Aliaksandr Herasimenka | University of Oxford (original) (raw)

Papers by Aliaksandr Herasimenka

The Freedom of the Press ranking recently published by Freedom House has found Belarus’ media env... more The Freedom of the Press ranking recently published by Freedom House has found Belarus’ media environment to be Europe’s most restrictive. The ranking placed Belarus as 192nd out of 199 countries and territories within the “worst of the worst” category. These results suggest that media freedom in Belarus has neither been influenced by the country’s recent improvements in its relations with the West nor by the rapid spread of digital technologies. Some of the business community’s representatives have been unsatisfied with the ranking’s results, which call for a deeper reflection on the hidden mechanisms of control that afflict Belarusian media.

EnglishRecent work on employment of NTICs in order to influence decision-making has not explored ... more EnglishRecent work on employment of NTICs in order to influence decision-making has not explored all the consequences of digital media usage in non-democratic political systems. Despite the presence of multiple restrictions imposed by the government of Belarus on activity of interest groups, empirical evidences suggest that the usage of NTICs opens new possibilities of electronic engagement. We argue that political actors (citizens in particular) use NTICs to influence the decision-making in nondemocratic countries, though extent of this impact varies deeply depending on policy domains as to which solutions are considered and accepted. catalaTreballs recents sobre la influencia de les TIC en els processos de presa de decisions no han explorat totes les consequencies de l�us dels mitjans digitals en sistemes politics no-democratics. Malgrat la presencia de multiples restriccions imposades pel govern de Bielorussia a l�activitat de grups d�interes, evidencies empiriques suggereixen qu...

This dataset contains metadata about all COVID-related YouTube videos which circulated on public ... more This dataset contains metadata about all COVID-related YouTube videos which circulated on public social media, but which YouTube eventually removed because they contained false information. It describes 8,122 videos that were shared between November 2019 and June 2020. The dataset contains unique identifiers for the videos and social media accounts that shared the videos, statistics on social media engagement and metadata such as video titles and view counts where they were recoverable. The dataset has reuse potential for research studying narratives related to the coronavirus, the impact of social media on knowledge about health and the politics of social media platforms.

For this memo, we identified all Covid-related videos which circulated on social media, but which... more For this memo, we identified all Covid-related videos which circulated on social media, but which YouTube eventually removed because they contained false information. Between October, 2019 and June, 2020 there were 8,105 such videos-less than 1% of all YouTube videos about the coronavirus. We find that: • It took YouTube on average 41 days to remove videos containing false information, based on a subset of videos for which this data was available. • Surprisingly, Covid-related misinformation videos do not find their audience through YouTube itself, but largely by being shared on Facebook. • Facebook placed warning labels about false information only on 55 videos, less than 1% of the misinformation videos shared on the platform. • Misinformation videos were shared almost 20 million times on social media, which is more than the shares gathered by the five largest English-language news sources on YouTube combined (CNN, ABC News, BBC, Fox News and Al Jazeera)

Authoritarian regimes benefit from cheaper and more ubiquitous digital technologies. They use the... more Authoritarian regimes benefit from cheaper and more ubiquitous digital technologies. They use them to increase their control over society through surveillance, censorship, and persecution of citizens. However, these citizens also learn how to use technologies to their advantage. They rely on platforms such as social media and messengers to organize, inform, mobilize, and advocate for civic freedoms so to resist authoritarian resurgence.

This increased reliance on digital technologies, as well as the need to address surveillance and censorship, facilitates the emergence of the newer forms of civic organizing and leadership in autocracies. These forms are less hierarchical and centralized than the pro-democracy movements of the past. Recent examples from Eastern Europe illustrate three emerging types of digitally enabled organizing by comparison with the more traditional hierarchical movements: segmented in Belarus, connective in Ukraine, and hybrid in Russia. These show movements that developed high levels of potential to inspire democratic change.

These three forms of organizing are, to a large extent, digitally enabled groups that mobilized citizens for large-scale protests. They often facilitate rather than direct political activity, have many centers of influence, and can adapt to the changing circumstances quickly by shifting between forms of organizing.

Many international donors that focus on democracy promotion rely on approaches that do not fit this evolving context in digitized authoritarian regimes. They still favor larger, hierarchical civic or state-oriented organizations that fit their standard templates. However, hierarchical organizations appear to be less effective as explicit mobilizing agents and advocates for civic freedoms because it is easier to repress and control them. At the same time, segmented and connective structures are perceived as fragmented and weak because their leaders often remain in shadows, while their organizational configurations look unfamiliar and obscure.

