conditions supporting the use of direct actions. This paper is empirically grounded on the study of the genesis of a specific mode of action, squat, between 1880 and 1914, and based on a work on archives and on etymology. We show in particular that the
passage from "resistance" to "contest", in which prevails the "claimed", supposes a particular form of relation to politics which constituted in itself a significant stake of struggles between various groups, at the beginning of this century.
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2005
This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique... more This study analyzes the role of socio-professional aspects in the vote for the Union démocratique du centre. From the post-electoral surveys « Selects » carried out after the Swiss national elections of 1999 and 2003, a plurality of indicators is considered. The analysis shows the growing weight of socio-professional dimensions in the explanation. It also shows the socially composite and interclassist character of the vote for UDC : beside its traditional basis, made
up of farmers and of small independent, the share of not qualified workers increased. The vote for UDC is not thus now explained mainly by linguistic, religious or residence cleavages, traditionally mobilized to account for the electoral choice in Switzerland. On the methodological
level, the study shows the relative character of the indicators used in the study of the « heavy » determinants of the vote.
Revue Française de Science Politique, 2001
The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, bas contributed sig... more The French Droit au logement (Right to Housing) association, founded in 1990, bas contributed significantly to the evolution of the repertoires of collective action in the last 10 years by using direct action modes such as squatting or camping. The article seeks to explain commitment within the Association, emphasizing the role of time. The existence in the association between 1990 and 1996 of three « militant generations », influenced by the association's relations to the historical context, is highlighted. The analysis deals with defections as well as new members. Such attention to changes in membership makes it possible to illuminate debates, conflicts, scissions and tactics and their developments both synchronically and diachronically. At the individual level, it accounts for the activists' careers and exit/entry phenomena. Three militants' careers, typical of each of the three generations, are detailed in order to grasp the relations of the reasons and causes of flows. These provide an illustration of the differentiation of two types of fields over the last 20 years, the partisan field on which most social movements depended since at least the end of World War Il, and the militant field, of which Droit au logement seems to be typical.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1999
The mid‑1980s in France saw the emergence of an activist movement focusing on the issue of housin... more The mid‑1980s in France saw the emergence of an activist movement focusing on the issue of housing. Until 1993, primarily African families made up the social basis of this movement. I study its genesis from two perspectives: first, a macro‑sociological angle identifying the structural modifications to African immigration as the reason why it came about in 1986 and, second, a micro‑sociological anglefocusing more specifically on the iterative process of social action at the time. It is the transformations of African immigration to France at the beginning of the 1980s and changes to the housing market in Paris area that encourage the appearance of the movement leading to housing claims. The collective action can only develop, however, because black African immigrants in France already have minimum 'indigenous' resources. The genesis of the mobilisation as a process is considered from a microsociological perspective. This approach serves to show that a defensive mobilisation contained a certain number of advantages for a group with low levels of resources. It alone allows legitimate use of community networks, even though the French conception of citizenship assumes their non‑existence.
Politix, 1996
The mobilization of persons who have housing problems and homeless people, through two associatio... more The mobilization of persons who have housing problems and homeless people, through two associations, Droit au logement and the Comité des mal-logés, brings a theoretical problem : how can people a priori without any resources act together ? Two caracteristics of these associations allow this collective action : the existence of professional activists and the use of specific types of action, which, as the «squat», may be defined as a sectorbased illegalisms. They constitute individual incitements to collective action, and also breaking of civil peace. But these two aspects lead to an extension of the revendications. These associations for the migrants houses spread out to revendications about a range of social rights. The people who are excluded may then, play an important role in the transformation of society.
Mémoire présenté pour le DEA d'Etudes Politiques, Sciences Po Paris, 1990
Avanza, Martina, Miaz, Jonathan, Péchu, Cécile, Voutat, Bernard, 2023
Les mouvements sociaux et les associations ne font pas que manifester ou pétitionner: souvent, il... more Les mouvements sociaux et les associations ne font pas que manifester ou pétitionner: souvent, ils fournissent aussi des services individuels aux populations bénéficiaires de leur action. Les militants remplissent des demandes de permis de séjour, rédigent des réponses à des employeurs, contestent des augmentations de loyer… Ce militantisme de guichet a été peu étudié par la sociologie de l’action collective. Comment cette forme d’action s’articule-t-elle avec la défense d’une cause? En quoi transforme-t-elle les mouvements sociaux? Quel en est l’impact sur leur dimension contestataire? Cet ouvrage décline ce questionnement dans quatre domaines de l’action collective: le logement, l’aide aux personnes migrantes, le travail et les enjeux de genre, dans plusieurs pays (Suisse, France, Italie, Etats-Unis).
