The Power of Language in the Romanian Political Discourse (original) (raw)

Political Communication Aspects in Romania

Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brasov. Series V : Economic Sciences, 2018

The paper was conducted to identify the attitudes and preferences of the specialists regarding political communication in Romania. According to them, political communication should be constant and it should represent a means by which the proposed political program is promoted in order to help raise awareness for a particular candidate. The subjects explained the link between the audience's level of understanding and the intention to vote. In Romania, television communication and door-to-door campaigns prevail. These should be complemented by online communication.

Political, Administrative and Social Life in the Current Romanian Mass Media. The Fire from the Colectiv Club

2016

We live in an era of information, when we want to know everything happening around us and to be aware of all kinds of public and personal information. The source which provides this information is mass media, whether it is online or in print, radio, or television. We can argue that television is the most important source of information. The aim of this paper is to analyze the content of agenda setting for the main news stations and the national television channels regarding topics related to administration, politics and the social scene.

The Language of Romanian Politics: Reifying the Other

Messages, Sages and Ages, 2016

The dominant ideology of a society seems to possess the means to infiltrate an individual's conscience with relative ease. From the perspective of the functions of language, we intend to investigate those fundamental characteristics of the ideological discourse that reify the left-right dichotomy in Romanian politics.

Ne w Discursive Strategies within Political Communication. Case S tudy: Parliamentary Parties in Romania

Acta Universitatis Danubius. Communicatio vol. 7, nr. 1, 2013, 2013

The development of new technologies, implicitly that of Internet contributed to the reconfiguration of the political communication field. In this respect, politicians report themselves to an electorate that is more detached from institutionalized politics and political ideologies, electorate that has the possibility to participate to debating alternative forms of the political, through some social movements and through online forums. Generally, new media created the possibility that journalists and media production agencies imagine more dynamic media formats from the point of view of interaction with citizens and visual strategies. Within the new context coming from the relation between politician, media and electorate, the Internet, through its functions, generates a special kind of political communication management

V. Pricopie, 2013, „The Public Interest in Romanian Parliamentary Debate”, Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, volume 92C, pp. 764-769, Elsevier Publishing

2013

From a discourse analysis standpoint, the contemporary administrativist approach and the discursive perspectives on the concept of "public interest" were brought together by Jacques , as the deconstruction of discourse provides the researcher with the opportunity to identify the meaning or the purpose of discourse, having as starting point the meanings assigned by society to specific words or concepts. Consequently, the priority axis of our analysis revolves around the intentionality of political discourse, based on the assumption that the three basic elements (cf. Derrida) of discourse are intention, method and ideology, with public interest being a prerequisite for the democratic public sphere. The issue of discourse intentionality is the subject of pragmatic approach, as intentionality essentially defines the manner in which a discourse agent represents a specific matter (cf. ; it is thus understood in the context that the force of representation is intrinsic to the intentionality process of speech acts. The second core dimension specific to our study encompasses the social conditions which characterise the use of words/concepts, and the role played by the latter in determining discourse effectiveness, starting from the paradigm of illocutionary force (cf. J.-P. Austin, 1969Austin, , 1975 as well as from the significance of discourse context in relation with the paradigmatic competences of "the language of institution" or "authorized language" (cf. P. Bourdieu, 1975Bourdieu, /2001. In practical terms, our study is concerned with the occurrences and manners of (re)presentation which are specific to the syntagm "public interest" in the context of deliberative discourse; thus, our study comprises an analysis of the political debates in the joint meetings of the Parliament of Romania between January-December 2012 -i.e. 24 meetings -and seeks to identify operational definitions for the syntagm concerned.