Social Media + Society, 2019

The late 2010s have seen the unprecedented rise of Russian rap culture on YouTube. This study del... more The late 2010s have seen the unprecedented rise of Russian rap culture on YouTube. This study delves into the unexplored area of the relationship between rap music, politics, and the Internet audience in Russia. It focuses on the analysis of the production of the most popular rap videos—their narratives, power relations, and socio-political themes, as well as the prevailing patterns in the discussion on socio-political issues by the YouTube audience. The study brings three contributions that identify the power relations in the Russian society that manifest in the field of rap music. First, the Russian-speaking users demonstrate a high level of criticality toward the pro-Kremlin rap music on YouTube and challenge the lies of propaganda rap. Second, pro-government rappers follow the Soviet authoritarian ethos and praise belonging to the collective of elites, while liberal ones adhere to the individual responsibility. Third, we demonstrate the prevalence of patriarchal gender values, including macho politics and unquestioned sexism, which are representative of gender politics in the country. This article proves the importance of socio-political commentary on YouTube and points to the rap videos as the popular hubs for the socio-political debates. Users flow to rap videos and utilize the comment section to have their say on the political context and power relations rather than the music, to engage with others, and to contribute to the emerging collective debate. The comment sections on these rap videos have a unique value for the Russian users who exploit them as the negotiation space in the void of other platforms for social dialogue in Russia.

Belarus-Analysen, 2017

2017 witnessed one of the most widespread and successful anti-government protests in Belarus sinc... more 2017 witnessed one of the most widespread and successful anti-government protests in Belarus since its independence. People flooded the streets of at least 17 cities. Some of these cities did not experience this kind of mobilisation for 20 years or more. This year, two campaigns attracted the significant numbers of attendants and attention of the public. They are the Anti-tax protest movement and the Kurapaty defence movement. In this article, I will show in what way and why these two protest waves were unusual for Belarus and to what implications for the country they led.

Belarus-Analysen

Die regierungskritischen Proteste 2017 in Belarus waren so flächendeckend und erfolgreich wie kau... more Die regierungskritischen Proteste 2017 in Belarus waren so flächendeckend und erfolgreich wie kaum eine andere Aktion seit der Unabhängigkeit des Landes. In nicht weniger als 17 Städten strömten die Menschen auf die Straße. Einige dieser Städte hatten eine solche Mobilisierung seit mindestens 20 Jahren nicht mehr gesehen. Im zu Ende gehenden Jahr haben zwei Kampagnen eine beträchtliche Teilnehmerzahl mobilisiert und für großes Aufsehen in der Gesellschaft gesorgt: Zum einen waren das die Proteste gegen die Steuer für »Sozialschmarotzer« und zum anderen die Bewegung zum Schutz der Gedenkstätte in Kurapaty. In diesem Beitrag soll aufgezeigt werden, warum und auf welche Weise diese beiden Protestwellen für Belarus ungewöhnlich waren, und welche Implikationen sie für Regierung und Gesellschaft haben.

Public Writing by Aliaksandr Herasimenka

Industrialized Disinformation: 2020 Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation, 2020

Belarus is one of the most stable authoritarian regimes with an extremely restricted media system... more Belarus is one of the most stable authoritarian regimes with an extremely restricted media system. The regime emerged around 1995-96 and since then, it has operated an increasingly controlled network of legacy media that manipulate public opinion. This network relies on underlying tactics of disinformation rooted in old-school media manipulation used during the Soviet times, aimed at defaming political opponents of the regime and spreading misinformation (Disinformation Resilience in Central and Eastern Europe, 2018). National television remains a state monopoly, state institutions own major newspapers and the state regulates FM waves. The government uses these state-controlled media, along with selective financial support for content producers, restrictive laws and intimidation of users, to introduce manipulation into the online landscape (Freedom House, 2019).

The Washington Post, May 27, 2021

Poorly informed leaders with few allies are more likely to take risks, the research shows

We analysed the distribution of misinformation and low quality 'junk news' about Coronavirus on s... more We analysed the distribution of misinformation and low quality 'junk news' about Coronavirus on social media. We found that:

Politics and Society in Belarus, Dec 20, 2016

This article is based on research of political participation practices of Belarusian political an... more This article is based on research of political participation practices of Belarusian political and social activists who employed Internet platforms such as social networks or websites in their campaigns. With the proliferation of the Internet, more hopes for significant improvement of political participation opportunities were laid upon new tools of communication in countries like Belarus. Social networks and other Internet platforms attracted attention as tools that can promote public campaigns under the conditions of restricted freedoms and media sphere. The article draws on a qualitative case study of seven civic campaigns and groups that were active in 2011-2013 in Belarus. The data for the research was collected through interviews with leaders of those campaigns. The article suggests that those Belarusian Internet activists who actively employed Internet platforms were able to widen opportunities for the political engagement of citizens. Activists followed main trends that are used among digital political practitioners around the globe. However, some problematic features of the Belarusian political and media systems such as control and persecution of the political actors or Internet censorship did not allow activists to use the potential of Internet platforms to the fullest. Moreover, the list of domains of public policy that could be appealed by activists were restricted by unspoken rules.

The Washington Post, Feb 23, 2018

My research on the anti-corruption and pro-democracy campaign of Alexei Navalny in Russia looks a... more My research on the anti-corruption and pro-democracy campaign of Alexei Navalny in Russia looks at the alternative communication space that Navalny and his followers built using social media platforms. This space now dominates online political discussion in Russia. It also influences traditional media and the political agenda of the country, giving Navalny a far-ranging voice.

