Survey on Turkish Elites' Perceptions on Turkish Foreign Policy and Greek-Turkish Relations (original) (raw)

National Role and Foreign Policy: A Descriptive Study of Greek Elites’ Perceptions towards Turkey

2014

This project aims to fill a hole in research surrounding Greece’s foreign policy since the start of the economic crisis in 2008. Specifically, the research analyzes the perceptions of Greek elites towards Turkey within the context of Greece’s crisis and Turkey’s growing emergence at a time when its EU accession progress is faltering. The project consists of a series of an in-depth structured surveys of members of Greece’s political, business, and media elites and extensive use of Foreign Policy Analysis.

National Role and Foreign Policy: An Exploratory Study of Greek Elites’ Perceptions towards Turkey

GreeSE Paper 94 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe, 2015

This study is based on the findings of a National Bank of Greece research funding awarded to Kostas Ifantis and Dimitris Triantaphyllou by the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics and Political Science (Research Tender 3-NBG3-2013). The full report including the survey questions and their evaluation can be found on the Hellenic Observatory’s website at this link: http://www.lse.ac.uk/europeanInstitute/research/hellenicObservatory/pdf/Ifantis-Triantafylloy-(PROJECT-REPORT).pdf.

Mistrust Dies Hard: Elite Perceptions and Greek-Turkish Relations

Role of Image in Greek-Turkish Relations, 2018

This chapter deals with the repercussions of the financial crisis on Greek elites with a focus on foreign policy. It is based on a quantitative research study conducted in 2014 by the authors in an effort to arrive at an understanding of, among other things, Greek elites' views and perceptions on Turkey and Greek-Turkish relations at a time of extensive political, economic, and societal crisis. It then introduces foreign policy analysis (FPA) and role theory as analytical tools for understanding the national role conception of the elites. The study has followed the usual pattern of studies that examine role perceptions and adopted a case study research approach. However, unlike the common practice in the field, the authors followed a different path for data collection. Instead of relying on public statements and speeches, they carried out a structured questionnaire survey using the summated rating (or Likert) scale with representative members of the foreign policy, military, academic, business, and media elite in Greece. They then analysed the responses with particular focus on those by politicians and diplomats, and found that although significant progress has been made in the improvement of bilateral relations since 1999, there is still a high degree of mistrust among Greek elites regarding Turkish intentions as most key divisive issues between the two countries-including Cyprus, bilateral ties, Turkey's relations with the European Union-remain fundamentally contentious.

Greece and Turkey in the World Today: The Public's View

ELIAMEP Policy Paper, 2022

The third joint poll in Greece and Turkey took place over the first ten days of May 2022, before the recent deterioration in bilateral relations and the unprecedented attacks made by the President of Turkey against the Prime Minister of Greece. The poll highlights inter alia the divergence between the representations of Greek and Turkish public opinion in relation to the US and Russia, with Greek public opinion tending to be more pro-Russian, and the balanced view of the US and Russia which manifested itself in the responses of the Turks polled, which is not consistent with the perception that Turkey has aligned itself with Russia. This is the first poll conducted since the start of the war in Ukraine, which is transforming the geopolitical situation in Europe and the balance of power between Russia and the US. The poll was supported by diANEOSIS, designed by ELIAMEP and the Istanbul Policy Center (IPC), and conducted by MRB and KONDA in Greece and Turkey respectively, with the participation of 1003 Greek and 1786 Turkish citizens. This followed the first two joint polls which took place in February and December 2021, with the participation of 1,022 Greek and 1,163 Turkish citizens in the former and 1,008 Greek and 2,731 Turkish citizens in the latter. The findings of the survey also show that the Greek public has embraced an exceptionalist perception of Greece and Greek culture and values as constituting an exception in the Western world, while the Turks perceive Turkey as being unique. Importantly, the findings also show that the EU and Western values and models are more popular among Turkey's opposition parties and less so among parties that support the government.

