US Policy toward Rogue States: Comparing the Bush Administration's Policy toward Iraq and North Korea (original) (raw)

The George W. Bush administration resorted to war to respond to the threat of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, whereas it virtually ruled out the use of force to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. By utilizing various strands of realist international relations theories, we trace motivations behind the administration's divergent foreign-policy choices toward rogue states. That the United States rushed to war against Iraq while procrastinating on North Korea presents a puzzle to conventional realism, which postulates that great powers observe changes in relative capabilities and respond accordingly. We argue that policy differences should be embedded in discussion of the administration's foreign-policy grand strategy, which sought to sustain the hegemonic status of the United States in the world. Iraq and North Korea had different implications for Bush's grand strategy, thereby calling for different approaches. By tracing the strategic design of the Bush administration, we attempt to provide a more complete account of policy differences toward rogue states, as well as indicate the significant changes in US policy during the George W. Bush administration and since.

Sign up to get access to over 50M papers

Sign up for access to the world's latest research

Rogue States Conundrum: An Exploration of the United States' Foreign Policy Toward North Korea

African Journal of Culture, Philosophy and Society: Aworom Annang, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 12-22., 2013

This article examines the United States' foreign policy toward North Korea since the end of the Cold War, adopting the Rational Actor model as framework of analysis and attempting a conceptual elucidation of the rogue state. The paper contends that, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the concerns over suspected North Korean nuclear aspirations in the early 1990s, the focus of the U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea shifted from the Cold War containment policy to nuclear non-proliferation through constructive engagement, appeasement and negotiations. And that, though North Korean nuclear development/enrichment has serious regional and global consequences adverse to the U.S. vital interest in East Asian region, the classification of DPRK as rogue state by the U.S. is more or less a justification for imperialism and a useful word for propaganda. It is recommended that, the U.N. Security Council should negotiate with DPRK as part of its responsibility to maintaining international peace and security, based on the concept of mutually reducing threats and disarmament in general.

Rebels without a conscience: The evolution of the rogue states narrative in US security policy

European Journal of International Relations, 2011

This article examines how the foundations of the 'rogue states' security narrative in the United States developed prior to the declaration of the George W. Bush administration's 'Global War on Terror' and President Bush's representation of Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an 'axis of evil'. The article argues that the puzzle of how US post-Cold War foreign and defence policy came to be focused on 'irrational' -but militarily inferior -adversaries can be understood through analysing how actors within the US defence community discursively constructed discrete international crises as the trigger for a major shift in US threat scenarios. This is developed through an examination of two crucial episodes in the construction of post-Cold War US national security interests: the crisis in the Persian Gulf in 1990-1 and the North Korean nuclear crisis in 1993-4. The article suggests the importance of historicizing contests over the interpretation of international crises in order to both better understand the process through which a country's national security interests are defined and to gain greater analytical purchase on how security narratives are reconstructed during processes of systemic change.

A Comparative Analysis of President Clinton and Bush's Handling of the North Korean Nuclear Weapons Program: Power and Strategy

Pacific Focus, 2004

The purposes of this paper are: 1) to examine and analyze how the two presidents' policy goals in dealing with North Korea actually materialized; 2) to illustrate how these two Presidents implement their policy goals toward North Korea; 3) to discuss the Congressional responses to the president's policy goals toward North Korea; and 4) to provide comparative analysis of the two presidents' handling of North Korea. This study shows that different Presidents have dealt with North Korean issues in different ways. Two such presidents, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, tried at the beginning of their terms as president to ignore the brewing problems in North Korea. However, both were forced to solve the North's nuclear issues early on in their respective administrations. Their decisions in dealing with North Korean nuclear capabilities help to define their early reputations as foreign policy makers. Yet, the domestic as well as international contexts that President Clinton and Bush faced were somewhat different. President Clinton maintains that the North's nuclear crisis arose from North Korea's security fears: Abandoned by its two Cold War patrons, economically bankrupt, and internationally isolated, the North Korean government saw the pursuit of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles as the only path to survival and security for their regime. In this regard, Clinton's actual efforts to resolve the issues surrounding the North's nuclear program appeared ambiguous and inconsistent. This led to the temporary suspension of the North's nuclear ambitions through an Agreed Framework. However, President Bush stuck to more of a hardnosed approach. He continues to demand a complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantling of the nuclear program first, before any provision of economic or humanitarian assistance is extended toward North Korea. Bush favors multilateral negotiations, which leads the DPRK to feel more isolated than before. Although the second six-party talks ended without a major breakthrough, it seems that all parties except the North think the meeting was successful in terms of lowering tensions in Korea. This case study demonstrates several observable features that characterize the president's role in shaping North Korean policy. A president who wants to take a new approach to some element of U.S. policy can be caught between the diplomat's desire for flexibility and the power of domestic political forces. The president can achieve success, but only if the new direction in policy finds acceptance on Capitol Hill.

First Principles First: International Relations Theory and the Debate Over U.S. Grand Strategy

SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017

More than a quarter century after the end of the Cold War, the debate continues on the appropriate American grand strategy to succeed containment. Despite widespread consensus on American core interests, there is little progress on what specific policy objectives and tools will maximize those interests. We argue that the lack of progress to date stems from a more basic disagreement about how the world works. Specifically, different groups within the debate rely on differing international relations theories: liberalism and realism. Those theories inform beliefs regarding how far away the United States is from an "optimal strategy," or, alternatively, how best to reach the Pareto frontier, given American interests. We demonstrate that this framework can best identify competing schools of grand strategy, where and why they disagree, and the degree to which those disagreements can be resolved through empirical tests. In this way, our paper both maps and presents ways to advance the current debate regarding U.S. grand strategy.

The Importance of Position and Power Symmetry in International Relations: The Case of U.S. Foreign Policy towards North Korea

The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 2018

This paper analyzes how U.S. foreign policy, based on symmetry or asymmetry, drives international relations, and can lead to positive or negative state-to-state relations. The paper uses the case of U.S. foreign policy towards North Korea to discuss the importance of position and power when dealing with societies and nations. The paper discloses that U.S. foreign policy approach towards North Korea has not significantly evolved over the past 60 years regardless of administration and that the current paradigm of dealing with complex state-to-state issues only works to sustain negative relations. The paper further finds that the continued negative relations and deep-rooted and protracted conflict between the United States and North Korea is intimately connected to the way in which the United States handles state-to-state relationships. On the basis of these observations, the paper recommends alternative multi-dimensional foreign policy approaches based on conflict analysis and resolution methods and tools needed to successfully transform the relationship and build sustainable peace with North Korea and in the East Asia Region.

U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST COLD WAR ERA

The end of the Cold War and disintegration of the former Soviet Union brought about the prospect that international peace and security would be ensured by the United Nations under the leadership of the United States, the single remaining superpower. Enjoying the status of the largest economy and the dominant military power, Washington has presumably assumed the responsibility to arrange the New World Order. Since the first Gulf War, US involvement in international affairs helps revitalize the UN's role in ensuring international peace and security.

Loading...

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.