Olga Liubimova - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Papers by Olga Liubimova

New Perspectives on the Roman Civil Wars of 49-30 BCE, 2024

An attempt is made to date Caesar’s coinage RRC 452 solely on the basis of the hoard evidence and... more An attempt is made to date Caesar’s coinage RRC 452 solely on the basis of the hoard evidence and the analysis of the metrology and denominations and regardless of the controversial meaning of the legend ⊥II. The conclusion follows that the generally accepted date (48 B.C.E.) should be retained. According to the most widespread theory ⊥II signified the age of Caesar and reminded that he was legally permitted to held his second consulship in 48 But if Caesar was consul II in the age of 52, it means that at some point he did break the lex annalis. So another interpretation is proposed. In 48 Caesar’s legionaries received their pay on the days close to Caesar’s birthday on July 13, so the letters ⊥II on the coins were aimed to create more personal ties between Caesar and his army and not to emphasize the legality of his second consulship.

ATHENAEUM, 2023

This article deals with a passage from the letter Att. 1.16.5, where Cicero, while describing Clo... more This article deals with a passage from the letter Att. 1.16.5, where Cicero, while describing Clodius’ trial, calls the person who has bribed the jury Calvum ex Nanneianis illum, illum laudatorem meum. The case is made that Cicero is referring here to Crassus rather than Licinius Calvus, contrary to the currently prevalent opinion. The analysis of Cicero’s earlier letters shows that the expression illum laudatorem meum cannot be related to Licinius Calvus. A new interpretation of the phrase Calvum ex Nanneianis is proposed, and the details of the bribery related by Cicero are shown to be compatible with, and even supportive of, the identification of it organizer as Crassus.

Journal of Ancient History (Vestnik drevney istorii), 2023

The article responds to the hypothesis about the collaboration of Gaius Ateius Capito, the plebei... more The article responds to the hypothesis about the collaboration of Gaius Ateius Capito, the plebeian tribune of 55 BC, with Caesar, suggested independently by E. V. Smykov and P. Buongiorno. The political position of Ateius in 55 BC and at later stages of his career is considered, including rather problematic evidence relating to the events of 54 and 52 BC, a censorial note imposed on Ateius in 50 BC, Cicero’s petition in defense of Ateius in 46 BC and the latter’s participation in the Buthrotum land commission in 44 BC. It is concluded that the traditional point of view, according to which Capito was a supporter of Cato in 55 BC and joined Caesar no earlier than 50 BC, is more justified. It is shown that Ateius
did not perform any significant services to Caesar, and Ateius’ articipation in the land commission should not be regarded as a sign of Caesar’s friendly attitude towards him.

Mnemosyne, 2021

The article deals with several problems concerning the parentage of D. Brutus Albinus, one of the... more The article deals with several problems concerning the parentage of D. Brutus Albinus, one of the leaders of the conspiracy against Caesar: the identity of his adoptive father, his relationship with Sempronia mentioned by Sallust and the lineage of this Sempronia. The results of the research make it possible to advance a hypothesis on the source of Cornelius Nepos’ problematic evidence about Gaius Gracchus’ relationship with Junii Bruti.

Вестник древней истории, 2018

The paper analyzes Cicero’s hints at the “architects” of Servilius Rullus’ agragian bill of 63 B.... more The paper analyzes Cicero’s hints at the “architects” of Servilius Rullus’ agragian bill of 63 B.C.E., hostile to Pompey, and makes an attempt to identify these persons and their aims. The author argues that Crassus and Caesar stood behind the back of Servilius Rullus, and his bill should not be viewed as “Pompeian” or “anti-Pompeian”. It was a partnership proposal offered to Pompey by Crassus and Caesar. Pompey could use the law to make land allotments to his veterans, but it would be possible only if he made an alliance with its “architects”.

