(Re)categorizing Intergroup Relations and Social Identities Through News Discourse: The Case of the China Daily's Reporting on Regional Conflict (original) (raw)
Related papers
SHS Web of Conferences i-COME'16, 2017
Loss of identity is a leading cause of terrorism and a common bewilderment of Mainland China and Taiwan. Cutting into the research by the news representation of Chinese terrorism incidents, this paper discusses a special identity issue in a special identity history. This paper adopts mixed methods, which are constructed by content analysis, framing discourses and frequency statistics. 111 pieces of related news are selected and doubly-coded into both "identity package" and "news framing". The results show that the news representations interconnect with the coexisting identity and confrontation between Mainland China and Taiwan.
People's Daily, China and Japan: A narrative analysis
International Communication Gazette, 1995
This article is a narrative analysis of the People's Daily's coverage of Sino-Japanese relationship since 1978. The point of departure for this article is that propaganda in China can be better understood in the context of Chinese foreign policies news. It argues that criticism of Chinese media needs to avoid a reductionist approach of quantitative content analysis. Studying propaganda as narrative forms and strategies rather than as bias and distortions allows us to delve deeper into the processes by which events are transformed into politically potent symbols.
The global media ecology offers news audiences a wide variety of sources for international news and interpretation of foreign affairs, and this kind of news coverage may increase the salience of both domestic and national partisan identity cues. Based upon the recognition that individuals hold multiple partisan identities that can be more or less salient in different situations, the current study draws upon self-categorization and social identity theory to design a set of studies that pit competing partisan identities against one another. The results of two experiments indicate that both national and domestic partisan identities are directly related to perceived media bias regarding the coverage of U.S-Chinese relations from both domestic and foreign media sources. Results varied based on the dimension of media bias considered, with perceived favorability towards the United States impacted more consistently by source origin than perceived favorability toward personal worldview.Results are discussed in terms of how they advance theory about perceived media bias, specifically in light of the implications of the global media environment for our understanding of partisanship.
World Journal of English Language
The media has discursively represented China, the Philippines, and the United States as states involved in territorial disputes in the South China Sea. These discursive representations ultimately pervade the media and public spheres. This study aimed to unravel these media representations by employing Halliday’s transitivity analysis and van Djik’s notion of ideological squares in analyzing news articles of the dispute from leading international news media. The analyses uncovered that China, the Philippines, and the United States are depicted to be actively involved in the dispute. The articles depict China’s assertive and aggressive measures in the disputed waters and against the United States. China is likewise portrayed to be favoring efforts to forward diplomatic resolutions in the region. The United States is depicted as aggressive towards China while maintaining a projection of power and intimidation in the region as the security guarantor. The Philippines, moreover, is portra...
Media Discourse on Globalization in China: A social–psychological analysis
China's economic liberalization reforms and quest for global status have raised concerns over ideological inconsistencies (the adoption of market economy is discrepant from China's avowed belief in socialism) and image problems (the world that China wants to embrace perceives her as a menace). Official media discourse makes frequent reference to globalization and uses it to manage the inconsistencies and to bolster China's global image. These discursive functions, though related to media discourse's meaning-making functions, are sufficiently distinct from the latter to merit their own analysis. This article provides a theoretical discussion of the functions derived from social-psychological research on inconsistency justification and intergroup relations, with illustrative examples from relevant articles published in the People's Daily between 1996 and 2006.
Global Media and Communication, 2022
Using both quantitative and qualitative content analysis, this study investigates how two Chinese Communist Party newspapers frame the same story to international and national audiences. The empirical findings illustrate how propaganda techniques originally developed and applied in Western and democratic countries have been adopted and refined by newspapers in a state-run Communist press environment to create frames that best align with the cultural and political predispositions of domestic and international readers. The findings suggest Chinese authorities understand Western communication theory and appreciate how that theory can be applied to disseminate messages to both foreign and domestic audiences.
Identity Politics and the East China Sea: China as Japan's 'Other'
This article contributes to the relational IR literature on identity politics and Sino-Japanese relations. Theoretically, we develop Rumelili's 2004 framework for studying modes of differentiation by incorporating the sectoral characteristics of key discourse signs. Empirically, we apply this framework to the construction of Self and Other in the official Japanese security discourse regarding the Senkaku Islands dispute from 2010–2014, a period of dispute climax that is meaningful for studying the (re)production of Japan's understanding of China. The inclusiveness of the discourse signs that Japan uses to construct China possibly opens up for a positive evolution of Sino-Japanese relations, as there is space for progress if China's behavior—and Japan's interpretation of it—proves to be more peaceful, transparent, and law-abiding. The findings also suggest, however, that the strong sense of superiority in Japan (and China) visa -vis a subordinate Other may not bode well for Sino-Japanese relations.
The Chinese vs Western Media Framing on Uygur Conflict
Journal of Islamic World and Politics, 2020
This paper focuses on the Uyghur conflict, which became international news. Many reports about the Uygur appear with religious-based heroic narratives that corroborate discrimination, persecution, and the Chinese government's mistake against the Uyghur ethnic minority. It aims to understand the difference in Western mass media's preaching compared to the Chinese mass media informing Uyghur-related news. Compared to other ethnicity issues, the authors believed in specific interests behind the preaching of various online mass media to what was happening in Xinjiang. The authors used the explanative method with the framework of the framing theory of Pan Konciski and the constructivist paradigm to interpret the news of the Uygur conflict. The study results show Western media are more likely to use words or sentences that drain the reader's emotions, while Chinese media are more likely to be neutral in framing the news. It is a record for the authors that the public perception regarding the internationalization of issues occurring in a country can be influenced by how the media package news content.