The Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals and the Name of Cilicia in the Iron Age (original) (raw)

Phoenician and Luwian in Early Iron Age Cilicia

Anatolian Studies, 2015

The relationship between the Luwian and Phoenician versions of the bilingual texts emanating from Cilicia has never been systematically studied from the philological viewpoint. In this paper I endeavour to demonstrate that a converging set of formal arguments supports the primary character of the Phoenician versions of the ÇİNEKÖY and KARATEPE 1 bilinguals and the secondary character of their Luwian versions. I interpret this as a metaphor for the relationship between two ethnic constituents of the Neo-Hittite principality of Que, whose coexistence was earlier argued for on independent grounds. According to the proposed interpretation, the Phoenician language was emblematic of the rulers of Que, who claimed Greek descent and therefore attempted to distance themselves from the traditional elites of the neighbouring Neo-Hittite states. The use of the Luwian language was a concession to the indigenous population of Que. The adoption of Phoenician as a language of written expression by the Greek colonists in Cilicia happened at the point when the Linear B script had been forgotten and represented the first step toward the creation of the Greek alphabet.

Adiego (2019) The Survival of the God Name Sarruma in Cilician Names in the Greek Sources

Altorientalische Forschungen, 2019

This paper studies some Cilician names attested in Greek sources that contain the element ζαρμα-. The two main interpretative hypotheses-a connection to Luwian zalma-, or a connection to the god name Šarruma/Šarma-are critically analysed. The conclusion reached is that while the ambiguity of ζαρμα-cannot be resolved, it is highly likely that both-sarma and-zarma really existed as different elements in the formation of personal names in Iron Age Hieroglyphic Luwian. There was probably a tendency towards confusion between-sarma and-zarma, caused by phonological proximity and semantic crossing of certain names. In an article published in the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie in the late nineteenth century (Sachau 1892: 89, 93, 102), Eduard Sachau drew attention to an element-ζαρμα in some Cilician names attested in a long inscription found in the Corycian Cave and published for the first time in Hicks (1891: 243-256, inscription Nº 27) and later in Heberdey-Wilhelm (1896: 71-79; inscription Nº 155; now in Hagel-Tomaschitz 1998: 184-190, Kory-kion antron 1). The inscription comprised a list of priests, presumably of the cult of Zeus of Corycus (the name of the divinity is actually missing) and the names were inscribed over a period of many years. The names in question, Ιαζαρμας, Ρωζαρμας, and Τροκοζαρμας, and also another name, Ρωζρυμερις/Ρωνζρυμερις (appar-ently a derived form from-ζαρμα) appear in the oldest part of the list, dated by Wilhelm around 59 BC at the latest. Assuming that each name corresponds to an annual priest, the individuals bearing these names (Ia-zarmas son of Rozarmas, a Rozarmas father of a priest called Neon, Trocozarmas son of Rozarmas, Rozru-meris son of Oetasis and a second Ronzrumeris son of another Oetasis 1) can be situated chronologically in the second half of the second century BC. Although Sachau and other contemporary scholars, particularly Kretschmer (1896: 364), also acknowledged the indigenous character of the Cilician names Sandasarme and Wassurme preserved in Neo-Assyrian sources (see below § 5), these authors did not establish any connection between these names and the names ending in-ζαρμα. It was Johannes Sundwall (1913: 249) who placed the two groups of names together by recognizing a common lexical element *zerma. According to Sundwall, this *zerma was also present in the Lycian name Ζερμουνδις 2 (Zgusta KPN § 383). The discovery of Hurrian linguistic materials in the early twentieth century, thanks to the documents found in Boğazköy and later in Ugarit, offered a new perspective on the interpretation of these Cilician names

THE REFLEXES OF THE INDO-EUROPEAN LARYNGEALS IN THE PALEO-BALKAN LANGUAGES

LINGUISTIQUE BALKANIQUE LIX, 1, 2020

The article traces in detail the refl exes of the IE laryngeals in Pelasgian, Thracian, Daco-Moesian and Ancient Macedonian. The study is based on the reliable and probable etymologies of the Paleo-Balkan vocabulary and aims to analyze and summarize the results obtained for the main Paleo-Balkan languages, taking into account all the studies to date. The conclusions drawn are an important testimony to the degree of phonetic (and genetic) similarity between the various Paleo-Balkan languages and in comparative terms their proximity to Greek.

Entries published in the Digital Philological-Etymological Dictionary of the Minor Ancient Anatolian Corpus Languages (eDiAna) by Zsolt Simon

Version April 2023. These are synchronic entries. Reconstructions, if available, can be found under the same URL but written by my colleagues. ‒ This is a continuously updated list. Updates will be uploaded approx. at the beginning of every month. New entries are marked by red. ‒ Note the distinction between “Cuneiform Luwian” (i.e. Luwian in Luwian clauses) and “Luwian in Hittite Transmission” (i.e. alleged Luwian in Hittite clauses) as well as “Glossenkeilwörter” (any word marked in this way at least once in Hittite texts). ‒ To open directly the entries you need to use the URL given in the file, where X should be replaced by the ID number of the entry as shown below in the file.