Studia Historica, 2017

In the article two main historiographical approaches to the examination of Roman politics of 70s ... more In the article two main historiographical approaches to the examination of Roman politics of 70s B.C.E. are traced. The first approach goes back to Mommsen, and researchers adhering to it characterize the politics of 70s B.C.E. as a confrontation between heterogeneous groups dissatisfied with Sullan constitution, from the one hand, and, of a powerful nobility exercising control over the senate and state in general from the other hand,. According to this view, the confrontation resulted in the victory of former over the latter as Pompey and Crassus in 70 abrogated main Sullan laws. The second approach, however, characterize the politics of 70s as a struggle between different factions within the nobility and the reforms of 70 as a compromise measures intended to strengthen the control of the nobility over the state affairs. The analysis carried out in the article shows that at least for the main issue of the struggle – the powers of plebeian tribunes -- the first approach corresponds better to the ancient evidence.

Вестник древней истории, 2017

The article aims to reconcile Suetonius’ evidence about 6000 talents Caesar received “in his own ... more The article aims to reconcile Suetonius’ evidence about 6000 talents Caesar received “in his own name and that of Pompey” from Ptolemy for the latter’s establishment on the throne of Egypt, and Plutarch’s evidence that at the moment of his death Ptolemy owed Caesar a half of that sum (17 500 000 drachmas). The article argues against the view of M. Gelzer and M. Siani-Davies, according to which this debt originated in 54 BC, when a Roman banker Gaius Rabirius transferred unpaid debentures of Ptolemy to Caesar’s name. Additional arguments are proposed in favour of H. Heinen and R. Westall’s view that in 59 BC Caesar received only a promissory note but no payment in cash from Ptolemy. An attempt is made to clarify the roles of Pompey and Rabirius in this transaction.

Исторический вестникъ. Рим: dominatio civilis. Под общей редакцией А.Л. Смышляева, 2017

On the basis of «The Achievements of the Divine Augustus» the author analyses the significance of... more On the basis of «The Achievements of the Divine Augustus» the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares’ political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a full-fledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares’ contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares’ legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus’ expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.

An attempt is made in the article to reconcile Cicero's characteristic of Crassus as too sparing ... more An attempt is made in the article to reconcile Cicero's characteristic of Crassus as too sparing in admitting men as citizens (Balb. 50) with the prevalent opinion of researchers according to which Crassus tried to grant Roman citizenship to Transpadani during his censorship in 65 BC. The author argues that the statement of Cicero resulted from Crassus' backing of lex Papia, also in 65 BC; the law was directed against those peregrini who were sojourning in Rome or had illegally assumed Roman citizenship, but which made a favorable exception for Transpadani. Cicero’s statement should be regarded as the continuation of debates during the trial of Balbus who was tried by the jury-court created by the lex Papia and was defended by Crassus along with Cicero.

The article deals with the statement of Plutarch (Crass. 13. 5), according to which Crassus began... more The article deals with the statement of Plutarch (Crass. 13. 5), according to which Crassus began to hate Cicero after receiving the anonymous letters warning about the Catiline conspiracy. The letters were delivered to Crassus under strange circumstances, transferred by him to Cicero and gave grounds for the passing of the senatus consultum ultimum. The hypothesis proposed here is that Crassus considered Cicero himself to be the author of the letters, and regarded the whole episode as his provocation with the aim of driving a wedge between Crassus and the conspirators and getting extraordinary powers from the senate.

The author reexamines the evidence of sources on the early career of Crassus and two contradictin... more The author reexamines the evidence of sources on the early career of Crassus and two contradicting theories about the date of his praetorship advanced recently by M. Stone and F. Vervaet. The conclusion is that neither 75 B.C.E. (Stone's opinion), nor 71 B.C.E. (Vervaet's opinion) can be accepted. The traditional date of 73 accounts for the evidence in the best possible way if we accept the theory of T.C. Brennan according to which Crassus' Imperium was prorogued into 72 and promoted to proconsular one later in the year.

Studia Historica. Вып. XIV. 2015. С. 66-97.

The authors challenge the view of A.V. Korolenkov according to which the story of Sulla ordering ... more The authors challenge the view of A.V. Korolenkov according to which the story of Sulla ordering to put Caesar to death was invented by Caesarian and anti-Caesarian propaganda only in 60s BC and in reality Caesar just waited for the decision of dictator outside Rome and the task of Cornelius Fagita was not to arrest Caesar but to tell him Sulla’s favorable verdict. The authors argue that despite minor differences and inaccuracies the evidences of sources on this episode agree quite well with each other and with the general logic of events, so we have no reasons to dismiss them as propaganda or fantasy. Additionally the authors propose some considerations on the reasons and circumstances on Caesar’s marriage to Cornelia and his destination, creation and abortive inauguration as flamen Dialis.

