Athens Without Slavery: The Battle For Europe (original) (raw)

The Greek Elections and the Rebirth of Europe as a Political Space

Society & Space, 2015

Syriza may well be the last chance for the salvation of Europe as a political project. Whereas most mainstream leaders within the EU have solidly backed the idea of financial markets as the best and final judges of political policy (the need to be ‘competitive’ from the standpoint of transnational capital) and most adversaries to this liberal dogma rely on nationalist fantasies as a response (to go back to a time before national purity was corrupted by EU attacks on sovereignty and by cosmopolitan values), it is Syriza that points to democratic European political efforts as the only response that can allow us to overcome the current political and economic impasses.

‘The Greek Left vis-à-vis the EU: From opposition to accommodation and back again’

This paper studies the position of the main currents of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the European integration project. The first part analyses the politico-economic nature of this project and the main phases of its evolution. Its main argument is that it is an attempt to create a European imperialist bloc in the beginning as an ally to the US versus the Eastern Bloc but – particularly after the collapse of the latter – as an increasingly aggressive competitor to the US for imperialist primacy. The second part studies the relationship of Greek capitalism with the European integration project. Its central thesis is that Greek capital (being a second generation, middle level one with limited imperialist abilities) found in the accession to the European integration project its modern ‘Big Idea’ : it considered that its partnership with the more developed western European capitalisms – however unequal maybe - would signify its ascent in the world imperialist hierarchy. This plan, which passed through several stages, is going completely astray today with Greece’s severe crisis and the imposition of the IMF-EU-ECB Memoranda. In order to substantiate this thesis, a concise presentation of the economic consequences of Greece’s accession first to the EEC and then to EU and EMU is being presented. The third part surveys the position of the three main currents of the Greek Left but also of the other political forces vis-à-vis the EU. It is shown that the majority of the Greek Left (orthodox communist, radical and anti-capitalist Left etc.) – together with PASOK and with the exception of the eurocommunists – opposed vehemently the accession to the EU. However, once it the latter took place, PASOK and parts of the Left accommodated – openly or silently – with it. This was related to several EU economic initiatives (aid packages, agricultural policy etc.) which – although terribly inefficient and ultimately disastrous for the Greek economy – created a popular appeal. However, the eruption of the 2007-8 economic crisis and the subsequent Greek crisis overturned all these as anti-EU feeling and positions prevailed in the Greek society despite the vociferous resistance of the Greek politico-economic establishment. This led to a return of the older Left anti-EU position which became dominant in the Greek Left. A survey is offered of the current politico-economic positions of the main currents and parties of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the EU. Their also a particular focus on the role of the Euro and the EMU is the current Greek politico-economic controversies. The last part concludes by presenting the argument for a Left opposition to the EU and an alternative to the IMF-EU-ECB Memoranda program founded on a strategy of disengagement from both the EU and the EMU. The main political and economic aspects of such a program are being analysed.

The Greek Left vis-a-vis the EU - Edinburgh conference paper

This paper studies the position of the main currents of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the European integration project. The first part analyses the politico-economic nature of this project and the main phases of its evolution. Its main argument is that it is an attempt to create a European imperialist bloc in the beginning as an ally to the US versus the Eastern Bloc but – particularly after the collapse of the latter – as an increasingly aggressive competitor to the US for imperialist primacy. The second part studies the relationship of Greek capitalism with the European integration project. Its central thesis is that Greek capital (being a second generation, middle level one with limited imperialist abilities) found in the accession to the European integration project its modern ‘Big Idea’ : it considered that its partnership with the more developed western European capitalisms – however unequal maybe - would signify its ascent in the world imperialist hierarchy. This plan, which passe...

Greece and the Limits of European Solidarity

Phenomenology and Mind, 2015

This paper examines some recent arguments put forward by economists and philosophers that purport to show that Europeans owe Greece some form of solidarity. The paper distinguishes two different firms of solidarity: justice-based solidarity and remedial solidarity. It argues that Europeans -- working through their institutions -- owe the Greeks only remedial solidarity, but only insofar as they actually harmed the Greeks through imposing upon them a dysfunctional monetary union, an exploitative bailout program, or a damaging form of austerity.