The Asia-Pacific Scramble and a 'Larger Australia' (original) (raw)

Between the Giants in Pursuit of Asian Prosperity: Dilemmas of Australia's National Security Strategy

A ustralia's geostrategic advantage is increasingly compromised by its need to catch the fast-sailing Asian economic ships. Comprehensive ties with nations in the Asia-Pacific are also reshaping its national identity , as well as its perceptions of what constitutes the national interest. How to handle the military rise of China that will inevitably alter the security order of the region, while its economy is so tied up with the rising giant, poses a serious and inescapable challenge. This chapter examines Australia's current defence posture and strategic traditions in the context of China's growing power projection, the Asian pivot of the US, and the role of Japan and the rise of multiple Asian middle powers, in order to shed light on some 'middle-of-the-road' options for Australia. The first section examines how Australia approaches its national interest; special attention is paid to the role of national identity in shaping the perception of the national interest and the resulting strategic tradition. The second section outlines the changing strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific and examines how well Australia's strategic tradition serves its changing national interest. It also diagnoses the resulting 'bipolar dis-order' from which Australia is suffering as its political (security) interests and economic interests are pulling the nation in different directions. The final section weighs up the options available to Australia and recommends a new role and a new identity for Australia in the Asia-Pacific region.

Engaging with the Asia-Pacific : Australian foreign policy in the Pacific century

1997

This thesis examines Australia's engagement with the Asia-Pacific. It seeks to locate Australian foreign policy within a larger Westerri discourse of international relations (IR) and geopolitics which has provided the dominant understandings, meanings and boundaries of international political life in the modem period. In the chapters to follow, I show how this larger discourse has been articulated in the history of Australian foreign policy through the dominant elite perspectives of market liberalism and power politics realism. Rather than treating these perspectives as discrete, mutually exclusive theories of IR, however, I understand each as contending poles of this larger Western discourse. In doing so, I argue that liberalism and realism have traditionally framed Australia's encounter with the AsiaPacific region. I also show that, in continuing to draw on these dominant perspectives, contemporary policy-makers have pursued a diplomacy of regional engagement designed to i...

Australia: A Mid-level Imperialist in the Asia-Pacific

Historical Materialism, 2015

Australia, long seen as a remote outpost of the British Empire in the South Pacific and more recently as a loyal lieutenant of Washington, does not fit the traditional image of an imperialist country. Nonetheless, while it may not be one of the big three or four world powers, it is, I will argue, a mid-level imperialist that leverages its alliance with the United States to project power over its region. It has been and remains reliant on foreign capital, but it is also a wealthy independent centre of capital accumulation and military power with its own national interests and with an increasing financial footprint overseas.

The limits of Empire: Australia, eastern appeasement and the drift to war in the Pacific, 1937–41

2018

Despite Australia’s regional security interests being intimately involved in the Pacific War, scholarship often portrays the nation as uninvolved in preparations for the imminent regional conflict. Rather, Australia ‘suffered from a chronic lack of self-reliance’, looking instinctively to the British Empire and the security it afforded. This article proposes that in the years 1937–41, the Australian government – first under Joseph Lyons and then Robert Menzies – recognised both the immediacy of the Japanese threat and the limitations of imperial defence plans and accordingly responded with a concerted policy for the coming regional conflict. The principal focus of this article is Australia’s position towards Japan and the implied pragmatic appraisal by Australia of the strategic value of diplomacy in maintaining regional stability. In the context of this growing assertiveness, this article also considers broader tensions in the Australian–British relationship, tensions centred on each nation’s respective and divergent position towards Japan. In this way, this article is more than just an examination of strategic appraisals, rearmament and diplomacy. It seeks to comment on Australian geopolitics, its relations with great powers, and the challenge of balancing national interests.

