Europeanism and Nationalist Populism: The Europeanization of Greek Civil Society and Foreign Policy (original) (raw)

GREEK NATIONALISM VERSUS EUROPEANIZATION: FROM ETHNIC TO CIVIC NATIONALISM

GREEK NATIONALISM VERSUS EUROPEANIZATION: FROM ETHNIC TO CIVIC NATIONALISM, 2019

GREEK NATIONALISM VERSUS EUROPEANIZATION: FROM ETHNIC TO CIVIC NATIONALISM? Gizem ALİOĞLU ÇAKMAK ABSTRACT Since its emergence in the 19th century, ethnic nationalism has had a significant impact on both state policies and the social sphere in Greece. The Greek Church and education system played a significant role in the consolidation of ethnic nationalist understanding in society and the state apparatus. The constitution also recognizes orthodoxy as an integral part of Greek identity, which makes nonOrthodox Greek citizens a secondary citizen. Also, Article 19 of the Greek citizenship law, which was in force until 1998, divided Greek citizens into two categories: “Greeks” and “non-Greeks”. Since the 1990s, this ethnic nationalist approach has been criticized by Greece’s Western European partners and European institutions. In the same period, Greece underwent a rapid Europeanization process and there were positive developments in minority rights such as the abolishment of Article 19. This study aims to analyze the impact of Europeanization in Greece on ethnic nationalism, which is decisive at the state and social levels. In doing so, it is to analyze the relationship between Greek nationalism and Europeanization within the framework of Kohn’s classification of ethnic-social (civic) nationalism. This research aims to answer the question of whether there is a shift from ethnic nationalism to a civic (inclusive) understanding of nationalism in Greece due to the Europeanization efforts since the second half of the 1990s. Keywords: Ethnic Nationalism, Civic Nationalism, Europeanization, Minority Rights, Article 19

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The Greek Left vis-a-vis the EU - Edinburgh conference paper

This paper studies the position of the main currents of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the European integration project. The first part analyses the politico-economic nature of this project and the main phases of its evolution. Its main argument is that it is an attempt to create a European imperialist bloc in the beginning as an ally to the US versus the Eastern Bloc but – particularly after the collapse of the latter – as an increasingly aggressive competitor to the US for imperialist primacy. The second part studies the relationship of Greek capitalism with the European integration project. Its central thesis is that Greek capital (being a second generation, middle level one with limited imperialist abilities) found in the accession to the European integration project its modern ‘Big Idea’ : it considered that its partnership with the more developed western European capitalisms – however unequal maybe - would signify its ascent in the world imperialist hierarchy. This plan, which passe...

‘The Greek Left vis-à-vis the EU: From opposition to accommodation and back again’

This paper studies the position of the main currents of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the European integration project. The first part analyses the politico-economic nature of this project and the main phases of its evolution. Its main argument is that it is an attempt to create a European imperialist bloc in the beginning as an ally to the US versus the Eastern Bloc but – particularly after the collapse of the latter – as an increasingly aggressive competitor to the US for imperialist primacy. The second part studies the relationship of Greek capitalism with the European integration project. Its central thesis is that Greek capital (being a second generation, middle level one with limited imperialist abilities) found in the accession to the European integration project its modern ‘Big Idea’ : it considered that its partnership with the more developed western European capitalisms – however unequal maybe - would signify its ascent in the world imperialist hierarchy. This plan, which passed through several stages, is going completely astray today with Greece’s severe crisis and the imposition of the IMF-EU-ECB Memoranda. In order to substantiate this thesis, a concise presentation of the economic consequences of Greece’s accession first to the EEC and then to EU and EMU is being presented. The third part surveys the position of the three main currents of the Greek Left but also of the other political forces vis-à-vis the EU. It is shown that the majority of the Greek Left (orthodox communist, radical and anti-capitalist Left etc.) – together with PASOK and with the exception of the eurocommunists – opposed vehemently the accession to the EU. However, once it the latter took place, PASOK and parts of the Left accommodated – openly or silently – with it. This was related to several EU economic initiatives (aid packages, agricultural policy etc.) which – although terribly inefficient and ultimately disastrous for the Greek economy – created a popular appeal. However, the eruption of the 2007-8 economic crisis and the subsequent Greek crisis overturned all these as anti-EU feeling and positions prevailed in the Greek society despite the vociferous resistance of the Greek politico-economic establishment. This led to a return of the older Left anti-EU position which became dominant in the Greek Left. A survey is offered of the current politico-economic positions of the main currents and parties of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the EU. Their also a particular focus on the role of the Euro and the EMU is the current Greek politico-economic controversies. The last part concludes by presenting the argument for a Left opposition to the EU and an alternative to the IMF-EU-ECB Memoranda program founded on a strategy of disengagement from both the EU and the EMU. The main political and economic aspects of such a program are being analysed.

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