Displaying pride: Variation by social context, ethnic heritage, and gender? (original) (raw)
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Pride occurs in every known culture, appears early in development , is reliably triggered by achievements and formidability, and causes a characteristic display that is recognized everywhere. Here, we evaluate the theory that pride evolved to guide decisions relevant to pursuing actions that enhance valuation and respect for a person in the minds of others. By hypothesis, pride is a neurocomputational program tailored by selection to orchestrate cognition and behavior in the service of: (i) motivating the cost-effective pursuit of courses of action that would increase others' valuations and respect of the individual, (ii) motivating the advertisement of acts or characteristics whose recognition by others would lead them to enhance their evaluations of the individual, and (iii) mobilizing the individual to take advantage of the resulting enhanced social landscape. To modulate how much to invest in actions that might lead to enhanced evaluations by others, the pride system must forecast the magnitude of the evaluations the action would evoke in the audience and calibrate its activation proportionally. We tested this prediction in 16 countries across 4 continents (n = 2,085), for 25 acts and traits. As predicted, the pride intensity for a given act or trait closely tracks the valuations of audiences, local (mean r = +0.82) and foreign (mean r = +0.75). This relationship is specific to pride and does not generalize to other positive emotions that coactivate with pride but lack its audience-recalibrating function. pride | valuation | decision-making | emotion | culture
Cross-cultural regularities in the cognitive architecture of pride
Pride occurs in every known culture, appears early in development , is reliably triggered by achievements and formidability, and causes a characteristic display that is recognized everywhere. Here, we evaluate the theory that pride evolved to guide decisions relevant to pursuing actions that enhance valuation and respect for a person in the minds of others. By hypothesis, pride is a neurocomputational program tailored by selection to orchestrate cognition and behavior in the service of: (i) motivating the cost-effective pursuit of courses of action that would increase others' valuations and respect of the individual, (ii) motivating the advertisement of acts or characteristics whose recognition by others would lead them to enhance their evaluations of the individual, and (iii) mobilizing the individual to take advantage of the resulting enhanced social landscape. To modulate how much to invest in actions that might lead to enhanced evaluations by others, the pride system must forecast the magnitude of the evaluations the action would evoke in the audience and calibrate its activation proportionally. We tested this prediction in 16 countries across 4 continents (n = 2,085), for 25 acts and traits. As predicted, the pride intensity for a given act or trait closely tracks the valuations of audiences, local (mean r = +0.82) and foreign (mean r = +0.75). This relationship is specific to pride and does not generalize to other positive emotions that coactivate with pride but lack its audience-recalibrating function.
Cross-Cultural Evidence that the Nonverbal Expression of Pride Is an Automatic Status Signal
Journal of Experimental Psychology General, 2013
To test whether the pride expression is an implicit, reliably developing signal of high social status in humans, a series of experiments measured implicit and explicit cognitive associations between pride displays and high-status concepts in two culturally disparate populations-North American undergraduates and Fijian villagers living in a traditional, smallscale society. In both groups, pride displays produced strong implicit associations with highstatus, despite Fijian social norms discouraging overt displays of pride. Also in both groups, implicit and explicit associations between emotion expressions and status were dissociated; despite the cross-cultural implicit association between pride displays and high-status, happy displays were, cross-culturally, the more powerful status indicator at an explicit level, and, among Fijians, happy and pride displays were equally strongly implicitly associated with status.
Felt emotions, and verbally communicated emotions: the case of pride
European Journal of Social Psychology, 1996
Potential discrepancies between felt and verbally communicated emotions elicited by two Pride events ('selected for a job among a large group' and 'being congratulated for one's own new partner') were studied by means of a structured questionnaire. Italian male (n=88) and female (n = 107) university students attributed felt and communicated emotions to the event protagonist P, choosing from a list of 14 emotions; the communication occurred with P's partner or friend, or with an acquaintance. Statistical analyses of subjects' attributions confirmed the hypothesis that felt emotions are regulated in verbal communication to others: pride, triumph, selfsatisfaction and excitement were de-emphasized in communication; joy, satisfaction, happiness and surprise were intensified; other emotions were communicated as felt. Event type, and to a lesser extent sex of subject, significantly influenced the direction and extent of regulation. The results are interpreted as showing that the verbal communication of emotion is influenced by emotion-related social norms and beliefs. . I wish to thank Ilaria Bianchi who, as part of her work for her thesis for her degree in psychology, very kindly co-operated in the coding and in the preliminary analyses of the data here reported. I also wish to thank two anonymous reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
How Self-Construal Shapes Emotion: Cultural Differences in the Feeling of Pride
Social Cognition, 2009
Previous research has shown that members of collectivist cultures usually experience less pride than do members of individualist cultures. The current study suggests that such differences are due to either interdependent or independent self-construals. We predicted that individuals with a predominantly interdependent self-construal would experience more pride than individuals with a predominantly independent self-construal if others are successful. This thesis was tested in a study that compared Chinese and German students' responses to scenarios in which others were successful. Consistent with our prediction, the findings revealed that Chinese students felt relatively more pride in these situations than German students did. In a second study, German students thought about achievements of others or their own achievements after having been primed with either an interdependent or an independent self-construal. We found that thinking about the achievements of others resulted in more pride after priming of the interdependent rather than the independent self-construal, whereas thinking about own achievements resulted in more pride after priming of the independent rather than the interdependent self-construal. These findings suggest that self-construal exerts an influence on feelings of pride.
