Where is the Land of Sura of the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription KARKAMIŠ A4b and Why Were Cappadocians Called Syrians by Greeks? (original) (raw)
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Over the Mountains and Far Away: Studies in Near Eastern history and archaeology presented to Mirjo Salvini on the occasion of his 80th birthday. P. S. Avetisyan, R. Dan, and Y. H. Grekyan (eds.). Oxford: Archaeopress., 2019
The Luwian noun /warp(i)-/, attested mostly in hieroglyphic transmission, is traditionally interpreted as ‘virtue’, ‘courage’, ‘skill’ or the designation of other abstract positive qualities. The comprehensive analysis of contexts where this noun occurs is conducive to demonstrating that it denoted a physical object ‘weapon, tool’. This conclusion is reached based on the application of the combinatory method and, where applicable, the analysis of parallel contexts in the related traditions. The concluding section of the paper addresses the possible etymological connections of /warp(i)-/ ‘weapon, tool’.
Les mises en scènes de l'autorité dans l'Antiquité. Actes du colloque "Expressions et Représentations de l'Autorité dans les Mondes Anciens", ENS de Lyon du 20 au 22 novembre 2013, 2015
Dès le XIIe siècle av. J.-C., après la chute de l’empire hittite, qui avait dominé l’Anatolie ainsi que la Syrie du Nord pendant la deuxième moitié du IIe millénaire, toute une série d’états de dimensions locales se forment dans les mêmes régions. Ces royaumes ont été appelés par les chercheurs « états néo-hittites », soulignant ainsi leurs liens culturels et politiques forts avec les traditions de l’empire hittite, dont ils ont avaient conservé une des langues et une des écritures officielles : le louvite hiéroglyphique. En Anatolie méridionale, un des ces états néo-hittites, désigné, par les textes néo-assyriens contemporains, par le nom de « Tabal », développe une image bien définie de la royauté, connue surtout par une série de stèles et d’inscriptions en louvite hiéroglyphique, gravées sur la roche, selon l’héritage de la propagande royale impériale hittite. Dans le corpus des inscriptions de Tabal l’autorité locale se présente selon un modèle hiératique, mettant en évidence ses relations avec les divinités, tandis qu’on n’y trouve aucune allusion aux contacts avec les autres entités politiques contemporaines, comme l’empire néo-assyrien ou les autres états néo-hittites. Les rois de Tabal se présentent à leur public comme s’ils étaient le seul pouvoir au monde ; monde qui d’ailleurs, pour eux, correspondait juste au territoire du Tabal. L'article propose une analyse de ces sources épigraphiques et iconographiques, d’un point de vue typologique ainsi que de leurs contenus, qui mettra en évidence la façon selon laquelle la royauté de Tabal choisit de mettre en scène son autorité, refusant de rentrer dans une dynamique extrarégionale et dans une histoire « globale », pourtant typiques de la tradition hittite. À la même époque, les chancelleries de l’état assyrien présentent par contre la royauté dans une perspective impériale, comme un pouvoir universel, destiné à dominer le monde entier.
Where Did the Kings of Danuna of EA 151 rule?
In: Jana Mynářová – Pavel Onderka – Peter Pavúk (eds.): There and Back Again – the Crossroads II. Proceedings of an International Conference Held in Prague, September 15-18, 2014. Prague, Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Arts, 2015, 391-408.
À la lumière des récentes découvertes et développements, cet essai aborde à nouveau la question des identifications des écritures nommées dans l'inscription de Yariri (KARKAMIù A15b). Sur la base de la bilingue louvito-phénicienne de Çineköy en conjonction avec une analyse des autres occurrences du mot « Assyrie » dans le corpus hiéroglyphique louvite, il démontre que le premier signe (*448) de la deuxième écriture nommée doit être interprété comme zú au lieu de sù. Ainsi, il devrait être identifié avec le Tyrien, autrement dit, l'écriture phénicienne. Il discute aussi les questions multiples et complexes de la quatrième écriture, taimani-, en arguant que le mot est très probablement dérivé du sémitique tymn « sud » et devrait sans doute être identifié avec l'écriture « nord-arabique ancienne » 1. Around 800 BCE, on a basalt statue base which supported his own statue (now missing), a eunuch and regent of the royal family of Karkamiš named Yariri inscribed a dedicatory inscription in Hieroglyphic Luwian (KARKAMIŠ A15b) 2. The text describes his irrigation and building 1. It is a privilege to offer this study in honor of Professor André Lemaire, who has done so much to advance the understanding of the scripts and languages of the ancient Near East. 2.