The author argues that the political consequences of Octavian's marriage to Livia were only negat... more The author argues that the political consequences of Octavian's marriage to Livia were only negative for him. Having divorced Scribonia he displayed his hostile disposition to Sextus Pompey too early and did not have enough time to prepare himself to the new war which led to his defeat in 38 BC. The scandal about Octavian's marriage to Livia must have alienated the conservative aristocracy rather than attract it; the episode gave a lot of material for the hostile propaganda.

В тени Мнемозины: коммеморативные практики в обществах прошлого. Сборник научных трудов / Под ред. А.Н. Маслова, А.В. Махлаюка. – Нижний Новгород: Изд-во ННГУ им. Н.И. Лобачевского, 2015. С. 135-145

The author calls in question the theory prevailing in historiography according to which the resul... more The author calls in question the theory prevailing in historiography according to which the result of Octavian’s marriage to Livia was his with the Republican nobility, the Claudii and the Livii above all. The marriage was accompanied by a great scandal and would alienate the conservative aristocracy. There is no Roman noble whose support of Octavian can be connected with his marriage to Livia.

Античный мир и археология. Вып. 17. Саратов, 2015. С. 151-175.

The article explores the relationship between three political events of 66–65 B.C.E., which were ... more The article explores the relationship between three political events of 66–65 B.C.E., which were the factual basis of the propagandistic myth about the “First conspiracy of Catiline”. The myth was laid down when in the second elections of 66 B.C.E. P. Sulla, condemned and debarred from consulship, tried to support Catiline against his own former rival and prosecutor Torquatus with the help of armed gangs. But Catiline was not admitted to the elections, so he formed an alliance with Manilius, a popular leader accused of extortion, and broke down his trial expecting to receive a good turn from Manilius during his own impending trial on the same charge. Among the instigators of these disturbances was Cn. Piso, a friend of Catiline and an enemy of Pompey, trying to win over Pompey’s ally Manilius. Crassus’ participation in these events is not attested and seems improbable, but soon he promoted the extraordinary appointment of Piso to a post of propraetor of Spain. In the propaganda of their political opponents the electoral alliance of Sulla and Catiline and the disturbances organized by the latter during the trial of Manilius were interpreted as a conspiracy to seize power schemed by Sulla, Catiline and their allies Piso and Autronius. The enemies of the first triumvirate inserted into this story the name of Crassus as an initiator of the conspiracy, and the accusation seemed plausible because he had openly sought the appointment of Piso to Spain.

The article deals with several procedural issues concerning the trial of the Vestals in 73 B.C. (... more The article deals with several procedural issues concerning the trial of the Vestals in 73 B.C. (the date of Crassus’ praetorship and the possibility of prosecuting a praetor in the pontifical court; the problem of two acquittals of Catilina; the meaning of Clodius’ speech). The political aspect of the trial is also analyzed. It is observed that there must have been some quite weighty evidence against the Vestals and that the verdict of conviction in the pontifi cal court would have led to the capital punishment of the accused, not to the exile as was the case in criminal courts of the Late Roman Republic. The author advances the hypothesis that the accusation of the Vestals and their alleged lovers was initiated by Pompey through his adherents Plotius and Clodius. Pompey had the reasons to expect that Crassus, praetor in 73, would try to restore the powers of tribunate, and he sought to prevent Crassus from doing that because he wanted to profit from passing this law himself. The indictment of Fabia and Catilina was aimed at drawing additional public attention to the trial of theVestals and at increasing the danger for Crassus.

