Laury Sarti | Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg (original) (raw)
Papers by Laury Sarti
Roman culture outlived its empire in the West. Any study aiming to assess its relevance in the me... more Roman culture outlived its empire in the West. Any study aiming to assess its relevance in the medieval period must consider that related conceptions and cultural features may change over time. A significantly different definition may have applied to medieval periods compared to what we know from the time of the Roman Principate. This paper studies Roman culture in the Ottonian world by considering the significance and role attributed to the culture of the Roman past and the Byzantine present. The first section focuses on cultural elements related to politics and the exertion of power, the second deals with Roman culture in the material heritage, and the third discusses related non-material aspects. The study argues that although the Ottonians called themselves emperors of a Roman empire, elements that may have been conceived as Roman or were related to the Byzantine world were far from abundant and largely limited to the court. The Roman empire was part of their western heritage, while Roman and Byzantine models represented the sole known sets of adequate examples or sources of inspiration to represent western emperorship. These models had already been adopted and adapted by the Carolingians, who remained an important reference among their imperial successors. Still, while influences from Byzantine court culture were present at the Ottonian court, monastic and popular Byzantine culture was largely absent from the Ottonian world.
Konflikte prägen die Geschichte des Christentums genauso wie der Wunsch nach konfessioneller Einh... more Konflikte prägen die Geschichte des Christentums genauso wie der Wunsch nach konfessioneller Einheit. Beides bestimmte im frühen Mittelalter die Beziehungen zwischen dem Byzantinischen Reich und dem Westen. Der vorliegende Beitrag fragt nach der karolingischen Auslegung von Orthodoxie und Katholizität im Rahmen des Bilderstreits. Dem Westen war die Bilderverehrung nicht völlig fremd, die dort vertretene Auffassung hatte bereits Gregor der Große nachhaltig geprägt. Diese war aber weder mit den Überzeugungen der Ikonoklasten („Bilderzerstörer“) noch mit denen der Ikonodulen („Bilderverehrer“) vereinbar. Die Päpste, die seit der ersten Hälfte des 8. Jahrhunderts die Unterstützung der Franken suchten und die Situation nutzen, um die apostolische Position zu stärken, rekurrierten zunehmend auf den Begriff orthodoxus, den z. B. Papst Paul I. 761 in einem Brief an Pippin insgesamt sechsmal verwendete. Gleichzeitig wurden die Begriffe romanus und graecus im Westen so umgedeutet, dass letzterer die Byzantiner bezeichnete und mit dem Vorwurf der Häresie verknüpft wurde. Ziel dieses Beitrages ist vor diesem Hintergrund die fränkische Auffassung religiöser Norm seit der Synode von Gentilly 767 und bis zur Synode von Frankfurt 794 zu untersuchen.
Conflicts shape the history of Christianity as much as the desire for confessional unity. Both factors determined the relations between the Byzantine Empire and the West in the early Middle Ages. This paper examines the Carolingian interpretation of Orthodoxy and Catholicity within the context of the Iconoclast Controversy. The veneration of images was not entirely foreign to the West; the western position had been significantly influenced by Pope Gregory the Great. However, this perspective was neither compatible with the beliefs of the Iconoclasts (“image destroyers”) nor that of the Iconodules (“image venerators”). The popes, who sought the support of the Franks since the first half of the 8th century and capitalized on the situation to strengthen their apostolic position, increasingly used the term orthodoxus. For instance, Pope Paul I used it six times in a letter to Pepin in 761. Simultaneously, the terms romanus and graecus were reinterpreted in the West, with the latter referring to the Byzantines and being associated with accusations of heresy. Against this backdrop, the aim of this article is to investigate the Frankish perspective on religious norms from the Synod of Gentilly in 767 to the Synod of Frankfurt in 794.
Warum sind Menschen, vorwiegend Männer, bereit ihr Leben im Kampf zu riskieren? Dieser wichtigen ... more Warum sind Menschen, vorwiegend Männer, bereit ihr Leben im Kampf zu riskieren? Dieser wichtigen Frage geht Sören Neitzel in diesem Band mit Blick auf die Neuzeit nach, für das frühe Mittelalter sind wir auf deutlich weniger explizite Zeugnisse angewiesen. Im vorliegenden Beitrag möchte ich mich diesem Thema widmen, indem ich nach den Dynamiken frage, die sich innerhalb unterschiedlicher Kriegergruppen positiv auf die Bereitschaft sich militärisch zu beteiligen auswirken konnten. Dabei werde ich nicht nur auf Heere als solche eingehen, sondern auch auf kleinere Gruppen, die außerhalb des eigentlichen Heers agierten. Diese agieren nicht nur im Rahmen kriegerischer Feldzüge, sondern auch im Alltag und im Privaten. In diesem Rahmen verfügen wir vereinzelt über ein – klein – wenig mehr Informationen, wobei die Faktoren und Dynamiken die als Motiv für kriegerisches Handeln zum Tragen kommen sich nicht unerheblich mit den Motiven hinter der eigentlichen Kriegsteilnahme decken, weshalb entsprechende Fallbeispiele dazu beitragen können zu verstehen, warum die Betroffenen bereit waren sich als Waffenträger oder Krieger einzubringen. Dabei werde ich mich, wie auch die anderen einschlägigen Beiträge in diesem Band, auf die fränkische Welt konzentrieren, der chronologische Fokus liegt auf der Merowingerzeit, mit vereinzelten Rückblicken auf die Spätantike. Wichtigstes Zeugnis sind die Werke Gregors von Tours, welche anders als die meisten anderen Quellen einen etwas detaillierteren Einblick in die Geschehnisse um kriegerische Ereignisse auch um Einzelpersonen herum bieten. Bei der Auswertung seiner Werke muss aber immer seine Tendenz berücksichtigt werden, die Gruppe der Krieger vorwiegend negativ darzustellen.