Pride displays communicate self-interest and support for meritocracy
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2013
The present studies examined how observers infer moral attributes and beliefs from nonverbal pride displays. Pride is a self-focused positive emotion triggered by appraisals of the self's success, status, and competence. We hypothesized that when a target emits nonverbal cues of pride, he or she will be viewed by observers as higher in self-interest and therefore more likely to endorse ideologies that would benefit the self-specifically, merit-based resource distributions (meritocracy) as opposed to equality-based resource distributions (egalitarianism). Across studies, experimentally manipulated pride displays (Studies 1 and 3) and naturally occurring expressions of pride (Study 4) led observers to infer heightened support for meritocracy as opposed to egalitarianism. Analyses also revealed that people intuitively associate higher self-interest with enhanced support for meritocracy as opposed to egalitarianism (Study 2), and this association mediates the pathway from pride displays to inferences of heightened support for meritocracy and reduced support for egalitarianism (Studies 3 and 4). Across studies, we compare pride to expressions of joy or no emotion and demonstrate these effects using thin slices as well as static images.
2015
The members of task groups are emotionally more similar to each other than to others outside the group; yet, little is known about the conditions under which this emotional similarity emerges. In two longitudinal studies, we tested the idea that emotions only spread when they contain information that is relevant to all group members. We compared the spreading of group pride (relevant) with self-pride (not relevant). The first study followed emotions in 68 task groups (N = 295) across 4 moments. Multilevel cross-lagged path analyses showed that group members mutually influenced each other's group pride, but not self-pride. The second study followed emotions in 27 task groups (N = 195) across 3 moments in time. Longitudinal social network analyses showed that group members adjusted their group pride, but not their self-pride, to members they perceived to be more influential. Findings from both studies are consistent with a social referencing account of emotion spreading.
Frontiers in Psychology, 2018
Pride is a status-related self-conscious emotion. The present study aimed to investigate the nature of status behind pride in four studies with using the two-facet model of pride, status maintenance strategies and with differentiating subjective social status (SSS) and objective social status (OSS). In Studies 1 and 2, we used questionnaire methods with structural equation modeling (SEM) in order to identify the relationship patterns between SSS, OSS, status maintenance strategies and pride. In Studies 3 and 4, we used vignette method and SEM to identify these links. All four studies gave evidence for the SSS → prestige status maintenance strategy → authentic pride relationship pattern. Similarly consistent result was found regarding the dominance status maintenance strategy → hubristic pride link. Depending on the assessment method (questionnaire vs. vignette) and the evaluative frame of reference (self vs. other), OSS was related to either authentic and hubristic pride, only hubristic pride, or neither of them. Based on these results, one thing can be taken for granted: pride is a subjective status-related emotion. However, the present results suggest that it is not necessarily true for OSS.
Pride: Feeling Good About Myself Because of You, Because of Us
Emotions in Culture and Everyday Life Conceptual, Theoretical and Empirical Explorations, edited by Michael Hviid Jacobsen, 2022
Pride is generally portrayed as an emotion of self-appraisal or as a self-conscious emotion. When feeling pride, one evaluates (and therefore is intentionally directed towards) oneself as commendable in light either of one’s achievements (agential pride) or one’s identity or character traits (non-agential pride). This account adequately captures a large number of emotional episodes, but it notably leaves aside the social dimensions of pride. This chapter offers a view of pride as social in two senses. First, in its more minimal understanding, pride is a social emotion insofar as it reveals that a dimension of ourselves is exposable to and depends on others. Second, in a more specific sense, some instances of pride can be ‘hetero-induced’. Hetero-induced pride is pride that is elicited by significant others, and more specifically, by those others whom we perceive as members of the same group to which we also belong. The aim of this chapter is to map the terrain of current research about pride while putting particular attention on the way in which sociality impacts pride.
Types of Pride and Their Expression
Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 2011
The paper analyzes pride, its nature, expression and functions, as a social emotion connected to the areas of image and self-image and to power relations. Three types of pride, dignity, superiority and arrogance, are distinguished, their mental ingredients are singled out, and two experimental studies are presented showing that they are conveyed by different combinations of smile, eyebrow and eyelid positions, and head posture.