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Published Papers by Fernando Mouron

Research paper thumbnail of Hugo CHavez's polarizing legaCy: chavismo, media, and publiC opinion in argentina's domestiC politiCs *1

Since Hugo Chávez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezue-la has strengthened ti... more Since Hugo Chávez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezue-la has strengthened ties with most of its Latin American neighbors, particularly those where sympathetic leftist administrations also managed to assume power, including Argentina. With our analysis we show: 1) that Argentine media, divided between pro-and anti-government positions, presents a polarized view of chavismo; and 2) that Argentine public opinion regarding Chávez is not necessarily divided on the basis of ideological affiliations (left-right), but rather by the rejection or support of the former Argentine government. With these findings, we argue that in such a polarized information environment, chavismo is a polarizing issue and a tool that can be exploited in the domestic realm. RESUMEN Desde la asunción de Hugo Chávez Frias a la presidencia en 1999, Venezuela estrechó vín-culos con la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, particularmente con aquellos donde también arribaron al poder administraciones con orientaciones de izquierda, incluyendo Argentina. Con este análisis demostramos que: 1) los medios argentinos, divididos en un clivaje gobierno-oposición, presentan una visión polarizada repecto al chavismo; 2) que la opinión pública argentina respecto a Chávez no está necesariamente dividida en base a afi-liaciones ideológicas (izquierda-derecha), sino por rechazo o apoyo al gobierno Kirchnerista. Con estos hallazgos argumentamos que en un entorno de información polarizado la percep-ción que se tiene del chavismo es un tema polarizador y una herramienta que puede aprove-charse para obtener ventajas en el escenario doméstico.

Research paper thumbnail of Rising Donors in a Transitional World: Challenges and Opportunities for Brazilian Technical Cooperation

How can a transitional multipolar world affect the rise of new actors in the area of Internationa... more How can a transitional multipolar world affect the rise of new actors in the area of International Development Cooperation? In this article, we analyze the evolution of Brazilian Technical Cooperation projects over the last 20 years. This period was characterized by a sharp increase in the amount of money spent on such policies, which in turn made Brazil an emerging donor and prompted research on the motives that drove this foreign policy strategy. However, the literature has still neglected to combine the changes that occurred in the international arena with changes that occurred in Brazilian domestic politics, to examine if Brazil chases international ambitions. To fill this gap, we gathered unpublished data on the expenditures of all bilateral and multilateral Brazilian Technical Cooperation projects from the last two decades. Our findings suggest that the increase in Technical Cooperation in this period was directed toward allied countries. We believe that this indicates that, despite the humanistic rhetoric, Brazilian Technical Cooperation projects played a major role in advancing Brazilian interests for gathering support in the international arena.

Research paper thumbnail of Latin American Perceptions of Regional Identity and Leadership in Comparative Perspective

Public opinion plays a growing role in foreign policy formation in democratic societies. In this ... more Public opinion plays a growing role in foreign policy formation in democratic societies. In this study, we use survey data from The Americas and the World project to establish whether Latin Americans share a common regional identity, and regard Brazil as a regional leader. Our results indicate that the majority of Brazilians do not identify themselves as Latin Americans. Moreover, while they believe their country is the most suitable candidate for regional leadership, they are unwilling to bear the costs of assuming such a role. Our study also explores perceptions of regional identity and Brazilian leadership in other Latin American countries, based on their own respective power aspirations. It shows that less powerful Latin American nations recognize Brazil as a regional leader, but citizens in middle powers, like Argentina and Mexico, still believe their countries should play a prominent regional role.

Research paper thumbnail of Framing effects on foreign policy: experimental evidence from emerging countries and the Argentine-Brazilian rivalry

Civil society plays an increasingly important role in the formulation of foreign policy in emergi... more Civil society plays an increasingly important role in the formulation of foreign policy in emerging countries. This article investigates whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects regarding foreign policy. Through a survey experiment, applied to a sample of 1530 students at the Universidad de Buenos Aires and the Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, we find that participants are sensitive to framing effects on foreign affairs. The interviewees changed their preferences when stimulated with information regarding Brazilian economic growth and military expenditure in comparison with Argentina. In turn, this effect was more pronounced among a) people that tend to stay less informed regarding foreign affairs and b) more nationalistic individuals.

Research paper thumbnail of Is Brazil a Leader in South America?