... Ziel dieses Beitrags ist der Frage nachzugehen, inwiefern die fränkischen Rechtsquelle... more ... Ziel dieses Beitrags ist der Frage nachzugehen, inwiefern die fränkischen Rechtsquellen als Zeugnis von Koexistenz und Verflechtung gewertet werden können, oder ob sie nicht vielmehr einen Blick auf einen ‚Clash of Cultures‘ bieten. Inwiefern lässt sich von einem Miteinander zweier Rechtskulturen ausgehen, und wie gestaltete sich die im Rahmen des erwähnten Rechtspluralismus bezeichnete gleichzeitige Anwendung der zwei vorherrschenden Ordnungen? ...
In April 1204, the city of Constantinople fell into the hands of Latin Crusaders. It was not the ... more In April 1204, the city of Constantinople fell into the hands of Latin Crusaders. It was not the first time that the Latin host, composed mainly of French and their Venetian allies, had overcome the city walls. But this time, the intention was not to install another Romaion to the imperial throne. ...
Dans son Histoire écrite au début du IX e siècle, le patriarche Nikephoros I définit ... more Dans son Histoire écrite au début du IX e siècle, le patriarche Nikephoros I définit explicitement les appellations latines comes excubitorum et candidatus comme issues de la langue des « Romains » 1 . Un siècle plus tard, l’historien Genesios associa de la même manière le terme mensourator à la « langue romaine » (φωνὴ Ῥωµαίων) 2 . Ce sont des déclarations intéressantes. Bien que le latin fût la langue de l’administration byzantine et de la communication avec l’Occident franc, cette langue avait progressivement cessé depuis le début du VII e siècle d’être utilisée dans l’Empire oriental. Il s’agissait d’un processus de longue durée qui, au VIII e siècle, a été soutenu par la perte des provinces latines restantes 3 . Il s’est accompagné de la conquête ennemie de la plupart des territoires habités par des personnes de langue maternelle autre que le grec, un fait qui a contribué à la réduction du caractère polyglotte du monde byzantin 4 . L’objectif de cette contribution est d’examiner le rôle et la perception de la langue latine dans le monde byzantin à travers les sources byzantines et occidentales. Le but de cet article est de montrer que, bien que le latin ait cessé d’être d’usage courant dans l’Empire byzantin, cette langue restait importante sur un point de vue idéologique en tant que déterminant de l’identité impériale byzantine. À cet effet, une première partie traite du rôle du latin dans le monde byzantin, suivie d’une discussion de quelques échanges pertinents avec les autorités occidentales sur ce sujet. La dernière section soutiendra que, contrairement aux affirmations plus récentes de quelques chercheurs travaillant sur ce sujet, les sources byzantines continuent à faire référence au latin, et non au grec, comme « langue des Romains », un fait qui confirme la signification idéologique persistante de cette langue qui était intrinsèquement associée à l’Empire romain oriental.
Medieval physical mobility is a field of research of persistent relevance. The sources, however, ... more Medieval physical mobility is a field of research of persistent relevance. The sources, however, often lack information allowing to approach questions related to day-to-day exchanges among social groups below the ruling elites and the high clergy. The Paston letters are the most extensive medieval collection of English private letters comprising over one thousand epistles written by the Norfolk family Paston and their environment. They contain a wealth of information related to everyday mobility. The Pastons had risen from small landowners to one of the most influential families in East Anglia in just two generations. The administration of the family’s increasingly disparate country estates in Norfolk required regular presence in different locations. In addition to the duties in Norfolk, they had obligations in London and to the Duke of Norfolk, which involved increasing mobility from the Pastons. During the absence of their husbands or sons, the Paston women took over the administrative tasks arising on the estates. This mobility, and the resulting spatial distance between the individual family members, resulted in a lively correspondence that still bears witness to the family’s mobility and that of their close surroundings. This study is the first to use the Paston letters to survey the various facets of this mobility related to the English gentry and to assess the role and significance of these exchanges within this social group.
Spanish translation of „Die Identität des Kämpfenden nach dem Zusammenbruch des römischen Militär... more Spanish translation of „Die Identität des Kämpfenden nach dem Zusammenbruch des römischen Militärwesens in Gallien“, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 95.2 (2013), 309–332.
The paper uses the opposition against the Vikings in 882 in the Mosel region to study the Frankis... more The paper uses the opposition against the Vikings in 882 in the Mosel region to study the Frankish military and how they were able to deal with the Vikings.
The Frankish »Chronicle of Fredegar«, written in the midst of the dark seventh century, is a most... more The Frankish »Chronicle of Fredegar«, written in the midst of the dark seventh century, is a most remarkable source that stands out for the interest in the Byzantine empire it attests to in the Mediterranean world and the evidence it provides for ongoing exchanges with the same. The anonymous chronicle is preserved in 38 manuscripts, the first of which dates to around 715 . Apart from the »barbarous« Latin used and the unusual composition of the chronicle, it bears a remarkably large horizon of narratives: alongside the Frankish kingdoms it refers to Spain, Italy, central and eastern Europe, the Middle East, and most prominently: the Byzantine empire. The aim of this investigation is to collect and analyse the information contained in the chronicle that may be related to the Byzantine world and hence must have been available in seventh-century Gaul to discuss what channels of exchange may have been responsible for its transmission. The analysis of the treatment of the Byzantine world in this chronicle goes hand in hand with a study of the composition of this important piece of evidence and the western perception of Byzantium it attests.