FROM THE TOTALITARIAN LANGUAGE TO THE INFORMATIVE DISCOURSE. A ROMANIAN MEDIA DISCOURSE ANALYSIS DURING THE ’90s (English version)

Revista Romana De Sociologie, 2013

This study aims at emphasizing the institutional transformations that occurred in the public environment following the events in December 1989 in Romania, focusing on the dismantling of mechanisms that marked the transition from the national-communist propaganda discourse to the informative discourse, which laid the foundation of the public sphere in post-totalitarian Romania. The hypothesis is that Romanian media was slow in abandoning the communist press model, which explains the manichaeist discourse of nowadays media, the involvement of politics in media business and, last but not least, the extremely poor market-the poorest in Eastern Europe, as showed by the latest studies. The analysis has two components: the context analysis (historical, political, and ideological) and the media discourse analysis, in line with the view of certain authors (C. Sparks) with respect to the transitions in Eastern Europe and the role the media played in these processes. The discourse procedures of the totalitarian language were emphasized by investigating a corpus formed of the main publications of the printed press before and after 1989.

The Memory of Romanian Political Speech: 19 th Century Experts and Witnesses

In picturing the 19 th-century political world, the present-day reader is helped by a score of the speech scripts, published by authors themselves or editors in a " plotted " order, so as to drive audiences straight to a meaning. Leaving aside textualised variants, this paper reverts to the various testimonies on the quality of political oratory. In order to do that, I will develop Judith Schlanger's and Jan Assmann's theories on the logic of oral tradition. The creative variation of political speeches drives back to the way the orator and his public relate to tradition, either generic (the schools of oratory) or cultural (the past of the Romanian oratory). The difference from previous references is noted by two categories of recorders or memory-keepers: 1. the executants, that is, the orators themselves, who play the part of experts, and try to spread a set of successful practices; 2. the witnesses, or the connaisseurs, who brand the quality of variations. Belonging to a community defined institutionally, political orators are both executants (of their own speeches) and witnesses (to the other's speeches).

Real or Virtual? Political Communication in Romania (2004-2008/9)

Annales UMCS, Politologia, 2015

The civic and political participation is considered to be central to the concept of democracy and it is particularly relevant in the context of contemporary democracies. The participation of citizens in civic or political activities has been a constitutive element of democracy since ancient times. Any dis-cussion of participation needs to acknowledge the space within which the citizens engage. This article will focus on the online engagement and online civic and political participation. The existing studies in literature focus on the analysis of the online election campaigns [Klotz 2005; Xenos, Foot 2005], on the study of the characteristics of the individuals who engage in on-line and off-line activities [Rice, Katz 2004; Weber 2003] or on the identification of the role of the media as a main information source for the voters [Ramie 2005]. This article aims to analyze the main features of the use of new media in political life and the relation between new media and civil society in...

The Limits of the Romanian Communist Propaganda: The Case of People’ s Letters

The article analyzes the limits of the Romanian propaganda as they were reflected in letters sent to Nicolae Ceausescu during the first years of his leadership (1965)(1966)(1967) from two different perspectives. Firstly, the limits of the propaganda are assessed in view of Ceausescu's popular identification with the Romanian leadership and especially with an all-powerful national paternal or godparent figure. Secondly, the boundary of propaganda is illustrated by the people's use of the official arguments in order to demonstrate the hypocritical instrumentation of the question of Bessarabia and Bukovina by the new party and state leadership.

The Politics of Spectacle and the Crisis of Democracy in Post-Communist Romania

2013

The TV entertainment is the primary means of humor for the modern society, the cheapest, most versatile, most comfortable and most affordable. The show is interwoven in the fabric of everyday life, dominating leisure time, shaping people’s political opinions and social behaviors. Lately both politicians and scholars complain about the political apathy as the political participation has declined in many democratic countries. The aim of this study is to analyze the relation between political entertainment and young citizens’ political engagement. The relationship between entertainment and politics or entertainment and citizenship is a quite young subject among media scholars (van Zoonen, 2005; Dahlgren, 2009). The questions that guide this study are: does entertainment have an impact on democracy, does it provide a context that leads to political engagement or disengagement of the Romanian young citizens?