25 years of Arctic environmental agency: changing issues and power relations (original) (raw)
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Few places have been the source of as much speculation, hype, and sweeping statements as the Arctic region at the start of the 21st century. Ever since 2006–07, a continuous narrative has portrayed the High North as the next arena for geopolitical conflict—the place where Russia, the United States, NATO, and eventually China are bound to clash. Propelled to the top of the international agenda by Russian flag-planting stunts and U.S. resource appraisals as much as the growing global concern for climate change, the Arctic keeps luring researchers and journalists northwards. It is here they expect the next “big scramble” to take place.1
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The period between the Cold War’s end, and the current period of rapid climate change, was a quiet period in the field of Arctic security studies—inter-state tensions across the Arctic basin dramatically shrunk after the Soviet collapse, and concerns over external Arctic security shifted to the back burner during most of the 90s. During this period, another dimension of Arctic security accelerated to the front burner—the internal dimension—as a tremendous transformation came to fruition, integrating the largely indigenous Arctic into the constitutional and economic framework of the modern state.
Arctic Sustainability: The Predicament of Energy and Environmental Security
Connections: The Quarterly Journal, 2011
Acquisition of Arctic hydrocarbon deposits is a strategic priority of Arctic states and numerous non-Arctic states alike. The U.S. Geological Survey estimates that the area north of the Arctic Circle holds 13 percent of undiscovered global oil reserves and 30 percent of undiscovered gas reserves, with the expectation that 84 percent of these reserves will be found offshore. Increasing global demand for energy, attributed primarily to population and income growth, alongside technical advancements and financial incentives will likely accelerate the rate at which stakeholders seek out these presumed Arctic hydrocarbons. 1 Several non-state and state actors are concurrently pursuing a variety of means by which to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (GHG). From financial incentives and regulatory schemes aimed at increasing the development and instillation of renewable energy sources to persuasive articulations that address the detrimental effects of climate change, these stakeholders recognize that an everlasting thirst for non-renewable resources is a proposition lacking in long-term viability. Whereas large multilateral climate change agreements such as the Kyoto Protocol have been exceedingly difficult to get right, regionally-based networks of like-minded parties have achieved considerable success. Examples of such networks include the Inuit Circumpolar Council and the European Union, both of which have made significant contributions toward addressing the implications of hydrocarbon dependency, albeit from very different perspectives. The Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC)-a group representing the interests of Inuit from Canada, Denmark, Russia, and the United States-now grapples with the balance between preserving their homeland and the potential socioeconomic benefits of hydrocarbon extraction. Instead of focusing solely on extracting energy resources, the European Union (EU) is seeking to reduce region-wide GHG emissions, and is emphasizing * Erica Dingman is an Associate Fellow at the World Policy Institute based in New York City. Her research focuses on a broad spectrum of issues facing the Arctic in respect to climate change. From the geopolitical theater of Arctic stakeholders to interested non-Arctic parties the Arctic is increasingly the focus of government policy and international relations. In this context, Erica's research turns to the interconnection between climate change, hydrocarbon and mineral exploration, and the political participation of Inuit, one of the Arctic's indigenous groups.
The Arctic: Numerous Interests and Multiple Players
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