Numerous intellectuals have reinterpreted in many ways the role that Brazil plays in South Americ... more Numerous intellectuals have reinterpreted in many ways the role that Brazil plays in South America. This paper presents, firstly, a brief summary of the different views that exist in relation to the theme, and secondly a theoretical debate focused on the concept of leadership. The diversity of positions
regarding a possible Brazilian leadership in the region, shows how the term is used indiscriminately, without a distinction between different sub-types. Therefore, in order to contribute to the research initiated by other colleagues, this study tests the hypothesis that Brazil is a situational leader in South America. Based on the actions taken by the Planalto during regional democratic crises, we demonstrate that the country assumes the role of situational leader. Thus, we conclude that Brazil has the capacity to act on specific opportunities to build and reorient the South American political order

Research paper thumbnail of A Comparative Analysis of Brazil's Foreign Policy Drivers Towards the USA: Comment on Amorim Neto (2011)

Brazilian Political Science Review, 2014

Papers by Fernando Mouron

Research paper thumbnail of An enemy in the backyard? Chinese economic statecraft and U.S. hegemony in Latin America: an empirical analysis, 2003-2014

Research paper thumbnail of Sin espacio para todos: China y la competencia por el Sur en el siglo XXI

Transcurrida más de una década y media del “siglo asiático”, el epicentro de la economía mundial ... more Transcurrida más de una década y media del “siglo asiático”, el epicentro de la economía mundial se ha trasladado del Atlántico Norte hacia el sudeste a un ritmo sin precedentes. Como correlato, la creciente expansión china a nivel global ha ido minando paulatinamente la posición de líderes regionales en sus respectivas áreas de influencia. Debido al desplazamiento de sus inversiones, la consiguiente pérdida de mercados regionales, así como el crecimiento de otras potencias medias gracias al fortalecimiento de sus vínculos con Beijing, argumentamos que Brasil y Sudáfrica han perdido relevancia regional a merced de China, ofreciendo, así, una visión alternativa (pero complementaria) a la abundante literatura que ve a China como la gran oportunidad para ambos países.

Non Peer-Reviewed Articles by Fernando Mouron

Research paper thumbnail of Brasil y la crisis en Venezuela

Peer-Reviewed Articles by Fernando Mouron

Research paper thumbnail of (with Francisco Urdinez and Fernando Mouron) "Sin espacio para todos: China y la competencia por el Sur" en Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals, 114: 17-39.

Transcurrida más de una década y media del «siglo asiático», el epicentro de la economía mundial ... more Transcurrida más de una década y media del «siglo asiático», el epicentro de la economía mundial se ha trasladado del Atlántico Norte hacia Asia Oriental a un ritmo sin precedentes. Como correlato, la creciente expansión china a nivel global ha ido minando
paulatinamente la posición de primeras potencias
regionales a países como Brasil y Sudáfrica.
El desplazamiento de sus inversiones y la consiguiente pérdida de sus mercados regionales, sumado al crecimiento de otras potencias medias regionales por el fortalecimiento de sus vínculos con Beijing, han empañado las perspectivas de liderazgo regional de ambos países. Desde esta perspectiva, a diferencia de la abundante literatura que apunta a China como la gran oportunidad para estos dos países, en este trabajo se advierte de que
tanto Brasil como Sudáfrica han visto mermada su relevancia regional en favor de China, lo que a su vez pone en cuestión la utilidad del concepto BRICS.

Research paper thumbnail of (with Francisco Urdinez, Fernando Mouron, and Amancio Oliveira) "Chinese Economic Statecraft and US Hegemony in Latin America: An Empirical Analysis, 2003–2014" in Latin American Politics and Society, 58(4): 3-30.

If one interprets China's sizable rise in Latin America as an unprecedented phenomenon , it follo... more If one interprets China's sizable rise in Latin America as an unprecedented phenomenon , it follows that the concurrent story of declining U.S. influence in the region is an event hastily acknowledged at best and ignored at worst. In this article, we ask whether Chinese economic statecraft in Latin America is related to the declining U.S. hegemonic influence in the region and explore how. To do so we analyze foreign direct investments, bank loans, and international trade from 2003 to 2014, when China became a major player in the region. We use data from 21 Latin American countries, and find that an inversely proportional relationship exists between the investments made by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), bank loans, manufacturing exports, and the U.S. hegemonic influence exerted in the region. In other words, Beijing has filled the void left by a diminished U.S. presence in the latter's own backyard.

