Denominacions del crepuscle en llengua catalana (original) (raw)
Dialectologia, 2022
The conception of time and its division into parts of the day has always been a topic of special interest. The interest of the researchers in this topic is not only because it involves a different categorisation of the same reality, but also because it is a semantic field with a high grade of designative variety. The purpose of this study is to examine the designative variation of the concepts 'dawn' using the materials offered by Iberian Romance geolinguistics. To develop the research, the authors used atlas data, analysed from the etymological and lexical-semantic standpoint and based on the cognitive semantic framework, in order to firstly determine the differences and similarities in categorising this part of the day in the Iberian Romance linguistic scope and secondly, to analyse the grade of lexical variation of this concept in relation to the semantic motivation giving rise to it.
Catalan Review, 2006
Previous attempts to understand the usage of the terms Catalan, Provençal, Occitan, and Limousin and the languages these designations represent have fallen short of any real analysis. Most scholars to date have either presented historical data without linguistic explication or have attempted to use the data to argue for particular political views on the question of Catalan and its many names. The present srudy of the names used for Catalan in different regions and at different times helps us understand the relationship of diglossia that existed between the Occitan and Catalan languages for about two hundred years and bears witness to the emergence of linguistic consciousness in Catalonia and in Valencia from the early Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century. It is common knowledge among scholars of Catalan that the language came to be known as llemosí and that this designation is frequent in the literature of the nineteenth and ear1y twentieth centuries. It is less evident, however, exactly how and when Limousin, a dialect of the Occitan language in southern France, came to be associated with Catalan, except that the troubadour poets are somehow to blame. The present study provides textual evidence from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries to illustrate the evolution of the term llemosí as a linguistic designation.
The Iberian language is directly attested by ca. 2250 inscriptions spanning the period from the 5 th century BC to the 1 st century AD, distributed between Eastern Andalusia and Languedoc. Although it must be considered a non-deciphered language, a large number of personal names have been identified in Iberian texts. The document that enabled the understanding of the basic structure of Iberian names is a Latin inscription from Italy (the Ascoli Bronze) recording the grant of Roman citizenship to Iberians who had fought for Rome during the Social War (90–88 BC). The study of this document paved the way for the identification of Iberian names in texts written in local languages, on the one hand, and in Latin and Greek epigraphic and literary sources on the other. This paper provides a state-of-the-art overview of research on Iberian onomastics, by synthesising the main recent achievements along with the remaining lines of research; it also investigates our understanding of the grammatical and syntactic structure of Iberian names, and analyses the evolution of Iberian naming patterns under Roman domination, by taking into account both Iberian and Latin documents. Rezumat. Limba iberică este atestată în mod direct de aproximativ 2250 inscripții datând din secolele V a.Chr.–I p.Chr., distribuite între estul Andaluziei și Languedoc. Deși trebuie considerată o limbă nedescifrată, un număr mare de nume de persoane au fost identificate în textele iberice. Documentul care dă posibilitatea înțelegerii structurii de bază a numelor iberice îl constituie o inscripție latină din Italia (bronzul din Ascoli), care înregistrează acordarea cetățeniei romane ibericilor care au luptat pentru Roma în timpul războiului cu socii (90–88 a.Chr.). Studierea acestui document a deschis drumul identificării numelor iberice în textele scrise în limbile locale, pe de o parte, și în inscripțiile grecești și latine, de partea cealaltă. Articolul de față prezintă o trecere în revistă a cercetărilor privind onomastica iberică, sintetizând cele mai recente realizări în domeniu; de asemenea, autoarea investighează gradul de înțelegere a structurii gramaticale și sintactice a numelor iberice și analizează și evoluția tiparelor onomastice iberice sub dominația romană, luând în considerare atât documente iberice, cât și latine.
