Foreign policy considerations for the next Philippine president (original) (raw)
Related papers
Redefining the Philippine Foreign Policy (MMAMamoyac).pdf
This paper seeks to assess and examine the degree of influence of the 1973 Oil Crisis on the Philippine diplomatic and economic relations towards the two centres of power in the Socialist bloc, i.e. the People’s Republic of China and the Soviet Union.
The Poverty of Philippine Foreign Policy: Moving Towards a New Paradigm
In the past, the Philippine foreign policy has been overly submissive to the US interests, and often failed to promote the country's own interests. As the world increasingly becomes a multipolar environment, the country will need to invest more in bringing the best minds to work on national diplomacy and strategy. The Discursive deficit Probably, the most important issue missing from our public discourse on national development is the nature of our foreign policy, and whether it has served our national interest in recent times. Most of the political discourse in the country has been predominantly, if not exclusively, focused on the issue of corruption, and its implications for poverty alleviation, good governance, and holistic national development. In our obsession with the generic, somehow elusive notion of 'corruption', we have missed the opportunity to tackle other fundamental issues that have contributed to the profound state of stagnation and cycle of poverty in the country. History, in unequivocal terms, tells us how many of the so called "late-developing countries" such as Germany, Russia, Japan, and later China and other emerging powers, were able to catch-up and close the development-gap-existing between them and the industrialized capitalist countries in the West – through crafting an optimal foreign policy doctrine. No nation is an absolute self-sustaining island, and that is why in a quest for national development, each country should be very prudent in its approach towards the other nations on issues such as trade, security and diplomatic ties. The outside world is a market of opportunities that can be optimally utilized if one applies the best possible foreign policy calculus.However, the restrictive nature of our public discourse has made it almost impossible for us to pressure, encourage, and inspire our political leaders to adopt and implement a foreign policy doctrine, which will ensure that we get the best possible outcome out of our every engagement, agreement, and treaty with other nations. A concrete indication of such under-appreciation for our foreign policy is how we allocate minimal budget to our already overstretched, exhausted, and under-funded Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA). This is in contrast to many of our neighboring countries, especially Malaysia and Singapore, and co-developing countries, namely Brazil and Turkey, which have realized the importance of an optimal foreign policy calculus. As a result, they have substantially invested in attracting the best minds into the diplomatic core, and continuously reexamined , re-configured, and upgraded their foreign policy maneuvers on a plethora of issues: from bilateral and multilateral trade agreements to security arrangements with major powers such as the US or China. The Philippine Grand Strategy A careful look at our foreign policy doctrine reveals how it has been persistently defined and 'operationalized' along the contours of the U.S.' foreign policy exigencies, both during and after the Cold War. Grand strategy is defined as, "a basic stance adopted by a country vis-à-vis the rest of the world; it may or may not be explicit. It is promoted by a political elite – in competition with other elite factions – with substantial domestic political base."Assuming we got some kind of a 'grand strategy', if any at all, it must be said that it is essentially a non-assertive, submissive 'grand strategy' under the shadows of a superpower. Let us put things into context. Despite the fact that the Philippines possesses a significant combination of demographic, economic, and geo-strategic assets, we have hardly played a pivotal role in the shaping of the broader international order, which inevitably-and will continue to-affected our long-term national interest. Unquestionably, we also capitulate to external powers on key issues, which adversely affect the very fundamentals of our national development priorities: from succumbing to the demands of international financial institutions (IFIs) – through accepting onerous 'structural adjustment program' (SAPs) in the 1980s and beyond-to allowing the U.S. to
The 2022 Philippines Presidential Election and its Influence on Asia-Pacific Geopolitics
Taiwan Strategists, 2022
In the 2022 Philippines General Election on May 9, 2022, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte were elected as the new president and vice president. The election results will not only affect the direction of the Philippines' foreign policy choice of embracing the U.S. or leaning on China, but also influence the ways the Philippines deals with the U.S.' Indo-Pacific strategy and the South China Sea disputes. Although most of the media see Ferdinand Marcos Jr. as China-friendly, this paper argues that the new president will adopt a hedging strategy between Washington and Beijingthat is, a combination of economic cooperation with and military confrontation against China in order to protect the national interests of the Philippines.
2016
The Philippines is in the midst of a transition. The astonishing rise and decisive victory of newly elected Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte marks a significant turning point in the landscape of Philippine politics. Duterte's inimitable style outraged his critics, embarrassed imperial Manila's entrenched elites, and triggered disquieting ripples across the globe to an audience unaccustomed to the foul-mouthed, tough-talking, longtime mayor of Davao City in southern Philippines. But the Philippine electorate, angry and despondent, economically disenfranchised, and frustrated with perennial problems of corruption, crime and illegal drugs, massively supported his incendiary campaign. The resounding protest vote that catapulted Duterte into victory is a clear call for change from a nation weary of traditional politics and broken promises.
Philippines 2014-2015: Domestic politics and foreign relations, a critical review
Asia Maior , 2016
This article analyses some of the key issues in Philippine domestic politics and foreign policy during the years 2014 to 2015. The analysis is divided into two main parts. First, the article examines domestic politics from the lens of political corruption, President Aquino’s good governance programme, and electoral politics. Second, the article examines the principal patterns of power relations and key issues in regard to the Philippine government’s foreign policy and international diplomacy strategy — with a particular focus on bilateral relations with the United States, the rise of China and the territorial disputes, and regional economic integration in the context of the ASEAN. The main argument here is that the key patterns of domestic and foreign policies and strategies of the Philippine government under the Aquino administration reveal historically constituted shortcomings of the Philippine state in autonomously steering its own long-term development outcomes, primarily because of two factors: the internal struggles amongst various elite factions within the state-society nexus and the peripheral and US-centric roles that the country plays in the international system.
The Philippines 2014-2015: Domestic Politics and Foreign Relations, A Critical Review
Asia Maior
This article analyses some of the key issues in Philippine domestic politics and foreign policy during the years 2014 to 2015. The analysis is divided into two main parts. First, the article examines domestic politics from the lens of political corruption, President Aquino’s good governance programme, and electoral politics. Second, the article examines the principal patterns of power relations and key issues in regard to the Philippine government’s foreign policy and international diplomacy strategy — with a particular focus on bilateral relations with the United States, the rise of China and the territorial disputes, and regional economic integration in the context of the ASEAN. The main argument here is that the key patterns of domestic and foreign policies and strategies of the Philippine government under the Aquino administration reveal historically constituted shortcomings of the Philippine state in autonomously steering its own long-term development outcomes, primarily because of two factors: the internal struggles amongst various elite factions within the state-society nexus and the peripheral and US-centric roles that the country plays in the international system.
Philippine Foreign Policy and the Complexities of Cross-Strait Relations
NDCP Executive Policy Brief, 2021
Examining the geopolitical dynamics of the Asia-Pacific, this paper argues that the main security interest of the Philippines is to ensure that Cross-Strait relations remain peaceful and stable. In particular, this suggests maintaining the status quo on Taiwan’s political status. Changing the status quo, either by Taiwan or China (or by an external power), may lead to armed conflict. A relatively autonomous Taiwan would remain as strategic buffer against Beijing’s intent to dominate the first island chain—thus enabling a balance of power favorable to the Philippines and other like-minded countries in the region. http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/2021/NDCP%20EPB\_2021-01\_Galang.pdf