The urbanization of Syro-Hittite (Luwian and Aramaean) states is one of most complex yet little explored regional processes in Near Eastern history and archaeology. In this study, I discuss aspects of landscape and settlement change in northern Syria and southeastern Anatolia during the Early Iron Age (ca. 1200–850 BC), and suggest that the emergent geo-politics of the region involved the foundation of cities and construction of specific types of commemorative monuments including rock reliefs, steles and city gates. While defining new forms of territorial power, these monuments linked local polities to a shared Hittite past through their literary and visual rhetoric, and a discourse of inherited agricultural land. To contextualize the subject matter, I first discuss the gradual southward shift of an imperial Hittite center of power from central Anatolia towards Karkamiš and Tarhuntašša at the end of the Late Bronze Age, arguing against the widespread models of a sudden collapse of the Hittite Empire followed by dark ages. Furthermore, I present archaeological and epigraphic evidence for the formation of the regional state Malizi/Melid. This Syro-Hittite kingdom established itself in the Malatya-Elbistan Plains in eastern Turkey during the first centuries of the Early Iron Age as one of the earliest political entities to emerge from the ashes of the Hittite Empire. Monuments raised by Malizean ‘country lords’ in rural and urban contexts suggest a picture of a fluid landscape in transition, one that was configured through the construction of cities, and other practices of place-making.
2018
The topic of the present contribution is two ethnic terms of likely Aegean origin specified in the title, which appear, in different guises, in written sources of the late 2nd and early 1st millennium BC across the entire Eastern Mediterranean, from Egypt in the South to the Levant to Cilicia in the North (besides the Aegean itself). My discussion of them will be, however, not quite the same. As for the first one, Ahhiyawa or Hiyawa, I will summarize the recent discussion revolving around recognition of this name in the Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscription KARATEPE, adding some details and placing it in a more general historical context. The second and central part of the paper will concern Danu(na), in which a full linguistic reassessment of this term and a revision of different sources which mention it will be offered. The third part will discuss the distinction between the two terms, also touching upon the problem of ethnolinguistic boundaries in Late Bronze Age Greece.
THE PALEOGRAPHY OF ANATOLIAN HIEROGLYPHIC STONE INSCRIPTIONS
The present article seeks to provide an overview of aims, problems, and possible lines of inquiry as suggested by the thorough investigation of one of the Anatolian hieroglyphic signs *439 (wa/i), one of the most frequent signs, and one characterized by paleographic variants. The paper defines the chronological and geographic distribution of the variants, thus offering it as a new criterion for the dating and provenience of Anatolian hieroglyphic texts. It also offers an interpretation to the development of this sign in the context of the general development of the writing system from the twelfth to the end of the eighth centuries BCE.
Journal of Hellenic Studies, 2018
Scrutiny of Herodotus’ ethnographic accounts of northern Syria and the region he calls ‘Palestinian Syria’ reveals oddities and inconsistencies. Here it is argued that such problems may be resolved if a fundamental fact is recognized: the enormous early literary prestige of the Phoenicians has obscured the historical roles of these other peoples in the Histories. The character and extent of this process, specifically as it bears on Syria-Palestine during Iron Age II, is analysed here. It is hoped that a new appreciation of the Syrians as an ethnicity may be gained as a result. It is suggested as well that for important historical problems researchers should ascertain whether Herodotus is not actually talking about Syrians when he discusses Phoenicians.
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