Greek-Turkish Relations

Kevin Featherstone and Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Modern Greek Politics (Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press), pp. 613-628, 2020

This chapter examines the development of Greek-Turkish relations under the influence of the European Union and the limits of the rapprochement between the two countries. The European Union has been the catalyst for the pacification of the relations of several European states whose competition had led them to recurrent conflict. The 1999 lifting of the Greek veto on the improvement of EU-Turkey relations triggered an improvement in bilateral relations which has remained unprecedented since the 1950s. Bilateral relations underwent a paradigmatic shift which allowed for zero-sum game-based approaches to be challenged. Economic and civil society ties grew stronger; minority problems were mitigated while long-standing bilateral diplomatic disputes remained unresolved and far from international adjudication. Turkey's faltering EU membership ambitions weakened a crucial catalyst of Greek-Turkish rapprochement, yet there was no relapse to the pre-1999 problematic relations. Turkey's possible drifting away from Western institutions poses another strategic challenge on the Greek government. Despite the severe economic and social crises that hit Greece and Turkey in the last decade, Greek-Turkish relations have not been derailed. In both countries, bilateral disputes and the Cyprus issue have declined in importance compared to other foreign policy issues. This allowed both sides to focus on urgent questions, but removed a strong incentive to take risks for conflict resolution. The costs of postponing a bitter compromise appear low, and this provides a strong incentive to political leaders to refrain from necessary political risks. This poses substantial risks for the future and sets a limit to the development of even closer economic and social relations. The inability to resolve outstanding problems through unpleasant but necessary compromise can be juxtaposed with the chronic inability of Greek governments to reach unpopular but necessary solutions in a number of crucial domestic political issues. Institution-building and leadership are sine qua non for the overcoming of the seemingly intractable Greek-Turkish disputes.

Turkish-Greek Relations: 1999-2000

Balkan araştırma enstitüsü dergisi, 2014

This paper intends to elaborate on the substantial shift in the pattern of Turkish-Greek relations between 1999 and 2010 and the future prospects for the course of bilateral relations. It is my contention that the European Union membership conditionality and the civil diplomacy triggered by the unexpected earthquakes in both countries in 1999 have been the principal factors in inducing the positive shift in the bilateral relations between 1999 and 2010. Previously, Turkish-Greek relations followed a chequered path, determined largely by their territorial disputes, which brought the two states at times almost at the brink of war. Cyprus has played the major factor plaguing bilateral relations post 1955 along with those pertaining to the Aegean Sea post 1980s. The state of Greek Orthodox and Muslim Turkish minorities has also provoked frictions, though at a relatively less important level. Prior to 1999, ethno-nationalism played a determining role in bilateral relations. This was afterwards replaced by a more instrumentalist, pragmatist and democratic approach owing to the EU factor as well as civil diplomacy.

Role of Identity and Elite Perception in Turkey's Foreign Policy and Turkish-American Relations.docx.pdf

Tayyar ARI, 2009

In this paper, I would like to discuss the Turkish foreign policy and Turkish-American relations in the context of social constructivism by discourse analysis through these identities changing according to the conjectures and élite perception. In the new era, both Cold War allies tried to reshape their security policies. Particularly the stability and democratic developments to take place in the region are very deep consideration of both sides. In this context, the Turkish model would be an important example for the regional countries to integrate with the international society. Otherwise, radicalization and the example of Iran could replace Turkey and the West. As a result, there are two ways to choose for the future of these countries; isolation and the animosity with the West or cooperative relation and partnership with international society. In my paper, I would also like to discuss the format of Turkish-American relations in the regional issues by taking into account of the Turkish model which has democratic experience as a Muslim country in the context of theoretical and paradigmatic discussions between democratic peace theory and social constructivist approaches to the international relations in the case of Turkey and Iran.

Turkish Society and Foreign Policy in Troubled Times

2001

: In 1999, at the previous RAND-GCSP workshop in Geneva, participants took up the topic of NATO and Middle Eastern security. With changes in Europe, the Gulf and the Middle East peace process, Turkey's pivotal role in relation to both European and Middle Eastern security emerged as a consistent theme. The workshop organizers came away from that meeting convinced of the need to consider Turkey's regional role in more detail. The April 2001 workshop on Turkey was the result. In the months before the meeting, the importance of Turkey's future was underscored by a series of financial crises, posing formidable economic and political challenges for Turks, and for Turkey's partners in the West. There is a strong sense among observers in Turkey, in Europe and in the United States, that Turkey has reached a critical crossroads, and that decisions taken in the next months will shape the country's future for decades to come.

AN OVERVIEW OF GREEK-TURKISH RELATIONS IN THE 20TH CENTURY

VI INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE SAFETY AND CRISIS MANAGEMENT -THEORY AND PRACTISE SAFETY FOR THE FUTURE -SecMan , 2020

The subject of this study, as a highly topical issue, is written with an aim to discover the causes of tensions in Greek-Turkish relations which affect their current political relations. Consequently, this study in chronological order outlines the events which marked Greek-Turkish relations in the 20th century and paved the way for future cooperation of the two countries. By addressing the origins of their disputes, which nowadays obstruct normalization of Greek-Turkish relations, this study will provide basic information for understanding current Greek-Turkish relations.