Comment se sont agencees les mobilisations pour le logement, alors meme qu'elles sont qualifi... more Comment se sont agencees les mobilisations pour le logement, alors meme qu'elles sont qualifiees de mobilisations improblables ? Telle est la principale question traitee dans ce travail, qui s'attache a rendre compte des processus ayant affecte la creation et le developpement du Comite des Mal loges et de l'association Droit au logement durant les decennies quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix, a la lumiere des transformations contemporaines de l'action collective. Les trois facteurs principaux expliquant cette mobilisation sont : une aggravation du probleme du logement et la construction sociale specifique de la notion d'exclusion ; les ressources effectives des sans-logis et mal-loges possedees avant l'action ou produites par son processus meme ; l'autonomisation d'un champ militant par rapport au champ partisan, qui a favorise l'implication de militants, et a laquelle est liee l'utilisation du squat comme mode d'action. On montre ainsi qu&#...
Cette journée d’étude vise à analyser, dans plusieurs domaines de l’action collective, les usages... more Cette journée d’étude vise à analyser, dans plusieurs domaines de l’action collective, les usages – et la signification sociale qui leur est associée – de ce dispositif de guichet, en tant que révélateur et analyseur de l’activité militante et de ses changements.
Qu’est-ce que l’observation des interactions aux guichets de ces groupements associatifs ou militants permet de comprendre de l’organisation de l’action collective, de la division du travail en leur sein, des ressorts de la mobilisation, de l’articulation et de la hiérarchisation de différents modes d’action, ainsi que des tensions qui traversent leurs activités ? C’est donc bien le dispositif physique et symbolique du guichet et sa place dans l’action collective en tant que matérialisation d’une certaine forme de relation des personnes et organisations à leurs populations cibles qui seront au coeur des communications.
Journée Le politique, la politisation, les rapports politiques au monde social : Quels enjeux de recherche ? AAC interne au Crapul, 2020
Cette journée a pour but d'échanger entre membres du Crapul sur la manière dont, dans nos recherc... more Cette journée a pour but d'échanger entre membres du Crapul sur la manière dont, dans nos recherches, nous sommes confronté•es à la question de la définition et de l'identification du politique, des comportements politiques, de la participation politique et de la politisation, et à celles de leurs déterminants-et notamment les rapports politiques au monde social susceptibles d'avoir des effets sur le rapport au monde politique. La question de la définition du politique, et partant des comportements politiques et de la politisation, est l'objet de controverses théoriques et de débats sur leurs évolutions contemporaines.
Le malheur militant, 2022
Il s’agit ici d’ouvrir la boîte noire des scissions, et dans cet esprit d’en comparer deux toucha... more Il s’agit ici d’ouvrir la boîte noire des scissions, et dans cet esprit d’en comparer deux touchant un groupe d’extrême gauche genevois d’obédience marxiste-léniniste des années 70, le Centre de liaison politique (CLP). Nous montrons que ces deux situations de crise ont été marquées par une variation dans l’intensité des émotions négatives, la première scission en suscitant plus que la seconde. Pourquoi certaines crises produisent-elles plus d’émotions négatives que d’autres ? Nous explorons les raisons, étroitement politiques comme plus largement sociales, qui président à cette variation. Nous commençons par repérer les traces de ces émotions négatives accompagnant ces deux scissions, leur formes et intensité. Puis nous en explorons les déterminants, d’abord sous l’angle de l’organisation, en nous penchant sur le contenu politique et le déroulement (au sens d’un échange de coups entre militants) des scissions, intervenant à deux moments de l’histoire du CLP. L’insuffisance d’une lecture interne de la dynamique de la crise nous conduit enfin à rapporter ces émotions négatives et leur variation à des états contrastés du champ politique radical, et aux propriétés des acteurs impliqués
in Pierre Favre, Olivier Fillieule, Fabien Jobard (dir.), L'atelier du politiste. Théories, action, représentations, coll. "Recherches", La Découverte/PACTE, p.59-78, 2007
in Oscar Mazzoleni et Hervé Rayner, Les partis politiques suisses : traditions et renouvellements, Paris, Michel Houdiard, 2009
in Ivan Sainsaulieu, Muriel Surdez (dir.), Sens politiques du travail, Paris, Armand Collin, p.153-168, 2012
Right-wing Extremism in Switzerland, 2009
Dictionnaire des mouvements sociaux
Dictionnaire des mouvements sociaux
Dictionnaire des mouvements sociaux