Belarus, often called “the last dictatorship of Europe,” is a truly remarkable country in politic... more Belarus, often called “the last dictatorship of Europe,” is a truly remarkable country in political terms. There are few other places where elections are rigged in such an open way and where, for over 12 years, opposition politicians have not set foot in the parliament. However, the latest parliamentary election in Belarus has brought some surprising results. Two opposition politicians were elected, among the other 108, to the Belarusian House of Representatives. Even more surprising is the gender of the selected politicians, as they are both women.

Generation.by, May 11, 2012

Observations from the #OccupyAbai protests in Moscow in 2012 that became first exclusively digita... more Observations from the #OccupyAbai protests in Moscow in 2012 that became first exclusively digitally-enabled protest movement in Russia

Social Media + Society, 2019

Belarus-Analysen, 2017

Belarus-Analysen

Industrialized Disinformation: 2020 Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation, 2020

The Washington Post, May 27, 2021

Poorly informed leaders with few allies are more likely to take risks, the research shows

Politics and Society in Belarus, Dec 20, 2016

The Washington Post, Feb 23, 2018

Generation.by, May 11, 2012

Annual reception 2018 booklet, 2018

Democracy does not disappear in a day. However, it can erode slowly fading from sight like a diss... more Democracy does not disappear in a day. However, it can erode slowly fading from sight like a dissolving sandcastle. This what has happened to democracy in Russia and Belarus over the past twenty years. In the age of fake news, political polarisation and Donald Trump, other countries that we call democracies are at risk of repeating this fate. How can active citizens resist the erosion of democracy?

My answer comes from the case studies of Russia and Belarus, where censorship, governmental propaganda and networks of bots have been part of everyday life for many years. I study how political activists in these two countries fight for democratic freedoms using social media.

I travelled across Russia and Belarus to meet activists, to talk to them and to see their work and life. I also collected and analysed the textual and visual materials created by them. I did this to understand how activists overcome obstacles imposed by the state and large media corporations: how they disseminate information, unite their followers and organise protests. I focus on such cases as the anti-corruption campaign of Alexei Navalny in Russia and the anti-tax campaign in Belarus.

My study identifies several pro-democracy practices that are potentially successful in the digital age:
• Firstly, political activists need to constantly develop their creative skills and communication competencies.
• Secondly, they need to stay in touch with their audience both when they are campaigning and when there is no ongoing activity.
• Thirdly, activists should try to stay one step ahead of the government, learning how to use new technologies before the governmental propaganda machine tackles those technologies.

These, along with other approaches and practices, help activists in non-democratic countries to engage with people and to generate hope for the future. These practices also might aid active citizens in their resistance to the erosion of democracy in any other place.

The Fifth International Congress of Belarusian Studies. Working Papers, 2016

The internet opened new possibilities for political activists around the world. However, there is... more The internet opened new possibilities for political activists around the world. However, there is a lack of scholarship of how activists employ new technologies in non-democratic countries like Belarus. The paper discusses the results of the study of the online campaigns of Belarusian political activists in 2011-2013. It suggests that while activists can successfully employ internet platforms to influence public policy, the outcome of their campaigns is dependent on issues they address.

Proceedings of the First International Congress on Social Movements and ICT Move.net

Recent work on employment of NTICs in order all the consequences of digital media usage in non-de... more Recent work on employment of NTICs in order all the consequences of digital media usage in non-democratic political systems. Despite the presence of multiple restrictions imposed by the government of Belarus on the activity of interest groups, empirical evidence suggests that the usage of NTICs opens new possibilities of electronic engagement. We argue that political actors (citizens in particular) use impact varies deeply depending on policy domains as to which solutions are considered and accepted.

COMPOLITICAS, Jul 2016

Las actas recogen 22 comunicaciones presentadas en el Congreso, seis de las cuales se publican ta... more Las actas recogen 22 comunicaciones presentadas en el Congreso, seis de las cuales se publican también en el Nº 10 de la Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político (RIPP) editada por el Laboratorio de Ideas y Prácticas Políticas (LIPPO) de la Universidad Pablo de Olavide de Sevilla, en los monográficos “Internet: Del dominio a la neutralidad de la red”, coordinado por Fernando Martínez Cabezudo, e “Internet y nuevos movimientos sociales”, coordinado por José Candón-Mena.

Estas actas han sido editadas por el Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social de la Universidad de Sevilla (COMPOLÍTICAS) y José Candón-Mena como editor. Se publican en formato PDF (próximamente también en e-pub) con una licencia libre Creative Commons y con ISBN 978-84-608-9522-0.

The Challenges of Virtual Focus Groups: An Outline, 2020

This is an outline of the main types and challenges faced by those who try to use the method of v... more This is an outline of the main types and challenges faced by those who try to use the method of virtual or online focus groups