Oscar Billing | Uppsala University (original) (raw)
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Thesis Chapters by Oscar Billing
In this thesis, the finite verb in Lycian is described. All verbal endings and stems are analys... more In this thesis, the finite verb in Lycian is described. All verbal endings and stems are analysed and given both a synchronic description and, to the maximum possible extent , a diachronic explanation. First, all verbal endings are gathered and described both generally and individually. Subsequently, the verbal stems are categorised into types according to stem formant (last segment(s) before the ending) and ending allo-morphy (e.g. lenited vs. unlenited). The last sections are devoted to a detailed individual treatment of all attested Lycian verbal stems. A schema is presented in which the established Lycian stem types are mapped to their original Proto-Indo-European types (section 4.6), e.g. Lyc. s-stems < PIE sḱé/ó-presents. Thereby, a comprehensive model is provided by which the Lycian finite verb may be understood in both its Anatolian and Indo-European context.
Papers by Oscar Billing
Kadmos 63, 2024
Lydian o-vocalism has proved a difficult problem of historical phonology and the origin of many o... more Lydian o-vocalism has proved a difficult problem of historical phonology and the origin of many o-vowels remains unclear. In this paper, one sound law responsible for secondary o-vocalism is presented: the backing of an accented *á when adjacent to k. This sound law provides an etymology for the nominal suffix-oka-and can be supported by several independent data points. One consequence is the elucidation of the word kocwid as meaning 'rite, cult supply', leading to an improved understanding of three separate Lydian passages. An ongoing rounding of á to o when adjacent to f is also hypothesised, based on new evidence with observable a/o-vacillation.
Indo-European Linguistics, 2022
It has recently become generally accepted that Hittite possessed two non-low back vowel phonemes ... more It has recently become generally accepted that Hittite possessed two non-low back vowel phonemes denoted by means of plene spelling with ⟨u⟩ and ⟨ú⟩, representing /o/ and /u/, respectively. Upon reviewing all available evidence of plene spelling in the Hittite common gender accusative plural ending it is observed that the choice of vowel sign alternates. This forces us to reckon with at least two allomorphs of the acc.pl.c. ending,-/us/ and-/os/, which in turn demand explanations. The choice of ending appears to be largely contingent on the stem type of the nominal to which it is attached, forming a complementary distribution. For example, ablauting u-stems take-/os/ and i-stems take-/us/. Building on this observation, a diachronic scenario is formulated to account for all observable ending allomorphy. It is argued that the endings of the non-ablauting i-stems and the barytone a-stems were analogically introduced. In the i-stems, the inherited ending-/us/ of the ablauting i-stems was generalised to all i-stems, whereas the source of the ending in the a-stems remains unknown. The sound laws resulting from this analysis indicate that the vocalic outcomes of final *-(V)m# are symmetrical to those of *-(V)ms#, leading to an improved economy in Hittite historical phonology.
In this thesis, the finite verb in Lycian is described. All verbal endings and stems are analys... more In this thesis, the finite verb in Lycian is described. All verbal endings and stems are analysed and given both a synchronic description and, to the maximum possible extent , a diachronic explanation. First, all verbal endings are gathered and described both generally and individually. Subsequently, the verbal stems are categorised into types according to stem formant (last segment(s) before the ending) and ending allo-morphy (e.g. lenited vs. unlenited). The last sections are devoted to a detailed individual treatment of all attested Lycian verbal stems. A schema is presented in which the established Lycian stem types are mapped to their original Proto-Indo-European types (section 4.6), e.g. Lyc. s-stems < PIE sḱé/ó-presents. Thereby, a comprehensive model is provided by which the Lycian finite verb may be understood in both its Anatolian and Indo-European context.
Kadmos 63, 2024
Lydian o-vocalism has proved a difficult problem of historical phonology and the origin of many o... more Lydian o-vocalism has proved a difficult problem of historical phonology and the origin of many o-vowels remains unclear. In this paper, one sound law responsible for secondary o-vocalism is presented: the backing of an accented *á when adjacent to k. This sound law provides an etymology for the nominal suffix-oka-and can be supported by several independent data points. One consequence is the elucidation of the word kocwid as meaning 'rite, cult supply', leading to an improved understanding of three separate Lydian passages. An ongoing rounding of á to o when adjacent to f is also hypothesised, based on new evidence with observable a/o-vacillation.
Indo-European Linguistics, 2022
It has recently become generally accepted that Hittite possessed two non-low back vowel phonemes ... more It has recently become generally accepted that Hittite possessed two non-low back vowel phonemes denoted by means of plene spelling with ⟨u⟩ and ⟨ú⟩, representing /o/ and /u/, respectively. Upon reviewing all available evidence of plene spelling in the Hittite common gender accusative plural ending it is observed that the choice of vowel sign alternates. This forces us to reckon with at least two allomorphs of the acc.pl.c. ending,-/us/ and-/os/, which in turn demand explanations. The choice of ending appears to be largely contingent on the stem type of the nominal to which it is attached, forming a complementary distribution. For example, ablauting u-stems take-/os/ and i-stems take-/us/. Building on this observation, a diachronic scenario is formulated to account for all observable ending allomorphy. It is argued that the endings of the non-ablauting i-stems and the barytone a-stems were analogically introduced. In the i-stems, the inherited ending-/us/ of the ablauting i-stems was generalised to all i-stems, whereas the source of the ending in the a-stems remains unknown. The sound laws resulting from this analysis indicate that the vocalic outcomes of final *-(V)m# are symmetrical to those of *-(V)ms#, leading to an improved economy in Hittite historical phonology.