Antiquitas Aeterna. Вып. 4. Нижний Новгород, 2014. С. 211-234, 2014

The legal terminology of the sources about the trial of vestals in 73 BC (particularly the mentio... more The legal terminology of the sources about the trial of vestals in 73 BC (particularly the mention of judges, prosecutor and advocate) has led some researchers to the conclusion that the case was tried before secular jury court and not before the traditional pontifical college. An attempt is made in the article to argue that in 73 BC there was no permanent jury court for incest cases; and the establishment of an extraordinary court for this case by a special law is improbable because our sources are entirely silent about it, the political situation was unfavorable for such a move and some circumstantial evidences suggest that the case was tried before pontifices. The legal terms of the sources are quite applicable for the pontifical court and there are analogies for them in the reports of ancient authors about the other trials of vestals.

Вестник Древней Истории. 2014. № 3. C. 75-99

The author of the article contests the hypothesis advanced by A.V. Koptev that in the late 80s an... more The author of the article contests the hypothesis advanced by A.V. Koptev that in the late 80s and in 70s BC Pompey was not a privatus cum imperio, but had twice obtained praetorship and thereby held military commands. It is argued in the article that the theoretical model of imperium and its relationship with auspicia and lex curiata developed by A.V. Koptev contains inherent logical contradictions, and the evidence on which it is based is characterized elsewhere as unreliable by A.V. Koptev himself. Besides, his analysis of the political events of the last decades of the Republic contains a number of factual errors substantially undermining his argumentation. Finally, A.V. Koptev has not succeeded in refuting convincingly the bulk of ancient evidence according to which Pompey had been privatus cum imperio before his first consulship. The author of the article considers improbable A.V. Koptev’s view that all this evidence does not reflect the reality, but only political propaganda.

Вестник Древней Истории. 2014. № 2. C. 34-53

Cicero’s Paradoxa is chronologically the first source dealing with Crassus’s self-interest in det... more Cicero’s Paradoxa is chronologically the first source dealing with Crassus’s self-interest in detail. In this treatise Cicero accuses Crassus of a number of unseemly deeds performed for the sake of profit and creates an impression that all the political activity of the triumvir had no other end but profit. However, analyzing the accounts of the same facts in other sources (including Cicero’s) one can see that wealth was not Crassus’ end in itself, but a means of exercising political influence (the fact Cicero himself could not but realize). The sixth paradox was composed as an element of an imaginary invective against Crassus and became a basis for developing the image of Crassus the Profit-Seeker, which sometimes overshadows that of Crassus the Politician.

New Perspectives on the Roman Civil Wars of 49-30 BCE, 2024

An attempt is made to date Caesar’s coinage RRC 452 solely on the basis of the hoard evidence and... more An attempt is made to date Caesar’s coinage RRC 452 solely on the basis of the hoard evidence and the analysis of the metrology and denominations and regardless of the controversial meaning of the legend ⊥II. The conclusion follows that the generally accepted date (48 B.C.E.) should be retained. According to the most widespread theory ⊥II signified the age of Caesar and reminded that he was legally permitted to held his second consulship in 48 But if Caesar was consul II in the age of 52, it means that at some point he did break the lex annalis. So another interpretation is proposed. In 48 Caesar’s legionaries received their pay on the days close to Caesar’s birthday on July 13, so the letters ⊥II on the coins were aimed to create more personal ties between Caesar and his army and not to emphasize the legality of his second consulship.

ATHENAEUM, 2023

This article deals with a passage from the letter Att. 1.16.5, where Cicero, while describing Clo... more This article deals with a passage from the letter Att. 1.16.5, where Cicero, while describing Clodius’ trial, calls the person who has bribed the jury Calvum ex Nanneianis illum, illum laudatorem meum. The case is made that Cicero is referring here to Crassus rather than Licinius Calvus, contrary to the currently prevalent opinion. The analysis of Cicero’s earlier letters shows that the expression illum laudatorem meum cannot be related to Licinius Calvus. A new interpretation of the phrase Calvum ex Nanneianis is proposed, and the details of the bribery related by Cicero are shown to be compatible with, and even supportive of, the identification of it organizer as Crassus.