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Der Zusammenbruch des Römischen Reiches im Westen und die daraus resultierende Lösung seiner Bewo... more Der Zusammenbruch des Römischen Reiches im Westen und die daraus resultierende Lösung seiner Bewohner aus dem Imperium stellte eine langfristige Kontingenzerfahrung dar. Das Ende der römischen Herrschaft fand nicht nur im Rahmen eines langfristigen Prozesses statt, der aus dieser Scheidung hervorgehende Umstand war auch derart gravierend, dass er nicht einfach hingenommen werden konnte, und folglich auch nach dessen Abschluss eine Erklärung, zumindest aber eine Positionierung, erforderlich machte. Ziel dieses Beitrages ist der Frage nachzugehen, wie die Zeitgenossen diesen Bruch mit dem römischen Imperium wahrgenommen haben und wie mit diesem umgegangen wurde. Die Untersuchung wird am Beispiel des gallo-fränkischen Gallien durchgeführt, einen Raum, aus dem für die Zeit des späten 5. Jahrhunderts und bis zum fränkischen Griff nach dem Kaisertum unter Karl dem Großen vergleichsweise kontinuierlich Briefe überliefert sind, darunter mehrere umfassende Briefsammlungen. Hierzu gehören für die ausgehende Antike die Briefe des Sidonius Apollinaris, des Avitus von Vienne und des Ruricius von Limoges, für die anschließende fränkische Zeit die Sammlungen der Epistolae Arelatenses, der Epistolae Austrasiacae sowie die des Desiderius von Cahors und des Alcuin von York. Diese Briefe belegen, dass der im 5. Jahrhundert eingetretene Verlust durch einen bereits seit der Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts einsetzenden Prozess der Emanzipation des fränkischen Westens kompensiert wurde, ein Vorgang, der in der zweiten Hälfte des 7. Jahrhunderts abgeschlossen war. Im späten 8. Jahrhundert mündete die daraus resultierende Entwicklung schließlich in einer für den Westen neuartigen Konzeption eines christlichen Imperiums unter fränkischer Leitung.
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This paper assesses early medieval military values and the perception of male military identities... more This paper assesses early medieval military values and the perception of male military identities by using semantic analysis of relevant terms like virilitas, fortitudo and utilitas. It argues that the early Middle Ages saw an upvalue of military abilities and achievements, which increasingly defined male identity and appreciation. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please send me a message if you would like to have a copy of the entire paper.
Im Laufe der Merowingerzeit lassen sich zwei parallel verlaufende Entwicklungen feststellen: die ... more Im Laufe der Merowingerzeit lassen sich zwei parallel verlaufende Entwicklungen feststellen: die Christianisierung des Krieges auf der einen Seite, und die Militarisierung des Christentums auf der anderen. Beide Prozesse nähern sich kontinuierlich an, ohne dass es bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts zu einer Berührung kommt. Wie der Mediävist František Graus bereits herausstrich, blieb selbst der militärische Heilige im kriegsgeplagten Frühmittelalter grundsätzlich pazifistisch. Kein Gottesmann wurde in der Merowingerzeit kämpfend mit einer weltlichen Waffe in der Hand dargestellt. Dennoch wurden das Weltliche und das Geistliche eng miteinander verknüpft. Ziel dieses Beitrages ist am Beispiel der Darstellung des Heiligen in den merowingischen Quellen das weniger beachtete Phänomen der Militarisierung des Christentums diskutieren um aufzuzeigen, dass obwohl Heilige niemals die Funktion des Kriegers übernahmen, sie grundsätzlich auch militärische Ideale und Wertvorstellungen verkörpern konnten. Hierzu wird zuerst die Entwicklung der Heiligendarstellung im merowingischen Gallien mit Blick auf militärische Aspekte nachgezeichnet. Ein zweiter Abschnitt zeigt auf, inwiefern die geistliche Welt als Spiegelbild der weltlichen dargestellt wurde, wobei jeweils auch militärische Wertvorstellungen zum Tragen kamen. Die beiden abschließenden Abschnitte fragen nach den Zielen hinter diesen Heiligendarstellungen, und welche Schlüsse die Befunde mit Blick auf die zeitgenössische Gesellschaft zulassen. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please send me a message if you would like to have a copy of the entire paper.
In Merovingian society, the military was not only important as a means for defence and as a polit... more In Merovingian society, the military was not only important as a means for defence and as a political tool to maintain and expand royal power. It was strongly integrated into society, as every man of a certain age and constitution was a potential fighter, while a main function of the highest social stratum was military leadership. The present paper discusses the origins, nature, and role of the Frankish military by taking a close look at the sources and current research on the subject. It deals with questions related to military professionalism, recruitment, organizsation, and command, and discusses the ongoing process of militarizsation that characterised not only the increasingly powerful Frankish elite but also the local population and society as a whole.
