Women in Politics in Mexico (original) (raw)
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Women and politics in Mexico and Brazil
Seqüência: Estudos Jurídicos e Políticos, 2020
Despite advances in recognition of women’s rights, they are still victims of everyday violence. National and international regulations on gender equality and the promotion of female political participation had a low impact on the underrepresentation of this minority. Law produced without a share of citizenship lacks democratic legitimacy. Mexico and Brazil have a similar history of excluding women from the public sphere, but they currently have different strategies to overcome this democratic deficit. The article, with a descriptive methodology, presents the history and the present situation in both countries. We conclude that there are different ways to increase the representation of women in politics, but parity is a demand for justice.
International Feminist Journal of Politics , 2023
Este artículo evalúa la experiencia de los últimos 30 años de reformas de cuotas de género en América Latina desde el marco teórico clásico de las dos rutas: la incremental y la vía rápida. Al enfocarnos en los continuos esfuerzos de las mujeres políticas para transformar leyes de cuotas de género relativamente débiles en criterios para aplicar la paridad plenamente, argumentamos que la mayoría de los países que siguieron la “vía rápida” evolucionaron en una ruta constante. La ruta constante se desarrolla a partir de la conceptualización de la vía rápida de Drude Dahlerup y Lenita Freidenvall. Plantea que los países dependen de reformas constantes a la legislación sobre cuotas de género y muestra cómo la innovación en el diseño de las cuotas de género eleva continuamente el nivel de lo que constituye un diseño de cuota “fuerte,” o bien, leyes paritarias. Como evidencia de esta ruta analizamos el caso de México, enfocándonos en la reforma de 2014 de paridad en candidaturas legislativas federales y locales y, en 2019, la “paridad en todo,” es decir, la paridad en cargos ejecutivos, legislativos y judiciales.
Who represents women in Mexico? Critical actors in times of congressional gender parity
Política. Revista de Ciencia Política
There is no sufficient evidence regarding the relationship between descriptive and women’s substantive representation in the Mexican Congress. This research asks, what characteristics do lawmakers who promote the rights and interests of women share? Critical actors theory calls for research to emphasize agents over numbers. Thus, information about the identity of sponsoring deputies was studied for the LXIII and LXIV Congresses. Results show that individual actors, mostly female legislators, promote women’s representation. Some have seniority, but most have no experience as elected officials, nor as part of the Congressional leadership. This suggests that actors who have the political will to promote women's issues have the least power to do so, which, in turn, undermines the power of a critical mass.
THE WOMAN IN MEXICAN POLITICS.
Many women in Mexico are every day since, I achieved important status and both private enterprise and relevant institutions. The ability of organization and management that have been shown to be equal or better able than men in positions of significant responsibility, both rectories of universities, in the chamber of deputies and senators in the state governments and other institutions or companies.
From descriptive to substantive representation? Women and politics in Latin America
Studying women’s representation in legislatures is relevant because women’s access to these bodies and their participation in decision-making are essential to the right to equal participation in democratic governance. An increased female presence in legislatures does not always lead to women’s access to the most important working and decision-making bodies on an equal footing with men. Thus, the aim of this article is to analyze women’s participation in the lower or single chambers of 17 Latin American countries from two dimensions of representation: descriptive and substantive. The research is quantitative. In order to study substantive representation, legislative committees are taken into account. It is found that a higher percentage of women occupying a seat does not always translate into women holding an equal proportion of committee chairmanships. It is also observed that women are predominantly the chairpersons of reproductive committees. It is concluded (1) that access to positions of political representation does not necessarily translate into equal access to positions of power within the legislative chambers and (2) that women occupy a smaller proportion of the most important committees, demonstrating that the strong and most powerful committees continue to be held by men due to the construction of politics and its exercise as androcentric.
The gender quota law and re-election in Mexico: a step backwards in the transition towards democracy
Characterised by continual and assorted transformations, the Mexican electoral system is at a crossroads in its evolution. A major constitutional reform enacted in January 2014 involved two changes of chief importance. First, a new gender quota in which all political parties must nominate at least as many women as men as candidates in the 2015 mid-term elections to the National Congress. Second, the ending of the bar for legislators to be re-elected in consecutive terms from 2018. This article hypothesises that, although the main purpose of gender equality and consecutive re-election is to produce high-quality legislatures, it is likely that the leaders of the three major parties will seek to control candidates’ nomination by managing resources and opportunities within their parties. Three variables underpin the central argument of this study: re-election in mixed electoral systems, party behaviour vis-a-vis the candidate nomination process, and the effect of tier specialisation on gender quotas and female representation. Keywords: Centralised party model; tier specialisation; re-election; gender quota.