Journal of Ancient History (Vestnik drevney istorii), 2023

The article responds to the hypothesis about the collaboration of Gaius Ateius Capito, the plebei... more The article responds to the hypothesis about the collaboration of Gaius Ateius Capito, the plebeian tribune of 55 BC, with Caesar, suggested independently by E. V. Smykov and P. Buongiorno. The political position of Ateius in 55 BC and at later stages of his career is considered, including rather problematic evidence relating to the events of 54 and 52 BC, a censorial note imposed on Ateius in 50 BC, Cicero’s petition in defense of Ateius in 46 BC and the latter’s participation in the Buthrotum land commission in 44 BC. It is concluded that the traditional point of view, according to which Capito was a supporter of Cato in 55 BC and joined Caesar no earlier than 50 BC, is more justified. It is shown that Ateius
did not perform any significant services to Caesar, and Ateius’ articipation in the land commission should not be regarded as a sign of Caesar’s friendly attitude towards him.

Mnemosyne, 2021

The article deals with several problems concerning the parentage of D. Brutus Albinus, one of the... more The article deals with several problems concerning the parentage of D. Brutus Albinus, one of the leaders of the conspiracy against Caesar: the identity of his adoptive father, his relationship with Sempronia mentioned by Sallust and the lineage of this Sempronia. The results of the research make it possible to advance a hypothesis on the source of Cornelius Nepos’ problematic evidence about Gaius Gracchus’ relationship with Junii Bruti.

Вестник древней истории, 2018

The paper analyzes Cicero’s hints at the “architects” of Servilius Rullus’ agragian bill of 63 B.... more The paper analyzes Cicero’s hints at the “architects” of Servilius Rullus’ agragian bill of 63 B.C.E., hostile to Pompey, and makes an attempt to identify these persons and their aims. The author argues that Crassus and Caesar stood behind the back of Servilius Rullus, and his bill should not be viewed as “Pompeian” or “anti-Pompeian”. It was a partnership proposal offered to Pompey by Crassus and Caesar. Pompey could use the law to make land allotments to his veterans, but it would be possible only if he made an alliance with its “architects”.

Studia Historica, 2017

In the article two main historiographical approaches to the examination of Roman politics of 70s ... more In the article two main historiographical approaches to the examination of Roman politics of 70s B.C.E. are traced. The first approach goes back to Mommsen, and researchers adhering to it characterize the politics of 70s B.C.E. as a confrontation between heterogeneous groups dissatisfied with Sullan constitution, from the one hand, and, of a powerful nobility exercising control over the senate and state in general from the other hand,. According to this view, the confrontation resulted in the victory of former over the latter as Pompey and Crassus in 70 abrogated main Sullan laws. The second approach, however, characterize the politics of 70s as a struggle between different factions within the nobility and the reforms of 70 as a compromise measures intended to strengthen the control of the nobility over the state affairs. The analysis carried out in the article shows that at least for the main issue of the struggle – the powers of plebeian tribunes -- the first approach corresponds better to the ancient evidence.

Вестник древней истории, 2017

The article aims to reconcile Suetonius’ evidence about 6000 talents Caesar received “in his own ... more The article aims to reconcile Suetonius’ evidence about 6000 talents Caesar received “in his own name and that of Pompey” from Ptolemy for the latter’s establishment on the throne of Egypt, and Plutarch’s evidence that at the moment of his death Ptolemy owed Caesar a half of that sum (17 500 000 drachmas). The article argues against the view of M. Gelzer and M. Siani-Davies, according to which this debt originated in 54 BC, when a Roman banker Gaius Rabirius transferred unpaid debentures of Ptolemy to Caesar’s name. Additional arguments are proposed in favour of H. Heinen and R. Westall’s view that in 59 BC Caesar received only a promissory note but no payment in cash from Ptolemy. An attempt is made to clarify the roles of Pompey and Rabirius in this transaction.

Исторический вестникъ. Рим: dominatio civilis. Под общей редакцией А.Л. Смышляева, 2017

On the basis of «The Achievements of the Divine Augustus» the author analyses the significance of... more On the basis of «The Achievements of the Divine Augustus» the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares’ political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a full-fledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares’ contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares’ legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus’ expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.

