Determinants of Perception of Corruption in Guatemala, 2006-2016 (original) (raw)

Who Sees Corruption? The Bases of Mass Perceptions of Political Corruption in Latin America

Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2019

The capacity of citizens to see political corruption where it exists and to link such perceptions to evaluations of public officials constitutes an important test of political accountability. Although past research has established that perceived corruption influences political judgments, much less is known regarding the critical prefatory matter of who sees corruption. This article develops a multifaceted theoretical framework regarding the possible bases of perceived corruption. Experiential factors – personal experience and vicarious experience with bribery – mark the starting point for our account. We then incorporate psychological dispositions that may colour judgments about corruption and that may strengthen or weaken the links between experiences and perceptions. Expectations derived from this framework are tested in a series of multi-level models, with data from over 30,000 survey respondents from 17 nations and 84 regions in the Americas.

Corruption in Latin America: Understanding the Perception-Exposure Gap

Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2012

What beliefs do citizens who perceive levels of corruption in their countries to be of significance hold? Do those beliefs arise from their exposure to corruption? Furthermore, do perceptual and experiential corruption decrease the reservoir of legitimacy of a democratic regime? We attempt to answer these questions using the 2012 Americas Barometer survey of 24 Latin American countries. We find that whereas “rational-choice corruptors,” males and, to a lesser extent, individuals with resources are particularly exposed to corruption, perceived corruption originates from a sense of impunity derived from a negative evaluation of the state's ability to curb corruption. In addition, we show that perceived corruption significantly decreases citizen satisfaction with democracy, but exposure to corruption does not. All in all, the policy implications of our study are straightforward: having an efficient and trusted judiciary is central to curbing both experiential and perceived corrupti...

That Persistent Perception of Corruption in Latin America

Recent data confirms that corruption is perceived as one of the top five concerns for Latin America, along with crime and violence, economic opportunities, inequality and impunity. Moreover, a recent analysis looking at various indicators of government

Changes in Perceptions of Corruption and Presidential Approval in Mexico

Pulbic Integrity, 2012

Are citizens eager to punish the president with a low level of approval when he is not working to address corruption? This article uses Mexico to examine the relationship between perceptions of corruption and presidential approval. Based on eleven national surveys from 1994 to 2006, the study analyzes the effects of perceptions of corruption on presidential approval before and after the 2000 democratic transition in Mexico. The main proposition is that corruption became a relevant issue after the transition and had a strong effect on citizen evaluations of the president.

Continuity and Change in Public Attitudes toward Corruption

Routledge Handbook of Brazilian Politics

What do Brazilian citizens think about corruption? How have those attitudes changed since the 1985 transition to democracy? Drawing on data from a variety of public opinion polls, we describe popular attitudes towards corruption over the past 30 years. In the two decades following democratization, Brazilians' aggregate concern for corruption remained relatively low, but that concern has moved consistently higher since 2005. At the individual level, respondents of higher socioeconomic status, men, and those who have been asked for a bribe are consistently more likely to list corruption as the country's most important problem. Partisanship does not shape individuals' views about the importance of the problem, but supporters of the incumbent party are consistently and significantly more likely than other respondents to believe that the government is making progress in combatting corruption. We conclude with observations on the implications of these findings for the likelihood of political action and institutional change concerning political corruption.

Corrupted Perceptions: The Effect of Corruption on Political Support in Latin American Democracies

2003

The extent to which corruption may affect the functioning and prospects of new democracies is a question that has begun to attract scholarly attention. In contrast with the traditional view that stressed the "functional" character of political corruption for the political regimes of the developing world, a recent stream of research indicates that corruption may erode the links between citizens and governments in new democracies. Using data on national levels of corruption (Transparency International-1997 CPI index) and individual-level opinion data (1995)(1996)(1997) World Values Survey) we first examine the extent to which the mass public accurately perceives the extent of corruption in their respective nations. If citizens are to hold leaders accountable for political corruption, then the initial step for them is to recognize the severity of the problem. We find that Latin Americans are quite aware of the seriousness of corruption in their countries. The ensuing question is whether they are able to connect their views about corruption to appraisals of their authorities and institutions, and of democracy more generally. Collectively, our findings suggest that the necessary ingredients for accountability are present in Latin America. Citizens perceive corruption, and they connect those perceptions to their judgments regarding incumbent leaders and political institutions. The possible dark side of mass opinion regarding corruption is that pervasive, and often burgeoning misconduct, may lead public sentiment to be poisoned toward democratic politics in general. On this score, our analyses speak somewhat to the vitality of democracy in the region, at least in the short term. Although many Latin American systems are rife with corruption, this situation only seems to affect support for specific administrations and institutions. We identified no evidence that perceptions of corruption have soured mass opinion on democracy as a form of government. Unfortunately, it would be perilous to assume that this state of affairs can continue indefinitely.

Mapping Colombian Citizens' Views Regarding Ordinary Corruption: Threat, Bribery, and the Illicit Sharing of Confidential Information

A few studies conducted in France, Latin America, China and Sub-Saharan Africa have examined the extent to which specific behaviors by politicians, state officials, professionals or simple citizens were considered by the public either as corrupt/intolerable or acceptable/tolerable. These studies have shown a great diversity of positions among participants, ranging from ''zero tolerability'' to ''non-zero tolerability'', to high tolerance to favoritism, and to complete tolerability. The present study analyzed Colombian lay persons' views as a function of three separate factors characterizing acts of corruption: (a) the current status or position in society of the person who behaved in a corrupt way (politician, judge, entrepreneur or ordinary citizen), (b) the motive behind the act of corruption (nepotism or monetary gain), and (c) the means used for obtaining the under-served benefit (threatening the person, bribery or illicitly sharing of confidential information). As expected, four qualitatively different perspectives were identified. The first one (60 % of the participants) was the expected Zero Tolerance view because all acceptability ratings were extremely low. The second one (32 %) was called Never Very Tolerable because ratings, although always low, varied as a function of the means used: Threat and bribery were considered as more intolerable than use of information. The third one (7 %) was called Depends on Means because the ratings were affected by the means used to a larger extent than in the preceding case. The fourth one (1 %) was called Always Tolerable because in all cases, the ratings were high. In no cases did acceptability depend much on the status of the person performing the corrupt act or of the motives behind the act. Although only a small minority of participants agreed with the last two views, it is probably enough to create a climate of suspicion in the country.