The Imperial Bond? Australia and the Coming Pacific War, 1937-41 - Presented at 2017 AHA Conference 'Entangled Histories'

Despite Australia's national interests being directly involved in the Pacific War, existing scholarly portrayals range from a nation pitifully underprepared and entirely dependent upon Britain for protection and policy direction, to a "Great Betrayal" of Australia by Britain. This paper will challenge such perceptions, examining Britain's inadequate strategic planning for the Pacific and the manner in which this growing insecurity encouraged Australia to pursue greater assertiveness in policy making. Developments between 1937-41 are examined with a particular reference to the strategic and diplomatic measures adopted by Australia in a bid to better position its interests and prepare for an imminent regional conflict. Namely, these measures were a balancing of rearmament and a conciliatory position towards an increasingly belligerent Japan. This paper speaks to the theme of Entangled Histories through its examination of Australia's position as an Anglocentric nation and member of the British Empire, whose immediate strategic interests lay in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper will consider the challenges implicit in attempts to maintain national interests when these interests exist in two vastly different geopolitical spheres. In this way, this paper contributes to a broader understanding of the factors shaping the practice of Australian foreign policy.

Down Under and In Between: Australian Security Perspectives in the ‘Asian Century’

Doing More and Expecting Less: The Future of US Alliances in the Asia Pacific. Issues and Insights , 2013

This chapter provides an overview of Australian perspectives on the US alliance in light of ongoing and emerging challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. After a brief discussion of the motivations behind the signing of the ANZUS treaty, the first part of the chapter examines the historical context of the alliance, with a particular focus on the long-standing and ongoing tussle in Australia between independence in foreign policy making vis-à-vis broader structural constraints. While this debate has been a constant feature of the political scene in Australia, it has come into particular focus since the US withdrawal from Vietnam, which marked a turning point in Australian perspectives with regard to its own role in Asia. The collision of ideas surrounding Australian identity and Australian national interest has been reflected in policy approaches as successive governments have sought to strike a balance between the two exigencies and thus, most optimally ensure Australia’s strategic future. The chapter concludes by examining current perspectives through the lens of an ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic circles about what the rise of China means for Australia and its commitment to the US alliance, and considers options for caucus-style cooperation with fellow US allies beyond the hub-and-spokes model.

'Australian imperialism and the rise of China'

Marxist Left Review, Issue 3, 2011

The rise of China and the relative decline of the United States as the world hegemon are throwing imperialist relations in the Asia Pacific region into flux. Australia, as a middling imperialist power in its own right, is caught in the midst of the resulting inter-imperialist instability, with China as its major export market but the United States its chief military ally. Its economic interests and its strategic interests are pulling in different directions. This paper outlines the main features of the dilemma facing the Australian ruling class and some likely outcomes.

Australias strategic hedging in the Indo Pacific: a 'third way' beyond either China or the US

Australia-China Relations Institute, 2019

Australia’s growing economic relations with Beijing in the past decade, in the midst of the rise of China, has sparked a continuing debate inside Australia about whether China is a friend or foe of Australia and accordingly about the premium that ought to be placed on the Australia-US security alliance. It has given rise to some assessments that Australia is now faced with a choice between the China and the US. This paper, however, puts forward an argument that this binary choice is misplaced and that Canberra should avoid choosing one side at the expense of another. It makes the case that as a middle power, Australia should instead use ‘strategic hedging’, a combination of engagement and indirect/soft balancing strategy, to insure itself against the potential of China’s regional domination amid uncertainty about US strategic commitment to the Asia-Pacific region. Australia should continue its economic engagement with China and maintain its robust political and military ties with the US while seeking the opportunity to broaden the breadth and depth of its relations with other regional states. The 2017 Australian Foreign Policy White Paper has, to a certain extent, implicitly adopted this hedging policy by promoting the use of a mixture of balancing and engagement strategies to counter China’s regional domination. However, Australia’s hedging policy has yet to reach its full potential and can currently be described as ‘under-hedging’, i.e., not doing enough to reduce uncertainty about the future and risk. While the Turnbull government (2015-2018) had showed a strong commitment to working with the US, Japan and India in building a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’, and the Morrison government has maintained this commitment, the weakest links of Australia’s hedging are in the failure to institutionalise the Quad, the informal strategic dialogue comprising Australia, the US, Japan and India, and to enmesh regional powers, notably India and Indonesia. Without enlisting more partners more firmly to its side, Australia is often sidelined by other three members of the Quad and acts quite alone in the Indo-Pacific region.