An attempt is made in the article to reconcile Cicero's characteristic of Crassus as too sparing ... more An attempt is made in the article to reconcile Cicero's characteristic of Crassus as too sparing in admitting men as citizens (Balb. 50) with the prevalent opinion of researchers according to which Crassus tried to grant Roman citizenship to Transpadani during his censorship in 65 BC. The author argues that the statement of Cicero resulted from Crassus' backing of lex Papia, also in 65 BC; the law was directed against those peregrini who were sojourning in Rome or had illegally assumed Roman citizenship, but which made a favorable exception for Transpadani. Cicero’s statement should be regarded as the continuation of debates during the trial of Balbus who was tried by the jury-court created by the lex Papia and was defended by Crassus along with Cicero.

The article deals with the statement of Plutarch (Crass. 13. 5), according to which Crassus began... more The article deals with the statement of Plutarch (Crass. 13. 5), according to which Crassus began to hate Cicero after receiving the anonymous letters warning about the Catiline conspiracy. The letters were delivered to Crassus under strange circumstances, transferred by him to Cicero and gave grounds for the passing of the senatus consultum ultimum. The hypothesis proposed here is that Crassus considered Cicero himself to be the author of the letters, and regarded the whole episode as his provocation with the aim of driving a wedge between Crassus and the conspirators and getting extraordinary powers from the senate.

The author reexamines the evidence of sources on the early career of Crassus and two contradictin... more The author reexamines the evidence of sources on the early career of Crassus and two contradicting theories about the date of his praetorship advanced recently by M. Stone and F. Vervaet. The conclusion is that neither 75 B.C.E. (Stone's opinion), nor 71 B.C.E. (Vervaet's opinion) can be accepted. The traditional date of 73 accounts for the evidence in the best possible way if we accept the theory of T.C. Brennan according to which Crassus' Imperium was prorogued into 72 and promoted to proconsular one later in the year.

Studia Historica. Вып. XIV. 2015. С. 66-97.

The authors challenge the view of A.V. Korolenkov according to which the story of Sulla ordering ... more The authors challenge the view of A.V. Korolenkov according to which the story of Sulla ordering to put Caesar to death was invented by Caesarian and anti-Caesarian propaganda only in 60s BC and in reality Caesar just waited for the decision of dictator outside Rome and the task of Cornelius Fagita was not to arrest Caesar but to tell him Sulla’s favorable verdict. The authors argue that despite minor differences and inaccuracies the evidences of sources on this episode agree quite well with each other and with the general logic of events, so we have no reasons to dismiss them as propaganda or fantasy. Additionally the authors propose some considerations on the reasons and circumstances on Caesar’s marriage to Cornelia and his destination, creation and abortive inauguration as flamen Dialis.

The author argues that the political consequences of Octavian's marriage to Livia were only negat... more The author argues that the political consequences of Octavian's marriage to Livia were only negative for him. Having divorced Scribonia he displayed his hostile disposition to Sextus Pompey too early and did not have enough time to prepare himself to the new war which led to his defeat in 38 BC. The scandal about Octavian's marriage to Livia must have alienated the conservative aristocracy rather than attract it; the episode gave a lot of material for the hostile propaganda.

В тени Мнемозины: коммеморативные практики в обществах прошлого. Сборник научных трудов / Под ред. А.Н. Маслова, А.В. Махлаюка. – Нижний Новгород: Изд-во ННГУ им. Н.И. Лобачевского, 2015. С. 135-145

The author calls in question the theory prevailing in historiography according to which the resul... more The author calls in question the theory prevailing in historiography according to which the result of Octavian’s marriage to Livia was his with the Republican nobility, the Claudii and the Livii above all. The marriage was accompanied by a great scandal and would alienate the conservative aristocracy. There is no Roman noble whose support of Octavian can be connected with his marriage to Livia.

Античный мир и археология. Вып. 17. Саратов, 2015. С. 151-175.

