Efficiency of international organizations’ conflict resolution strategies in the midst of intra-organizational incoherence – The Libyan civil war as a proxy stage (original) (raw)
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Trends and Dynamics of the Libya Conflict WalnshakDanfulani
The conflict in Libya manifests complex dynamics involving personal, group and international interests in a decade long struggle for power and its accruing benefits. Militia, terror and shadow groups are involved in moves and counter moves, flexible alliances and counter alliances based on interests that intricately maneuver fault-lines in the clash and dialogue of civilizations. This study looks at the trends and dynamics of the Libyan conflict; parties involved; the justification behind their actions. The study has recommended the complete withdrawal of shadow parties in the crisis to lessen the complexities involved in solving the crisis, implementation of proper Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration and power sharing under a federal structure. ABSTRACT Libya'daki çatışma, iktidar ve onun tahakkuk eden faydaları için on yıllık uzun bir mücadelede kişisel, grupsal ve uluslararası çıkarları içeren karmaşık dinamikleri ortaya koyuyor. Milisler, terör ve gölge grupları, medeniyetlerin çatışması ve diyalogundaki fay hatlarını karmaşık bir şekilde manevra eden çıkarlara dayalı hareketler ve karşı hamleler, esnek ittifaklar ve karşı ittifaklara dahil olurlar. Bu çalışma, Libya çatışmasının eğilimlerine ve dinamiklerine bakıyor; ilgili taraflar; eylemlerinin arkasındaki gerekçe. Çalışma, krizin çözülmesine, uygun Demobilizasyon, Silahsızlanma ve Yeniden Entegrasyonun uygulanmasına ve federal bir yapı altında güç paylaşımına ilişkin karmaşıklıkların azaltılması için krizdeki gölge partilerin tamamen geri çekilmesini tavsiye etti.
The Libya Conflict and its Implications for the Broader Region
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Libya is fractured. Its civil war is a complex conflict fought out between myriad smaller militias loosely integrated into two main factions. Khalifa Haftar’s siege of Tripoli and its UN-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA) has at the time of writing gone on for almost a year. After some major gains for Haftar and his Libyan National Army (LNA), the siege has been stuck in a stalemate with frontlines running along the southern suburbs of the capital. Each side is backed by various regional and extra-regional powers, and the ensuing military stalemate has taken precedence over the democratic transition that many were hoping for after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The civil war was born out of the power vacuum that followed Gaddafi’s removal. This report looks at the evolution of the Libyan conflict since 2011 and maps out the various domestic and external – both state and non-state – interests that clash directly or indirectly in Libya. Moreover, it analyses the various security implications that the conflict has for the country itself and the broader region more generally. Lastly, the report comments on the prospects of the conflict and the peace process pursued by the United Nations and other international actors.
BRIQ, 2020
The so-called Arab “Spring” may be considered as the most significant geopolitical event and the largest social mobilization that have shaped Greater Middle Eastern politics in the post-Cold War era. The present article examines how this process turned into an Arab “Winter”, having led to the world’s largest humanitarian crises since World War II. Using a geopolitical-economy framework guided by narrative analysis and incorporated comparison, this article focuses on the countries where the Arab Spring process led to gravest consequences: Syria and Libya. The research aim is to develop a comprehensive and multi-dimensional framework that gives due attention to the dialectics of internal and external factors underlying armed conflicts. I argue that the failure of Syria’s Baathist development project constitutes an important root cause for Syria’s tragic destabilization, since it created a favorable environment for foreign intervention and the exploitation of ethno-religious differences by foreign powers. The same can be said of Libya’s domestic policy failures inscribed in its extractivism, liberalization and nepotism, which are coupled with its cultural and socio-demographic vulnerabilities. As far as the external factors of the Syrian conflict are concerned, the evidence suggests that the transformation of ethno-religious tensions into a proxy war is strongly mediated by the foreign policy imperatives of key countries involved in the Syrian conflict. In both cases, geopolitical factors – including energy and human security, military alliances, and foreign-policy commitments – seem to have served as strong incentives for the emergence and diffusion of conflicts.