Research paper thumbnail of Hugo CHavez's polarizing legaCy: chavismo, media, and publiC opinion in argentina's domestiC politiCs *1

Since Hugo Chávez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezue-la has strengthened ti... more Since Hugo Chávez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezue-la has strengthened ties with most of its Latin American neighbors, particularly those where sympathetic leftist administrations also managed to assume power, including Argentina. With our analysis we show: 1) that Argentine media, divided between pro-and anti-government positions, presents a polarized view of chavismo; and 2) that Argentine public opinion regarding Chávez is not necessarily divided on the basis of ideological affiliations (left-right), but rather by the rejection or support of the former Argentine government. With these findings, we argue that in such a polarized information environment, chavismo is a polarizing issue and a tool that can be exploited in the domestic realm. RESUMEN Desde la asunción de Hugo Chávez Frias a la presidencia en 1999, Venezuela estrechó vín-culos con la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, particularmente con aquellos donde también arribaron al poder administraciones con orientaciones de izquierda, incluyendo Argentina. Con este análisis demostramos que: 1) los medios argentinos, divididos en un clivaje gobierno-oposición, presentan una visión polarizada repecto al chavismo; 2) que la opinión pública argentina respecto a Chávez no está necesariamente dividida en base a afi-liaciones ideológicas (izquierda-derecha), sino por rechazo o apoyo al gobierno Kirchnerista. Con estos hallazgos argumentamos que en un entorno de información polarizado la percep-ción que se tiene del chavismo es un tema polarizador y una herramienta que puede aprove-charse para obtener ventajas en el escenario doméstico.

Research paper thumbnail of Rising Donors in a Transitional World: Challenges and Opportunities for Brazilian Technical Cooperation

How can a transitional multipolar world affect the rise of new actors in the area of Internationa... more How can a transitional multipolar world affect the rise of new actors in the area of International Development Cooperation? In this article, we analyze the evolution of Brazilian Technical Cooperation projects over the last 20 years. This period was characterized by a sharp increase in the amount of money spent on such policies, which in turn made Brazil an emerging donor and prompted research on the motives that drove this foreign policy strategy. However, the literature has still neglected to combine the changes that occurred in the international arena with changes that occurred in Brazilian domestic politics, to examine if Brazil chases international ambitions. To fill this gap, we gathered unpublished data on the expenditures of all bilateral and multilateral Brazilian Technical Cooperation projects from the last two decades. Our findings suggest that the increase in Technical Cooperation in this period was directed toward allied countries. We believe that this indicates that, despite the humanistic rhetoric, Brazilian Technical Cooperation projects played a major role in advancing Brazilian interests for gathering support in the international arena.

Research paper thumbnail of Latin American Perceptions of Regional Identity and Leadership in Comparative Perspective

Public opinion plays a growing role in foreign policy formation in democratic societies. In this ... more Public opinion plays a growing role in foreign policy formation in democratic societies. In this study, we use survey data from The Americas and the World project to establish whether Latin Americans share a common regional identity, and regard Brazil as a regional leader. Our results indicate that the majority of Brazilians do not identify themselves as Latin Americans. Moreover, while they believe their country is the most suitable candidate for regional leadership, they are unwilling to bear the costs of assuming such a role. Our study also explores perceptions of regional identity and Brazilian leadership in other Latin American countries, based on their own respective power aspirations. It shows that less powerful Latin American nations recognize Brazil as a regional leader, but citizens in middle powers, like Argentina and Mexico, still believe their countries should play a prominent regional role.

Research paper thumbnail of Framing effects on foreign policy: experimental evidence from emerging countries and the Argentine-Brazilian rivalry

Civil society plays an increasingly important role in the formulation of foreign policy in emergi... more Civil society plays an increasingly important role in the formulation of foreign policy in emerging countries. This article investigates whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects regarding foreign policy. Through a survey experiment, applied to a sample of 1530 students at the Universidad de Buenos Aires and the Universidad Nacional de Avellaneda, we find that participants are sensitive to framing effects on foreign affairs. The interviewees changed their preferences when stimulated with information regarding Brazilian economic growth and military expenditure in comparison with Argentina. In turn, this effect was more pronounced among a) people that tend to stay less informed regarding foreign affairs and b) more nationalistic individuals.