The article explores the relationship between three political events of 66–65 B.C.E., which were ... more The article explores the relationship between three political events of 66–65 B.C.E., which were the factual basis of the propagandistic myth about the “First conspiracy of Catiline”. The myth was laid down when in the second elections of 66 B.C.E. P. Sulla, condemned and debarred from consulship, tried to support Catiline against his own former rival and prosecutor Torquatus with the help of armed gangs. But Catiline was not admitted to the elections, so he formed an alliance with Manilius, a popular leader accused of extortion, and broke down his trial expecting to receive a good turn from Manilius during his own impending trial on the same charge. Among the instigators of these disturbances was Cn. Piso, a friend of Catiline and an enemy of Pompey, trying to win over Pompey’s ally Manilius. Crassus’ participation in these events is not attested and seems improbable, but soon he promoted the extraordinary appointment of Piso to a post of propraetor of Spain. In the propaganda of their political opponents the electoral alliance of Sulla and Catiline and the disturbances organized by the latter during the trial of Manilius were interpreted as a conspiracy to seize power schemed by Sulla, Catiline and their allies Piso and Autronius. The enemies of the first triumvirate inserted into this story the name of Crassus as an initiator of the conspiracy, and the accusation seemed plausible because he had openly sought the appointment of Piso to Spain.

The article deals with several procedural issues concerning the trial of the Vestals in 73 B.C. (... more The article deals with several procedural issues concerning the trial of the Vestals in 73 B.C. (the date of Crassus’ praetorship and the possibility of prosecuting a praetor in the pontifical court; the problem of two acquittals of Catilina; the meaning of Clodius’ speech). The political aspect of the trial is also analyzed. It is observed that there must have been some quite weighty evidence against the Vestals and that the verdict of conviction in the pontifi cal court would have led to the capital punishment of the accused, not to the exile as was the case in criminal courts of the Late Roman Republic. The author advances the hypothesis that the accusation of the Vestals and their alleged lovers was initiated by Pompey through his adherents Plotius and Clodius. Pompey had the reasons to expect that Crassus, praetor in 73, would try to restore the powers of tribunate, and he sought to prevent Crassus from doing that because he wanted to profit from passing this law himself. The indictment of Fabia and Catilina was aimed at drawing additional public attention to the trial of theVestals and at increasing the danger for Crassus.

Antiquitas Aeterna. Вып. 4. Нижний Новгород, 2014. С. 211-234, 2014

The legal terminology of the sources about the trial of vestals in 73 BC (particularly the mentio... more The legal terminology of the sources about the trial of vestals in 73 BC (particularly the mention of judges, prosecutor and advocate) has led some researchers to the conclusion that the case was tried before secular jury court and not before the traditional pontifical college. An attempt is made in the article to argue that in 73 BC there was no permanent jury court for incest cases; and the establishment of an extraordinary court for this case by a special law is improbable because our sources are entirely silent about it, the political situation was unfavorable for such a move and some circumstantial evidences suggest that the case was tried before pontifices. The legal terms of the sources are quite applicable for the pontifical court and there are analogies for them in the reports of ancient authors about the other trials of vestals.

Вестник Древней Истории. 2014. № 3. C. 75-99

The author of the article contests the hypothesis advanced by A.V. Koptev that in the late 80s an... more The author of the article contests the hypothesis advanced by A.V. Koptev that in the late 80s and in 70s BC Pompey was not a privatus cum imperio, but had twice obtained praetorship and thereby held military commands. It is argued in the article that the theoretical model of imperium and its relationship with auspicia and lex curiata developed by A.V. Koptev contains inherent logical contradictions, and the evidence on which it is based is characterized elsewhere as unreliable by A.V. Koptev himself. Besides, his analysis of the political events of the last decades of the Republic contains a number of factual errors substantially undermining his argumentation. Finally, A.V. Koptev has not succeeded in refuting convincingly the bulk of ancient evidence according to which Pompey had been privatus cum imperio before his first consulship. The author of the article considers improbable A.V. Koptev’s view that all this evidence does not reflect the reality, but only political propaganda.

Вестник Древней Истории. 2014. № 2. C. 34-53

Cicero’s Paradoxa is chronologically the first source dealing with Crassus’s self-interest in det... more Cicero’s Paradoxa is chronologically the first source dealing with Crassus’s self-interest in detail. In this treatise Cicero accuses Crassus of a number of unseemly deeds performed for the sake of profit and creates an impression that all the political activity of the triumvir had no other end but profit. However, analyzing the accounts of the same facts in other sources (including Cicero’s) one can see that wealth was not Crassus’ end in itself, but a means of exercising political influence (the fact Cicero himself could not but realize). The sixth paradox was composed as an element of an imaginary invective against Crassus and became a basis for developing the image of Crassus the Profit-Seeker, which sometimes overshadows that of Crassus the Politician.