Place-names of the Ebro Valley: Their Linguistic Origins, Palaeohispanica 8 (2008), 13-33
The upper and middle reaches of the Ebro river, approximately coterminous with the conventus Caesaraugustanus of the Roman period, are well known in earlier times as a sort of frontier for Celtic-speaking peoples, a zone in which the Celtiberians interacted with speakers of non-Celtic languages such as Basque and Iberian, and one or more unidentified Indo-European (hereafter IE) tongues. 1 Place-names constitute an important set of data for studying the linguistic origins of this region. However, the degree to which these toponyms are Celtic or non-Celtic has long been a subject of scholarly disagreement. Thus W. von Humboldt thought that Alavona, Balsione, Bortinae, Caravis, Curnonium, Leonica, Salduie and the mountains Edulium and Idubeda were Basque (Humboldt 1879: 50-65). To this list of supposed Basque names, Aracelium, Bituris, Iturissa, Muscaria and Tarraga were added by A. Campión (1907: 296; 1908: 271-272, 750-753). A. Schulten (1930: 374) considered that Cortonum was Etruscan; J. Pokorny (1938: 151) believed that the lake Perusiae and the river Salo were Illyrian; while A. Dauzat (1926-27: 221) opined that Calagurris was very probably Ligurian. 2 More recently, García Alonso (1994) has concluded that many of the toponyms of the Autrigones were Celtic, though a few were pre-Celtic IE. On the other hand, in a study of 29 pre-Roman toponyms of Navarra and northern Aragón, Villar determined that 25 were IE and only two Celtic (Villar and Prósper 2005: 504). The confusion generated by such conflicting results calls for a new, global examination of the place-names of the upper and middle Ebro valley. 3 I begin with mountains and rivers, passing on to ----1 Funding for this project was generously provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I wish to thank the anonymous referees of this journal for helpful suggestions, as well as Thomas Edward Butcher and Margaret McCarthy for their help in tracking down linguistic roots and ancient references. Abbreviations: AcS = Holder 1896-1907; AE = L'Année Epigraphique; CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum; DIL = Dictionary of the Irish Language (Dublin, 1913-76); HEp. = Hispania Epigraphica; IEW = Pokorny 1959. LEIA = Vendryes, Bachellery and Lambert 1959-. 2 "Perusia" was Schulten's improbable emendation of Turasia, no doubt inspired by Perusia in Etruria. 3 I exclude the lower reaches of the Ebro, which lie in Cataluña and comprise chiefly Iberian toponyms, which are not germane to the Celtic versus IE debate.
2016 - "Towards a History of Basque Anthroponymy" (ASJU 50, 301-341)
ASJU 50, 301-341, 2016
in this paper, a short history of Basque anthroponymy is made, starting from Antiquity and going through the roman period, the middle Ages, the modern Age and the contemporary Age. For each of these periods, the stock of the most frequent person names is presented, by synthesizing a variety of works by other authors, who in turn depend on the kind of sources that we have for each period. As in other parts of europe, an autochthonous repertoire of anthroponyms dominates until the 11 th century, either of Aquitanian/Basque etymology or borrowed (mainly from romance), but deep-rooted in the Basque-speaking areas and particularly in the Kingdom of Pamplona. From the 11 th century, the centralizing reforms undertaken by the catholic church brought about a gradual substitution of those ancient person names by some others taken from saints, evangelists, characters of the new Testament, a tendency brought to the extreme by the previsions fostered by the council of Trent. However, as any other european language, Basque developed vernacular versions of these names, as well as an ample array of hypocoristic variants, in which the autochtonous processes of the language such as suffixation, palatalization, etc., are profusely employed.
A Glimpse through a Dirty Window into an Unlit House:Names of Some North-West European Islands
2009
It is well known that many of the major island-names of the archipelago consisting politically of Ireland, the United Kingdom and Crown dependencies are etymologically obscure. In this paper, I present and analyse a corpus of those which remain unexplained or uncertainly explained, for instance Man and Ynys Mon, Ar(r)an, Uist, Seil, Islay, Mull, Scilly, Thanet, Sark, among others. It is timely to do this, since in the disciplines of archaeology and genetics there is an emerging consensus that after the last Ice Age the islands were repopulated mainly by people from a refuge on the Iberian peninsula. This opinion is at least superficially compatible with Theo Vennemann’s Semitic and Vasconic hypotheses, i.e., that languages (a) of the Afroasiatic family, and (b) ancestral to Basque, are important contributors to the lexical and onomastic stock of certain European languages. The unexplained or ill-explained island names form a sufficiently large set to make it worthwhile to hope for t...