Global Dilemmas of Security and Development in the Middle East
Global Dilemmas of Security and Development in the Middle East, 2013
The book is divided into three thematic parts: international security and policy of world’s super powers towards the MENA region; issues of democracy and civic society and dimensions of social and economic growth. They cannot, of course, be seen as a comprehensive studies but rather serve as inspiration for further academic inquiry. It can be of interest to students or to anyone interested in the MENA region. Part one comprises of articles devoted to policies of the U.S. and Russian towards MENA region, as well as issues vital to international security as Pakistan-Iran relations or foreign policy of Turkey, which had by 2010 emerged as a local super power. It also analyzes American-Qatar relations as well as the influence of Washington’s foreign policy on the stabilization of Egyptian autocracy. Part one includes additionally the issue as relevant to maintaining international equilibrium as migration of Christian caused by military conflict in Iraq, which after the Arab Spring became a regional problem. Part two is devoted to issues of democratization and development of civil society, related to deficit of democracy. It includes articles dedicated to an analysis of Kingdom of Jordan’s political system, which has successfully incorporated elements of political pluralism into traditionally undemocratic rule of Hashemite dynasty, and well as perspective of democratization in Egypt, the most populous country of the region, to which the Arab Spring in 2011 and 2012 brought a difficult transition. Problems of civil society were also addressed in context of non-Arab countries of MENA region – Iran and Turkey. The last part is dedicated to the complex subject of socio-economic growth of the MENA region. Articles touch upon issues as current as relevant problems as changes in ownership structure in relation to Arab online media outlets and changes in patterns of youth behavior. Both chapters are particularly valuable because they adopt a comparative approach towards the subject. The last article of the book, a text on dilemma of Egypt’s economic growth, which for years progressed on the expense of large part of society and contributed to the explosion of public discontents, sheds light on the process characteristic not only for the country itself. The book would not have been possible without the generous support shown throughout the whole process of organization of this conference of Professor Andrzej Mania (Vice-Rector of the Jagiellonian University), Professor Bogdan Szlachta and Professor Andrzej Dudek (Deans of Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University), Professor Adam W. Jelonek, Professor Leszek Korporowicz, Professor Krzysztof Kościelniak, Professor Jerzy Zdanowski, Dr Łukasz Fyderek, Dr Hayssam Obeidat, Dr Ewa Trojnar, Dr Joanna Wardęga and Agnieszka Mielczarska (Faculty of the Institute of the Middle and Far East of the Jagiellonian University), Professor Maria Kapiszewska (Vice-Rector of the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University), Professor Hieronim Kubiak, Professor Tadeusz Paleczny, Professor Adam Bieniek, Professor Soli Sahvar and Dr Ido Zelkovitz from the University of Haifa, students and PhD students of the Institute of the Middle and Far East and the Institute of Political Science and International Relations of the Jagiellonian University, Wojciech Wiśniewski and the Academic Circle of Students of International Relations JU (KSSM UJ), Gabriela Hurkot, Jan Kirschenbaum, Katarzyna Gorgoń, Michał Moroz and Ewa Pacułt for support during the whole editorial process. At the end I must also record my deepest gratitude for Karolina Rak and Michał Lipa, friends of many years, excellent editors and the best conference coordinators. Without them and the authors of all articles preparing this publication would not have been realized.
A new season for Libya Meaning and future perspectives of the Libyan civil war
This paper will be an attempt of understanding the on-going situation of the Libyan conflict. The work will begin with the analysis of the word conflict and its theoretical implications, and then it will focus on a practical application of the conflict analysis in one of the most important, although not always considered, scenario in the Mediterranean area: the Libyan civil war. The importance for the international community of this conflict is given by the role United Nations and the NATOhave had in the first part of the Libyan uprising and inthe overthrowing of the Colonel Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi. The word conflict, as Bernard S. Mayer in his work “The Dynamics of Conflict Resolutions” stated, “may be viewed as a feeling, a disagreement, a real or perceived incompatibility of interests, inconsistent worldviews, or a set of behaviors”. The conflict can be generated both from the unbalanced condition within the society and from the transformation of the social links, provoking a necessary conflict for the evolution of the social dynamics. There is a multitude of different interests brought by different actors: this is the first factor of a conflict. What does the conflict mean for Libya? And what will the possible solutions be?
Trends and Dynamics of the Libya Conflict
IOSR, 2020
The conflict in Libya manifests complex dynamics involving personal, group and international interests in a decade long struggle for power and its accruing benefits. Militia, terror and shadow groups are involved in moves and counter moves, flexible alliances and counter alliances based on interests that intricately maneuver fault-lines in the clash and dialogue of civilizations. This study looks at the trends and dynamics of the Libyan conflict; parties involved; the justification behind their actions. The study has recommended the complete withdrawal of shadow parties in the crisis to lessen the complexities involved in solving the crisis, implementation of proper Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration and power sharing under a federal structure.
Guest Editors' Note: The Libyan Event and the Part for the Whole
Middle East Critique, 2014
The events of 2011, which led to the death of Mu'ammar Qadhdhafi and the fall of the Jamahiriyya, triggered a profound reshaping of Libyan politics. In order to shed light on such a dynamic, yet traumatic, moment, this Special Issue of Middle East Critique is fully dedicated to Libya. Three years after the 2011 Event, multiple governments-one in Tobruk and one in Tripoli-and several militias create fertile ground for violence and lawlessness. In this issue, each article tries to return a theoretical and analytical complexity to the study of Libya and, in doing so, they collectively advocate for a multiplicity of narratives that challenge the dominant pre-2011 and post-2011 academic representations and media accounts. Doubtlessly, the unquestioned Orientalist mind-set, as formulated by Edward Said, has affected and still affects the academic comprehension of Libya and the formulation of policies toward the country. In fact, since Qadhdhafi's oil nationalization and the gradual rapprochement of Libya with the Soviet bloc through the purchase of weapons, western media and scholarship have used 'Qadhdhafi' and 'Libya' as synonyms, reiterating an Orientalist understanding of the Middle East. Scholars, analysts, and journalists depicted the 'Libyan head for the Libyan whole,' 1 to quote anthropologist John Davis, assuming that there was no 'Libya-ness' beyond the macro-historical metanarrative of 'Qadhdhafi-ness.' The cumbersome and ubiquitous personality of Qadhdhafi obscured Libya's complexity, and one Libyan became the symbol for all Libyans. This habit-'the part for the whole'-has continued even after Mu'ammar Qadhdhafi's fall. On the one hand, the revolution of 2011 has forced analysts to realize that beyond the Libyan regime there was a Libyan society: A complex universe comprised of tribes, cities, and agents that did not necessarily identify with Qadhdhafi's project. On the other hand, the discovery of a 'Libyan multiplicity' has overwhelmed the analysts who have continued to look desperately for the narrative, the key to unveil Libyan mysteries. Some writers have proposed 'tribalism' as the narrative to understand the revolution, others 'Islamism', and others, in turn, have demonstrated a fetishist attachment to the old narrative, reading the facts of 2011 simply as the end of 'Qadhdhafi-ness.' This Special Issue criticizes this phenomenon by demonstrating that post-revolutionary Libya cannot be understood by focusing on one story, one reading, or one aspect. Rather, it is necessary to consider a