Numerous problems connected with Crassus’ activity in the 70s B.C.E. — his political contacts wit... more Numerous problems connected with Crassus’ activity in the 70s B.C.E. — his political contacts with plebeian tribunes, his cursus honorum and his official position in the war against Spartacus, his electoral alliance and subsequent conflict with Pompey, the reform of plebeian tribunate, the process of Vestals — are analyzed and solved within the context of the struggle around the restoration of tribunician powers, a key theme of the Roman politics of the period. Such an approach allows to reconcile disjointed and incomplete evidence and to understand the politics and career of Crassus in the 70s not as a collection of episodes loosely connected to each other but as a consistent political strategy. Crassus didn’t place his stake on the Sullan constitution and Sullan political elite but he decided to gain a political capital from the restoration of tribunician powers. To achieve this aim he had to overcome the resistance of the conservatives in the Senate and to outplay a powerful rival aiming to the same prize. Crassus effectively coped with the first task, but failed with the second one, because he wrongly considered Pompey to be his ally, not rival. So Crassus’ gain turned to be considerably less than he had planned, but nevertheless the law on the restoration of tribunician powers received the name Lex Pompeia-Licinia.

Кембриджская история древнего мира. Том IX : Последний век Римской республики, 146-43 гг. до н.э.... more Кембриджская история древнего мира. Том IX : Последний век Римской республики, 146-43 гг. до н.э. / Под ред. Э. Линтотта, Э. Роусон, Р. Сигера, Дж. Крука / Пер. с англ. О. Любимовой и С. Таривердиевой. – М.: Ладомир, 2020. – 1150 с. – (В двух полутомах).

Кембриджская история древнего мира. Том X : Империя Августа. 43 г. до н. э. – 69 г. н. э. / Под р... more Кембриджская история древнего мира. Том X : Империя Августа. 43 г. до н. э. – 69 г. н. э. / Под ред. А.К. Боумэна, Э. Чэмплина, Э. Линтотта. Пер. с англ. О. Любимовой и С. Таривердиевой. – М.: Ладомир, 2017. – 1440 с. – (В двух полутомах).

THE ROMAN CIVIL WARS OF 49-30 BCE: ANALYSING THE BREAKDOWN OF MODELS, 2019

New Perspectives on the Roman Civil Wars of 49-30 BCE, 2024

"A new collective exploration of the civil wars of the late Roman Republic. A fresh look at a per... more "A new collective exploration of the civil wars of the late Roman Republic. A fresh look at a period that requires an interdisciplinary and collaborative approach."

The history of the Roman Republic during the 70s BCE has generally been regarded by modern schola... more The history of the Roman Republic during the 70s BCE has generally been regarded by modern scholars as an obscure subject, a period difficult to analyze, mainly due to the fragmentary state of Sallust’s Histories, the absence of a comprehensive narrative of the decade in the ancient sources, the fact that only one speech of Cicero (in Verrem) has been preserved, and the challenges in discerning the political developments in the city of Rome during the period. However, the 70s BCE also witnessed the rise of leading politicians such as Lucullus, Crassus and Pompey, the struggle of the tribunes to regain their political powers, the partial dismantling of the Sullan model, and the issue of enfranchising the Italians who had been granted the Roman citizenship. The 70s BCE can also be considered a period of crisis during which the Roman Republic, as the ruler of an interconnected Mediterranean reality, had to contend with Lepidus’ coup, the Sertorian War, the third conflict against Mithridates VI, the Spartacus’ rebellion, and a severe economic and social crisis that affected the Roman Empire at all levels.

The aim of this conference is to bring together early career researchers and senior scholars who intend to present original interpretations of the 70s BCE and engage in a vibrant discussion. Our goal is to shed some light on this turbulent decade and demonstrate that it was not as “obscure” as it has been typically considered. The papers will last 20 to 25 minutes and be followed by a Q&A. The conference will take place in January 2025 at the Institute of Classical Studies, London.