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Names were deliberately used both in the Byzantine East and in the Frankish West to underline and... more Names were deliberately used both in the Byzantine East and in the Frankish West to underline and enforce claims to power. This article studies these two examples by looking at the names given to direct male descendants of rulers eligible for succession to the throne between the eighth and ninth century. It examines the strategies used to designate future rulers in order to emphasize or consolidate the legitimacy of their own rule, and to what extent these may be related to regional tendencies and traditions. Only suitable children are considered who were born either during the reign of their father or within a ruling dynasty. On the Byzantine side, the names of eight rulers and their 21 sons, on the Frankish side, the names of 13 rulers and their 28 sons are considered. Deviating examples are taken into account insofar as they are relevant for the investigation. The study shows that the names given to potential rulers were largely limited in both the Carolingian West and the Byzantine East. This applies in particular to the names of the first-born and future emperors. This selective use of names was possible as the renaming according to living relatives was practiced in both regions and in the period examined here. The two most common imperial names, Constantine and Louis, each referred to the founder of their respective realm and thus testify to the importance of institutional continuity. This was considered more important than dynastic continuity. In the Carolingian West, biological factors entailed that Louis had become the most common name for future emperors. It connected the Carolingians with the founder of the Merovingian kingdom. In the East, the name Constantine was used by most of the ruling dynasties. The comparison between the two case studies allows to investigate and to better understand the strategies behind the medieval naming practices, the resulting mechanisms and the motives behind the respective decisions taken. Comparing the differences between the two case studies is particularly illuminating: in Byzantium, the names given to first-born sons was particularly restricted. The reason is that although co-rulership was common in the Byzantine East, there was only one heir to the throne. In consequence, the names attributed to the later-born could vary much more than those given to the sons born to Carolingian rulers. In contrast, as all legitimate Carolingian sons were potential heirs, their choice of names for first-born sons was slightly larger than in the East, but was applied to all legitimate sons. The comparison also allows to emphasize hitherto overlooked nuances like the distinction between the re-naming after the father or grandfather and the renaming after a living or deceased family member, two different criteria that should be clearly distinguished.
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The sources suggest that the relations between the Byzantine East and the Merovingian West found ... more The sources suggest that the relations between the Byzantine East and the Merovingian West found an abrupt end after the reign of the emperor Heraclius. This paper discusses an enigmatic digression on Pope Martin I in the Life of Eligius of Noyon, mentioning an Eastern monk from whom the Life’s author claims to have received its information on the Pope’s abduction to Constantinople and his exile to the Crimea. The paper argues that this digression was a genuine part of the original Life, and that the news by the monk and the fact that Eligius had been asked to travel to Rome in the context of the Lateran Council of 649 were the reasons why this digression had been included into (first book of) the life.
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Roman culture outlived its empire in the West. Any study aiming to assess its relevance in the me... more Roman culture outlived its empire in the West. Any study aiming to assess its relevance in the medieval period must consider that related conceptions and cultural features may change over time. A significantly different definition may have applied to medieval periods compared to what we know from the time of the Roman Principate. This paper studies Roman culture in the Ottonian world by considering the significance and role attributed to the culture of the Roman past and the Byzantine present. The first section focuses on cultural elements related to politics and the exertion of power, the second deals with Roman culture in the material heritage, and the third discusses related non-material aspects. The study argues that although the Ottonians called themselves emperors of a Roman empire, elements that may have been conceived as Roman or were related to the Byzantine world were far from abundant and largely limited to the court. The Roman empire was part of their western heritage, while Roman and Byzantine models represented the sole known sets of adequate examples or sources of inspiration to represent western emperorship. These models had already been adopted and adapted by the Carolingians, who remained an important reference among their imperial successors. Still, while influences from Byzantine court culture were present at the Ottonian court, monastic and popular Byzantine culture was largely absent from the Ottonian world.
Konflikte prägen die Geschichte des Christentums genauso wie der Wunsch nach konfessioneller Einh... more Konflikte prägen die Geschichte des Christentums genauso wie der Wunsch nach konfessioneller Einheit. Beides bestimmte im frühen Mittelalter die Beziehungen zwischen dem Byzantinischen Reich und dem Westen. Der vorliegende Beitrag fragt nach der karolingischen Auslegung von Orthodoxie und Katholizität im Rahmen des Bilderstreits. Dem Westen war die Bilderverehrung nicht völlig fremd, die dort vertretene Auffassung hatte bereits Gregor der Große nachhaltig geprägt. Diese war aber weder mit den Überzeugungen der Ikonoklasten („Bilderzerstörer“) noch mit denen der Ikonodulen („Bilderverehrer“) vereinbar. Die Päpste, die seit der ersten Hälfte des 8. Jahrhunderts die Unterstützung der Franken suchten und die Situation nutzen, um die apostolische Position zu stärken, rekurrierten zunehmend auf den Begriff orthodoxus, den z. B. Papst Paul I. 761 in einem Brief an Pippin insgesamt sechsmal verwendete. Gleichzeitig wurden die Begriffe romanus und graecus im Westen so umgedeutet, dass letzterer die Byzantiner bezeichnete und mit dem Vorwurf der Häresie verknüpft wurde. Ziel dieses Beitrages ist vor diesem Hintergrund die fränkische Auffassung religiöser Norm seit der Synode von Gentilly 767 und bis zur Synode von Frankfurt 794 zu untersuchen.
