Political violence based on gender, normative demand and multilevel politics in Mexico (original) (raw)
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Gender-Based Political Violence in Mexico: A Complex Assignment
Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2020
This article analyzes the phenomenon of gender-based political violence in Mexico, which has impacted and affected the political participation of women in the country, which began in the 19th century, and which represents not only an existing problem, but rooted and recurring. Women in Mexican politics have been historically invisible and have been limited in the exercise of their political-electoral rights due to various social, cultural, partisan, structural, institutional circumstances, among others, that have favored the existence of a considerable and very marked gap with respect to men in this area. Hence the importance of the issue being addressed and eradicated, since it is a practice that restricts women and complicates their full development. In this work, political violence is conceptualized, and among other points, it is analyzed how it is presented, how it can be detected, what are the behaviors that it implies, some cases that show it, what are the rights of the victims and what institutions, instances , organizations, pacts, protocols, conventions and laws, both national and international, provide attention, channeling and solution to various aspects related to political violence against women on the basis of gender and some of the actions that have been taken, aimed at attend to it, sanction it, and prevent it. A cross-sectional documentary investigation was carried out to analyze the historical development of political violence up to the conditions in which it is currently manifested in Mexico.
Resistance to Political Violence in Latin America
2019
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
Political and media discourses frame the issue of intensification of violence and shape the limits and possibilities of the political imagination to cope with this phenomenon. The predominant discourse in Mexico has framed this phenomenon discursively as a war on drugs, which recommends concentrating resources on recovering the state's monopoly on coercive power and strengthening the punitive system to contain an external enemy. Despite having proved to be insufficient to tackle the complexity of this phenomenon, the government and political analysts have insisted on the same strategy. To interrogate this alternative and to explore other possibilities, this article critically compares the discourses that gave account of the phenomenon of violence in Mexico during President Felipe Calderon's administration. This comparative analysis shows that the predominant discourse overlooks the democratic deficit as a source of violence i.e. crisis of political representation, social exclusion, and lack of decent job for the youth. Likewise, the current phenomenon of violence is maintained through a moral economy that distinguish between those lives that are worth saving and grieving and those that can be disallowed to the point of death and are ungrieving lives. Resumén: Los discursos políticos y de medios de comunicación construyen la problemática de intensificación y proliferación de la violencia, y delimitan la imaginación política y las acciones para reducir la violencia. El discurso predominante en México ha enmarcado discursivamente este fenómeno en la guerra contra las drogas, el cual propone recobrar el monopolio de la fuerza coercitiva y fortalecer el sistema punitivo del estado para acotar a un enemigo externo. A pesar de haber mostrado ser insuficiente para abordar la complejidad de la violencia, el gobierno y analistas políticos insisten en la misma propuesta. Con el propósito de cuestionar esta alternativa y explorar otras posibilidades, se analizan críticamente los discursos de la violencia durante el sexenio del presidente Felipe Calderón. El análisis comparativo muestra que el discurso predominante omite en el análisis déficit democrático como fuente de violencia. Además, el fenómeno de la violencia se sostiene mediante una economía moral que diferencia entre vidas que vale la pena ser salvadas y sentir aflicción por su perdida y vidas que pueden ser desechadas hasta el punto de la muerte y que no merecen guardar el luto. Palabras claves: Discursos sobre la violencia, México, Guerra contra las drogas, Vidas sin duelo.
A Multidisciplinary Attempt at Understanding the Violence in Mexico
International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 2015
Mexico has been living with a level of violence that was unimaginable only a short time ago. Why and how has Mexico arrived at this dramatic increase in violence? The goal of this study is to reflect on this question through several disciplines. The idea is to collect and contrast sufficient information from the most varied fields of knowledge, including culture and art, as well as social sciences. This is done with the ambition that all these factors will help us to understand the reasons for this terrible and complex Mexican reality.
Homicide as Politics in Modern Mexico
Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2013
This chapter is part of a larger attempt to understand crime from the point of view of Mexican civil society. In order to do this, it starts at the intersection of two traditions in the study of violence. One is embodied in the work of historians, such as Eric Johnson, Pieter Spierenburg and the late Eric Monkkonen, who expanded the range of sources, interpretive tools and chronological breadth of the study of crime, proving that a long-term examination of criminal trends is required for any effort to understand the broader impact and contemporary relevance of crime and punishment
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 2022
How can we account for levels of violence, numbers of internally displaced people and terri-torial fragmentation in Mexico that are higher than most civil wars? In contrast with the literature, which isolates violence and crime from other social processes, we build on a comparison with civil wars to account for the specificities of the regional configurations of violence in Mexico. We argue that armed actors, far from contesting the existing political institutions and system, conform to the social order to whose reproduction they thus contrib-ute. In this introductory article of the ERLACS special collection Violent configurations of power in Mexico we look into the modes of accumulation, social-control mechanisms, and forms of representation to consider together lawful and unlawful activities, private and pub-lic actors, and legal and violent instruments. Thus, we build on the contributions of this spe-cial issue to analyze how the violent actors fit into regional political configurations.
Recasting history to cast off shadows: State violence in Mexico, 1958–2018
Disappearances in Mexico, 2022
the goal of this text is to study political and state violences in Mexico with a medium-term vision: an analysis of the rationale behind the different state and criminal violences that Mexico has experienced since the late 1950s (after the end of the revolutionary violence) and until today
Women’s Struggle against All Violence in Mexico
South Atlantic Quarterly, 2018
Women's Struggle against All Violence in Mexico: Gathering Fragments to Find Meaning I write from Mexico, and I will mainly speak about what we are experiencing here, which is not the same as what is happening elsewhere, especially in the southern part of Latin America. Mexico is going through a very dicult period of unrestrained violence, displacement, disappearances, and deaths, which has now lasted for over a decade (Paley 2014; Gutiérrez Aguilar and Paley 2016). This tumultuous, opaque, rough period started in the beginning of 2007 when former president Felipe Calderón-who came to o ce following very suspicious election results-decided to take the military out of the barracks, supposedly putting them in charge of the task of "destroying narcotra cking." At the same time, Calderón prepared the conditions to do away with what was left of the country's public wealth, especially electricity and petroleum. Since then, we have been caught in a growing spiral of violence that has produced data on murders, confrontations, and disappearances comparable only to what is occurring in Syria. In December 2012, Peña Nieto succeeded Calderón in the Mexican presidency. This governor, although slightly transforming his predecessor's rhetoric, nevertheless continued the same strategy of an expanded (Paley 2016), fragmented, and di use (Fazio 2016) war of counterinsurgency. Re-energized women's struggles against all forms of machista (male chauvinist) violence have developed in Mexico within these extremely dicult contexts of imminent threat, and, therefore, they exhibit features speci c to those contexts. I begin this essay by highlighting the opaque and generalized environment of institutional and paramilitary violence that we inhabit,