Measuring Mixedness in Zambia: Creating and Erasing Coloureds in Zambia’s Colonial and Post-colonial Census, 1921 to 2010 (original) (raw)
Related papers
Zambezia: The Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe., 2000
This article analyses the role of ethnic chauvinism in determining the patterns and trends of white immigration into Rhodesia from the country's occupation in 1890 to the Second World War. It argues that, while scholars have rightly emphasised white settler racism and discrimination against the African majority, and have tended to treat settler white society as a homogenous entity which shared a common identity, a closer examination of the racial dynamics within white colonial society reveals that strong currents of ethnic chauvinism maintained sharp divisions within the white settler society, even though settlers presented a united front when protecting their collective interests in the face of the perceived African threat. This article focuses specifically on racial and cultural chauvinism emanating from settlers of British stock which, among other things, determined the pace, volume and nature of white immigration into the country and contributed, together with other factors, to the fact that fewer white immigrants entered the country than had originally been envisaged by Cecil John Rhodes. Thus, while Rhodes had dreamt of creating Rhodesia as a white man's country, this dream remained unfulfilled because of the dominant British settler community's reluctance to admit whites of non-British stock. It is argued, therefore, that, throughout the period under study, British colonial settlers continued to regard themselves as "more white than others" with respect to other non-British races.
This article analyses the role of ethnic chauvinism in determining the patterns and trends of white immigration into Rhodesia from the country's occupation in 1890 to the Second World War. It argues that, while scholars have rightly emphasised white settler racism and discrimination against the African majority, and have tended to treat settler white society as a homogenous entity which shared a common identity, a closer examination of the racial dynamics within white colonial society reveals that strong currents of ethnic chauvinism maintained sharp divisions within the white settler society, even though settlers presented a united front when protecting their collective interests in the face of the perceived African threat. This article focuses specifically on racial and cultural chauvinism emanating from settlers of British stock which, among other things, determined the pace, volume and nature of white immigration into the country and contributed, together with other factors, to the fact that fewer white immigrants entered the country than had originally been envisaged by Cecil John Rhodes. Thus, while Rhodes had dreamt of creating Rhodesia as a white man's country, this dream remained unfulfilled because of the dominant British settler community's reluctance to admit whites of non-British stock. It is argued, therefore, that, throughout the period under study, British colonial settlers continued to regard themselves as "more white than others" with respect to other non-British races.
Migration, naturalisation, and the 'British' world
Migration, naturalisation, and the ‘British’ world, c.1900-1920, 2020
This article explores the distinctly legal vagueness that underpinned citizenship and subjecthood in the British empire in the early twentieth century, drawing on examples from South Africa and Australia. Situating the administration of laws about citizenship within a global context, this offers a revision of the current scholarship on the global 'color line'. The white 'color line' which developed within the British empire was less a shared legal system and more of a constant negotiation between different actors. Unlike other recent studies of citizenship and subjecthood, this is not an intellectual history. This, instead, is a close scrutiny of bureaucratic decision-making precisely because the system which flourished under British rule was designed to accommodate colonial discrimination by encouraging legal vagueness and executive privilege, allowing considerable space for official and unofficial influence. By focusing on liminal groups (Jews in South Africa and women in Australia), it illuminates how a 'British' world was constructed, who was included and who excluded from this process, and how this process unfolded, especially concerning issues of race and gender.
How race and law influenced activities in Northern Rhodesia
African Identities, 2019
The following paper aims at highlighting how race and law influenced activities between Europeans and Africans in Northern Rhodesia. Race and Law were crucial determinants in how activities functioned in social relations, economic activities, trade unions and political party activities, and in the education sector. It advances that the British South African Company (BSAC) and later the colonial administration used the two aspects to the advantage of the European settlers which was at the expense of the livelihoods of the inhabitants, the Africans. It goes in details by showing what laws were enacted to advance European activities, and how race was instrumental in maintaining European control of Africans in Northern Rhodesia. This paper touches on activities that took place between 1890 to 1960.
EDUMIGROM background paper, 2008
The UK has always been ethnically diverse with a population developing from complex historical migration patterns and periods of conflict, conquest, state formation, empire and decolonisation. Specific movements relevant here include sporadic in-migration of Gypsies and the importation of African slaves and servants from the sixteenth century onwards, mass migrations of Irish and Jewish people in the nineteenth century and post-war economic migration to Britain from the Caribbean, the South Asian subcontinent, China and Africa ( ...
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies , 2021
The entanglements of the colonial-imperial efforts with historical and present-day movement, dispersal and displacement of people across the globe cannot be overstated, and yet they are often overlooked in discussions of contemporary immigration policies. As once the most powerful empire in the world, Britain's immigration and citizenship regime is intimately imbricated with its colonial-imperial ambitions. The paper investigates the making of the racialised subject through movement and membership control, historically tracing the production of race in Britain's policies related to border control, immigration, citizenship and race relations. The author argues that the salience of race is sustained to a great measure through border and membership management, whose subject is marked by racial markers that are unstable and transformative, while always remaining linked to a single basic logic of racial difference.