Conflicts shape the history of Christianity as much as the desire for confessional unity. Both factors determined the relations between the Byzantine Empire and the West in the early Middle Ages. This paper examines the Carolingian interpretation of Orthodoxy and Catholicity within the context of the Iconoclast Controversy. The veneration of images was not entirely foreign to the West; the western position had been significantly influenced by Pope Gregory the Great. However, this perspective was neither compatible with the beliefs of the Iconoclasts (“image destroyers”) nor that of the Iconodules (“image venerators”). The popes, who sought the support of the Franks since the first half of the 8th century and capitalized on the situation to strengthen their apostolic position, increasingly used the term orthodoxus. For instance, Pope Paul I used it six times in a letter to Pepin in 761. Simultaneously, the terms romanus and graecus were reinterpreted in the West, with the latter referring to the Byzantines and being associated with accusations of heresy. Against this backdrop, the aim of this article is to investigate the Frankish perspective on religious norms from the Synod of Gentilly in 767 to the Synod of Frankfurt in 794.
Warum sind Menschen, vorwiegend Männer, bereit ihr Leben im Kampf zu riskieren? Dieser wichtigen ... more Warum sind Menschen, vorwiegend Männer, bereit ihr Leben im Kampf zu riskieren? Dieser wichtigen Frage geht Sören Neitzel in diesem Band mit Blick auf die Neuzeit nach, für das frühe Mittelalter sind wir auf deutlich weniger explizite Zeugnisse angewiesen. Im vorliegenden Beitrag möchte ich mich diesem Thema widmen, indem ich nach den Dynamiken frage, die sich innerhalb unterschiedlicher Kriegergruppen positiv auf die Bereitschaft sich militärisch zu beteiligen auswirken konnten. Dabei werde ich nicht nur auf Heere als solche eingehen, sondern auch auf kleinere Gruppen, die außerhalb des eigentlichen Heers agierten. Diese agieren nicht nur im Rahmen kriegerischer Feldzüge, sondern auch im Alltag und im Privaten. In diesem Rahmen verfügen wir vereinzelt über ein – klein – wenig mehr Informationen, wobei die Faktoren und Dynamiken die als Motiv für kriegerisches Handeln zum Tragen kommen sich nicht unerheblich mit den Motiven hinter der eigentlichen Kriegsteilnahme decken, weshalb entsprechende Fallbeispiele dazu beitragen können zu verstehen, warum die Betroffenen bereit waren sich als Waffenträger oder Krieger einzubringen. Dabei werde ich mich, wie auch die anderen einschlägigen Beiträge in diesem Band, auf die fränkische Welt konzentrieren, der chronologische Fokus liegt auf der Merowingerzeit, mit vereinzelten Rückblicken auf die Spätantike. Wichtigstes Zeugnis sind die Werke Gregors von Tours, welche anders als die meisten anderen Quellen einen etwas detaillierteren Einblick in die Geschehnisse um kriegerische Ereignisse auch um Einzelpersonen herum bieten. Bei der Auswertung seiner Werke muss aber immer seine Tendenz berücksichtigt werden, die Gruppe der Krieger vorwiegend negativ darzustellen.
... Ziel dieses Beitrags ist der Frage nachzugehen, inwiefern die fränkischen Rechtsquelle... more ... Ziel dieses Beitrags ist der Frage nachzugehen, inwiefern die fränkischen Rechtsquellen als Zeugnis von Koexistenz und Verflechtung gewertet werden können, oder ob sie nicht vielmehr einen Blick auf einen ‚Clash of Cultures‘ bieten. Inwiefern lässt sich von einem Miteinander zweier Rechtskulturen ausgehen, und wie gestaltete sich die im Rahmen des erwähnten Rechtspluralismus bezeichnete gleichzeitige Anwendung der zwei vorherrschenden Ordnungen? ...
In April 1204, the city of Constantinople fell into the hands of Latin Crusaders. It was not the ... more In April 1204, the city of Constantinople fell into the hands of Latin Crusaders. It was not the first time that the Latin host, composed mainly of French and their Venetian allies, had overcome the city walls. But this time, the intention was not to install another Romaion to the imperial throne. ...
Dans son Histoire écrite au début du IX e siècle, le patriarche Nikephoros I définit ... more Dans son Histoire écrite au début du IX e siècle, le patriarche Nikephoros I définit explicitement les appellations latines comes excubitorum et candidatus comme issues de la langue des « Romains » 1 . Un siècle plus tard, l’historien Genesios associa de la même manière le terme mensourator à la « langue romaine » (φωνὴ Ῥωµαίων) 2 . Ce sont des déclarations intéressantes. Bien que le latin fût la langue de l’administration byzantine et de la communication avec l’Occident franc, cette langue avait progressivement cessé depuis le début du VII e siècle d’être utilisée dans l’Empire oriental. Il s’agissait d’un processus de longue durée qui, au VIII e siècle, a été soutenu par la perte des provinces latines restantes 3 . Il s’est accompagné de la conquête ennemie de la plupart des territoires habités par des personnes de langue maternelle autre que le grec, un fait qui a contribué à la réduction du caractère polyglotte du monde byzantin 4 . L’objectif de cette contribution est d’examiner le rôle et la perception de la langue latine dans le monde byzantin à travers les sources byzantines et occidentales. Le but de cet article est de montrer que, bien que le latin ait cessé d’être d’usage courant dans l’Empire byzantin, cette langue restait importante sur un point de vue idéologique en tant que déterminant de l’identité impériale byzantine. À cet effet, une première partie traite du rôle du latin dans le monde byzantin, suivie d’une discussion de quelques échanges pertinents avec les autorités occidentales sur ce sujet. La dernière section soutiendra que, contrairement aux affirmations plus récentes de quelques chercheurs travaillant sur ce sujet, les sources byzantines continuent à faire référence au latin, et non au grec, comme « langue des Romains », un fait qui confirme la signification idéologique persistante de cette langue qui était intrinsèquement associée à l’Empire romain oriental.