Research paper thumbnail of Is Brazil a Leader in South America?

Numerous intellectuals have reinterpreted in many ways the role that Brazil plays in South Americ... more Numerous intellectuals have reinterpreted in many ways the role that Brazil plays in South America. This paper presents, firstly, a brief summary of the different views that exist in relation to the theme, and secondly a theoretical debate focused on the concept of leadership. The diversity of positions
regarding a possible Brazilian leadership in the region, shows how the term is used indiscriminately, without a distinction between different sub-types. Therefore, in order to contribute to the research initiated by other colleagues, this study tests the hypothesis that Brazil is a situational leader in South America. Based on the actions taken by the Planalto during regional democratic crises, we demonstrate that the country assumes the role of situational leader. Thus, we conclude that Brazil has the capacity to act on specific opportunities to build and reorient the South American political order

Research paper thumbnail of A Comparative Analysis of Brazil's Foreign Policy Drivers Towards the USA: Comment on Amorim Neto (2011)

Brazilian Political Science Review, 2014

Research paper thumbnail of An enemy in the backyard? Chinese economic statecraft and U.S. hegemony in Latin America: an empirical analysis, 2003-2014

Research paper thumbnail of Sin espacio para todos: China y la competencia por el Sur en el siglo XXI

Transcurrida más de una década y media del “siglo asiático”, el epicentro de la economía mundial ... more Transcurrida más de una década y media del “siglo asiático”, el epicentro de la economía mundial se ha trasladado del Atlántico Norte hacia el sudeste a un ritmo sin precedentes. Como correlato, la creciente expansión china a nivel global ha ido minando paulatinamente la posición de líderes regionales en sus respectivas áreas de influencia. Debido al desplazamiento de sus inversiones, la consiguiente pérdida de mercados regionales, así como el crecimiento de otras potencias medias gracias al fortalecimiento de sus vínculos con Beijing, argumentamos que Brasil y Sudáfrica han perdido relevancia regional a merced de China, ofreciendo, así, una visión alternativa (pero complementaria) a la abundante literatura que ve a China como la gran oportunidad para ambos países.

Research paper thumbnail of Brasil y la crisis en Venezuela

Research paper thumbnail of (with Francisco Urdinez and Fernando Mouron) "Sin espacio para todos: China y la competencia por el Sur" en Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals, 114: 17-39.

Transcurrida más de una década y media del «siglo asiático», el epicentro de la economía mundial ... more Transcurrida más de una década y media del «siglo asiático», el epicentro de la economía mundial se ha trasladado del Atlántico Norte hacia Asia Oriental a un ritmo sin precedentes. Como correlato, la creciente expansión china a nivel global ha ido minando
paulatinamente la posición de primeras potencias
regionales a países como Brasil y Sudáfrica.
El desplazamiento de sus inversiones y la consiguiente pérdida de sus mercados regionales, sumado al crecimiento de otras potencias medias regionales por el fortalecimiento de sus vínculos con Beijing, han empañado las perspectivas de liderazgo regional de ambos países. Desde esta perspectiva, a diferencia de la abundante literatura que apunta a China como la gran oportunidad para estos dos países, en este trabajo se advierte de que
tanto Brasil como Sudáfrica han visto mermada su relevancia regional en favor de China, lo que a su vez pone en cuestión la utilidad del concepto BRICS.

Research paper thumbnail of (with Francisco Urdinez, Fernando Mouron, and Amancio Oliveira) "Chinese Economic Statecraft and US Hegemony in Latin America: An Empirical Analysis, 2003–2014" in Latin American Politics and Society, 58(4): 3-30.

If one interprets China's sizable rise in Latin America as an unprecedented phenomenon , it follo... more If one interprets China's sizable rise in Latin America as an unprecedented phenomenon , it follows that the concurrent story of declining U.S. influence in the region is an event hastily acknowledged at best and ignored at worst. In this article, we ask whether Chinese economic statecraft in Latin America is related to the declining U.S. hegemonic influence in the region and explore how. To do so we analyze foreign direct investments, bank loans, and international trade from 2003 to 2014, when China became a major player in the region. We use data from 21 Latin American countries, and find that an inversely proportional relationship exists between the investments made by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), bank loans, manufacturing exports, and the U.S. hegemonic influence exerted in the region. In other words, Beijing has filled the void left by a diminished U.S. presence in the latter's own backyard.