2008
This thesis repositions racial population issues as central to an understanding of the final decades of settler rule in Rhodesia. At the time of the disintegration of the Central African Federation, the small and transient white population of Rhodesia rested precariously atop a massive and fast-growing African population; and with high rates of white emigration and the spectre of being handed over to African majority rule, the Rhodesian regime declared their illegal independence from Britain in 1965. As several factors ripened together in the 1970s, including white Rhodesians' heightened population anxieties, the economic strains of the white 'brain drain,' and the African population 'explosion,' the demographically fragile settler state was gradually stretched to the breaking point. It was in this context that the escalation of the guerrilla war added new pressures and exacerbated pre-existing demographic strains that forced Rhodesia's final collapse in 1979...
Northern Rhodesians (Zambians) in the Aftermath of the First World War
JAMH, 2023
This paper investigates the demobilization of Northern Rhodesian (Zambian) servicemen after the First World War. Tied to this, is the compensation and commemoration of the askari (soldiers) and mtenga-tenga (porters) who died in the war. The compensation of ex-servicemen was a drawn-out process which took several years, eventually coming to a halt in 1928 with many Africans forfeiting their dues. The British South Africa Company (bsac) and the British Colonial Government did not erect individual tombstones to commemorate ex-servicemen. The partiality exhibited in commemoration and compensation processes, based on racial lines, did not reflect the enormous contributions which these Africans made to the Allied war effort. The main sources for this article are official government records stored in the National Archives of Zambia, and records of the Catholic White Father missionaries.
Commissions Inquiries and Reports on Minorities in the UK 1903 2016 REVISED
This is a REVISED and updated version of a paper previously uploaded. The large table set out in the Appendix (‘Commissions, Inquiries etc 1903-2016’) represents an attempt to list some of the very numerous interventions in public debates about ethnic and religious minorities in Britain over the last 100 years or so. It has been prepared in connection with a paper (‘British Multiculturalism: From “Parekh” to “PREVENT”, and Beyond’) first presented at a conference at the Law and Anthropology Department of the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle, Germany, in June 2015, and revised for inclusion in a volume to be edited by Marie-Claire Foblets and Katayoun Alidadi entitled Ethnic, Religious, and Cultural Diversity in Four National Contexts: The Role of Expert Commission, which it is hoped will appear in 2016-17. My own contribution to the conference began as a reflection on the legacy of the Parekh Report (The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: Report of the Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain. London: Runnymede Trust/Profile, 2000), which is also discussed by others in the volume (along with chapters on similar commissions in Belgium, Canada and France). In preparing my paper I concluded that Parekh (referring to the report, not its chairperson, Lord Bhikhu Parekh) should not be treated in isolation. It was but one of many reports, consultations and commissions of inquiry that have sought to pronounce on the situation of ethnic and religious minorities in Britain over the last 50 years, and increasingly in the last 20. There were, of course, much earlier interventions – notably the 1903 Royal Commission on Alien Immigration (Report of the Royal Commission on Alien Immigration, British Parliamentary Papers IX, HMSO), which led to the 1905 Aliens Act, the first major legislation controlling immigration into the UK. But from Roy Jenkins’ Essays and Speeches in 1967 to the British Government’s Counter-Extremism Strategy and the CORAB Report (Living With Difference: Community, Diversity and the Common Good), both in 2015, there have been many hundreds of interventions by various ministries (Home Office, Education, ‘Communities’ etc), non-departmental public bodies, and NGOs pronouncing directly or indirectly on diversity and its governance; and this does not include a huge number of academic books and papers, media articles, TV programmes, novels, plays and films. There were obviously far too many to cite in the paper which among other things attempted to situate Parekh in relation to this plethora of interventions, and tease out the various changing themes which have been addressed. Nonetheless, I felt that it might be useful to have some of the references available for readers of the volume and any others who might be interested, and so I indicated that I would provide a link (in a footnote in the edited volume) to a table which I proposed to upload on the Internet to sites such as https://www.academia.edu and https://www.researchgate.net.
Race and Policy: Britain, Zimbabwe and the Lancaster House Land Deal
Routledge eBooks, 2020
The question of land has both a particular historic significance and an enduring contemporary political importance in modern-day Zimbabwe. The unresolved issue of compensation for far-reaching land restitution also poses a continued impediment to any improvement in British-Zimbabwean relations. Given the impassioned accusations against the British government for its failure to fund a substantial land transfer scheme at independence, which gathered pace and vehemence in the late 1990s, this article offers new evidence of British officials' deliberations on whether or not to implement a far-reaching land transfer scheme in 1979, repeating the approach towards another white settler colony, Kenya.