Medieval physical mobility is a field of research of persistent relevance. The sources, however, ... more Medieval physical mobility is a field of research of persistent relevance. The sources, however, often lack information allowing to approach questions related to day-to-day exchanges among social groups below the ruling elites and the high clergy. The Paston letters are the most extensive medieval collection of English private letters comprising over one thousand epistles written by the Norfolk family Paston and their environment. They contain a wealth of information related to everyday mobility. The Pastons had risen from small landowners to one of the most influential families in East Anglia in just two generations. The administration of the family’s increasingly disparate country estates in Norfolk required regular presence in different locations. In addition to the duties in Norfolk, they had obligations in London and to the Duke of Norfolk, which involved increasing mobility from the Pastons. During the absence of their husbands or sons, the Paston women took over the administrative tasks arising on the estates. This mobility, and the resulting spatial distance between the individual family members, resulted in a lively correspondence that still bears witness to the family’s mobility and that of their close surroundings. This study is the first to use the Paston letters to survey the various facets of this mobility related to the English gentry and to assess the role and significance of these exchanges within this social group.
Spanish translation of „Die Identität des Kämpfenden nach dem Zusammenbruch des römischen Militär... more Spanish translation of „Die Identität des Kämpfenden nach dem Zusammenbruch des römischen Militärwesens in Gallien“, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 95.2 (2013), 309–332.
The paper uses the opposition against the Vikings in 882 in the Mosel region to study the Frankis... more The paper uses the opposition against the Vikings in 882 in the Mosel region to study the Frankish military and how they were able to deal with the Vikings.
The Frankish »Chronicle of Fredegar«, written in the midst of the dark seventh century, is a most... more The Frankish »Chronicle of Fredegar«, written in the midst of the dark seventh century, is a most remarkable source that stands out for the interest in the Byzantine empire it attests to in the Mediterranean world and the evidence it provides for ongoing exchanges with the same. The anonymous chronicle is preserved in 38 manuscripts, the first of which dates to around 715 . Apart from the »barbarous« Latin used and the unusual composition of the chronicle, it bears a remarkably large horizon of narratives: alongside the Frankish kingdoms it refers to Spain, Italy, central and eastern Europe, the Middle East, and most prominently: the Byzantine empire. The aim of this investigation is to collect and analyse the information contained in the chronicle that may be related to the Byzantine world and hence must have been available in seventh-century Gaul to discuss what channels of exchange may have been responsible for its transmission. The analysis of the treatment of the Byzantine world in this chronicle goes hand in hand with a study of the composition of this important piece of evidence and the western perception of Byzantium it attests.
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Der Zusammenbruch des Römischen Reiches im Westen und die daraus resultierende Lösung seiner Bewo... more Der Zusammenbruch des Römischen Reiches im Westen und die daraus resultierende Lösung seiner Bewohner aus dem Imperium stellte eine langfristige Kontingenzerfahrung dar. Das Ende der römischen Herrschaft fand nicht nur im Rahmen eines langfristigen Prozesses statt, der aus dieser Scheidung hervorgehende Umstand war auch derart gravierend, dass er nicht einfach hingenommen werden konnte, und folglich auch nach dessen Abschluss eine Erklärung, zumindest aber eine Positionierung, erforderlich machte. Ziel dieses Beitrages ist der Frage nachzugehen, wie die Zeitgenossen diesen Bruch mit dem römischen Imperium wahrgenommen haben und wie mit diesem umgegangen wurde. Die Untersuchung wird am Beispiel des gallo-fränkischen Gallien durchgeführt, einen Raum, aus dem für die Zeit des späten 5. Jahrhunderts und bis zum fränkischen Griff nach dem Kaisertum unter Karl dem Großen vergleichsweise kontinuierlich Briefe überliefert sind, darunter mehrere umfassende Briefsammlungen. Hierzu gehören für die ausgehende Antike die Briefe des Sidonius Apollinaris, des Avitus von Vienne und des Ruricius von Limoges, für die anschließende fränkische Zeit die Sammlungen der Epistolae Arelatenses, der Epistolae Austrasiacae sowie die des Desiderius von Cahors und des Alcuin von York. Diese Briefe belegen, dass der im 5. Jahrhundert eingetretene Verlust durch einen bereits seit der Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts einsetzenden Prozess der Emanzipation des fränkischen Westens kompensiert wurde, ein Vorgang, der in der zweiten Hälfte des 7. Jahrhunderts abgeschlossen war. Im späten 8. Jahrhundert mündete die daraus resultierende Entwicklung schließlich in einer für den Westen neuartigen Konzeption eines christlichen Imperiums unter fränkischer Leitung.
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This paper assesses early medieval military values and the perception of male military identities... more This paper assesses early medieval military values and the perception of male military identities by using semantic analysis of relevant terms like virilitas, fortitudo and utilitas. It argues that the early Middle Ages saw an upvalue of military abilities and achievements, which increasingly defined male identity and appreciation. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please send me a message if you would like to have a copy of the entire paper.
Im Laufe der Merowingerzeit lassen sich zwei parallel verlaufende Entwicklungen feststellen: die ... more Im Laufe der Merowingerzeit lassen sich zwei parallel verlaufende Entwicklungen feststellen: die Christianisierung des Krieges auf der einen Seite, und die Militarisierung des Christentums auf der anderen. Beide Prozesse nähern sich kontinuierlich an, ohne dass es bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts zu einer Berührung kommt. Wie der Mediävist František Graus bereits herausstrich, blieb selbst der militärische Heilige im kriegsgeplagten Frühmittelalter grundsätzlich pazifistisch. Kein Gottesmann wurde in der Merowingerzeit kämpfend mit einer weltlichen Waffe in der Hand dargestellt. Dennoch wurden das Weltliche und das Geistliche eng miteinander verknüpft. Ziel dieses Beitrages ist am Beispiel der Darstellung des Heiligen in den merowingischen Quellen das weniger beachtete Phänomen der Militarisierung des Christentums diskutieren um aufzuzeigen, dass obwohl Heilige niemals die Funktion des Kriegers übernahmen, sie grundsätzlich auch militärische Ideale und Wertvorstellungen verkörpern konnten. Hierzu wird zuerst die Entwicklung der Heiligendarstellung im merowingischen Gallien mit Blick auf militärische Aspekte nachgezeichnet. Ein zweiter Abschnitt zeigt auf, inwiefern die geistliche Welt als Spiegelbild der weltlichen dargestellt wurde, wobei jeweils auch militärische Wertvorstellungen zum Tragen kamen. Die beiden abschließenden Abschnitte fragen nach den Zielen hinter diesen Heiligendarstellungen, und welche Schlüsse die Befunde mit Blick auf die zeitgenössische Gesellschaft zulassen. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please send me a message if you would like to have a copy of the entire paper.
In Merovingian society, the military was not only important as a means for defence and as a polit... more In Merovingian society, the military was not only important as a means for defence and as a political tool to maintain and expand royal power. It was strongly integrated into society, as every man of a certain age and constitution was a potential fighter, while a main function of the highest social stratum was military leadership. The present paper discusses the origins, nature, and role of the Frankish military by taking a close look at the sources and current research on the subject. It deals with questions related to military professionalism, recruitment, organizsation, and command, and discusses the ongoing process of militarizsation that characterised not only the increasingly powerful Frankish elite but also the local population and society as a whole.
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Names were deliberately used both in the Byzantine East and in the Frankish West to underline and... more Names were deliberately used both in the Byzantine East and in the Frankish West to underline and enforce claims to power. This article studies these two examples by looking at the names given to direct male descendants of rulers eligible for succession to the throne between the eighth and ninth century. It examines the strategies used to designate future rulers in order to emphasize or consolidate the legitimacy of their own rule, and to what extent these may be related to regional tendencies and traditions. Only suitable children are considered who were born either during the reign of their father or within a ruling dynasty. On the Byzantine side, the names of eight rulers and their 21 sons, on the Frankish side, the names of 13 rulers and their 28 sons are considered. Deviating examples are taken into account insofar as they are relevant for the investigation. The study shows that the names given to potential rulers were largely limited in both the Carolingian West and the Byzantine East. This applies in particular to the names of the first-born and future emperors. This selective use of names was possible as the renaming according to living relatives was practiced in both regions and in the period examined here. The two most common imperial names, Constantine and Louis, each referred to the founder of their respective realm and thus testify to the importance of institutional continuity. This was considered more important than dynastic continuity. In the Carolingian West, biological factors entailed that Louis had become the most common name for future emperors. It connected the Carolingians with the founder of the Merovingian kingdom. In the East, the name Constantine was used by most of the ruling dynasties. The comparison between the two case studies allows to investigate and to better understand the strategies behind the medieval naming practices, the resulting mechanisms and the motives behind the respective decisions taken. Comparing the differences between the two case studies is particularly illuminating: in Byzantium, the names given to first-born sons was particularly restricted. The reason is that although co-rulership was common in the Byzantine East, there was only one heir to the throne. In consequence, the names attributed to the later-born could vary much more than those given to the sons born to Carolingian rulers. In contrast, as all legitimate Carolingian sons were potential heirs, their choice of names for first-born sons was slightly larger than in the East, but was applied to all legitimate sons. The comparison also allows to emphasize hitherto overlooked nuances like the distinction between the re-naming after the father or grandfather and the renaming after a living or deceased family member, two different criteria that should be clearly distinguished.
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The sources suggest that the relations between the Byzantine East and the Merovingian West found ... more The sources suggest that the relations between the Byzantine East and the Merovingian West found an abrupt end after the reign of the emperor Heraclius. This paper discusses an enigmatic digression on Pope Martin I in the Life of Eligius of Noyon, mentioning an Eastern monk from whom the Life’s author claims to have received its information on the Pope’s abduction to Constantinople and his exile to the Crimea. The paper argues that this digression was a genuine part of the original Life, and that the news by the monk and the fact that Eligius had been asked to travel to Rome in the context of the Lateran Council of 649 were the reasons why this digression had been included into (first book of) the life.
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This book challenges further the caesura between a Roman and a post-Roman west by arguing that th... more This book challenges further the caesura between a Roman and a post-Roman west by arguing that the Carolingian world still belonged to the multi-ethnic orbis Romanus. The persisting Roman empire in the east was at the heart of the medieval Roman world, but the orbis Romanus was not limited to what we call the Byzantine empire. Frankish visions of Romanness were defined by the imperial past, the Byzantine present, and genuinely western Roman features belonging to the Carolingian kingdoms. The Frankish kingdoms had emerged from inside the Roman world, with a large Roman population and continuity on virtually every level of society, including governance, law, the Church and Christian belief, language, and culture. They smoothly transitioned from what we call Roman to Frankish society by retaining notable Roman characters and features as part of a gradually transforming world. When Charlemagne rose to the status of emperor, he meant to resurrect the tradition of western emperorship. The idea that the Franks governed the same imperium as the emperor of the east was only abandoned at the time of his successors. The ongoing Frankish participation in the orbis Romanus was not based on intense connectivity, which had ceased by the sixth century, but on the significance attributed to the Roman identity and heritage. The investigation thus restitutes Roman identity to the Frankish west by arguing that although the Franks never designated themselves as Romans, Romanness had remained a constitutive feature of their Frankish identity and world. Comparable to the Byzantine Romanness, Frankish Romanness had evolved and changed over the centuries. The study also shows that the Byzantines acknowledged that the Franks had their share in the Roman world, which is why they conceived the Carolingians as a connatural people. The monograph touches on a wide range of topics including perceptions and conceptions of empire, the connectivity between the two worlds, visions of Antiquity, the use and significance attributed to the Greek and Latin language, mutual perceptions and Roman identities, the role of the Church and religious controversies, and Roman culture in the west.
Es gibt nur wenige Themen, die so kontrovers diskutiert werden wie der Übergang von der Antike zu... more Es gibt nur wenige Themen, die so kontrovers diskutiert werden wie der Übergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter im westeuropäischen Raum. Ist das Römische Reich urplötzlich und unter dem Druck kriegerischer Barbaren zusammengebrochen, oder fanden die damit verbundenen Veränderungen im Rahmen eines langzeitigen Prozesses statt, in dem es nicht nur Brüche, sondern auch Raum für Kontinuität gibt? Die bloße Nennung der bisher vorgeschlagenen Erklärungsansätze zu diesem für die Geschichte Europas so einmaligem Wandel füllt ganze Buchseiten.
Diese Zeit des Übergangs wird heute gerne als eine Epoche für sich betrachtet, die einerseits noch in der Antike verhaftet aber über einen sehr eigenen Charakter verfügt. Diese neue Konzipierung sprengt die traditionellen Epochengrenzen, trägt damit aber auch dazu bei, dass diese Zeit nun aus einer neuen Perspektive heraus betrachtet indem, von der Frage nach Anfang und Ende befreit, nun das Ineinandergreifen unterschiedlicher Faktoren im Rahmen dieses Wandlungsprozesses stärker in den Blick genommen werden kann.
Eine grundständige Einführung in diese Epoche des Übergangs, die der neuen Forschung Rechnung trägt und sowohl Studierende als auch interessierte Laien in dieses spannende Zeitalter einführt, ist bisher im deutschsprachigen Raum ein Desiderat geblieben. Diese Lücke möchte dieser Band im Rahmen der WBG Reihe ‚Geschichte Kompakt‘ nun schließen. Ziel dieses Buches ist, auf Basis eines ereignisgeschichtlichen Grundgerüsts die einzelnen Aspekte dieses Übergangs zu beleuchten. Hierzu gehören das Herrschaftswesen, die Oberschicht, das Militär, das Verwaltungswesen, das Christentum, der Klerus, das Mönchtum, die Besiedlungsstrukturen sowie das Bestattungswesen. Alle diese Aspekte haben unterschiedliche Entwicklungen – Brüche und Kontinuitäten – durchlaufen und sollten darum einzeln besprochen werden. Da eine Einbeziehung des gesamten westeuropäischen Raumes im Rahmen einer Einführung, wenn nur durch Verallgemeinerungen bewerkstelligt werden könnte, konzentriert sich dieses Buch auf den gallo-fränkischen, den britannischen und den italischen Raum. Die zu behandelnden Aspekte werden vergleichend anhand dieser Beispiele dargestellt und besprochen.
This book deals with the impact of the end of Roman peace on late Roman and primarily early medie... more This book deals with the impact of the end of Roman peace on late Roman and primarily early medieval society using the example of fifth to seventh century Gaul. To this end, the study focusses on society as it was and the world of thought of those who lived in it. As the study aims at analysing the societal transformation following the breakdown of quietude, it primarily focusses on the significance that was attributed to war and armed violence, and the function and status of those who fought. Although the analysis is primarily based on written evidence, it also accounts for archaeological remains. The analysis comprehends a linguistic approach by focussing on changes in the terminology used to refer to core ideas and concepts related to the world of war. The study is undertaken in four main steps: a first structural analysis focusses on the changes contemporary society went through between the fifth and seventh centuries. The second part of the thesis mainly comprehends an analysis of the perception of known authors and the direct testimony they provided. In order to find out what significance contemporaries attributed to warfare and those who fought, the third and most extensive chapter focusses on the role and significance of armed violence and the military, and analyses the requirements they were expected to comply with. The last chapter is an analysis of martial ideas and concepts as they were more and more frequently found in Christian writings, in order to show that not only those who fought gradually conformed to Christian requirements, but that the Church also adopted significant ideas and values, which until then had primarily belonged to the secular world. Although it has never been doubted that the early medieval society was characterised to a significant extent by military violence, the world of thought of those who fought and their role and function in the post-Roman world have only been studied very marginally until the present day. This study aims at being a first attempt to analyse the post-Roman world of war from a sociological and ideative perspective, by focussing less on the history of events than on the experience of those who were actually concerned by these occurrences. It argues that war was a significant factor of change and that this does not necessarily imply that societal transformations were not a basic part of a gradual collapse of the Roman world.
The societies of ancient Europe underwent a continual process of militarisation, a process that w... more The societies of ancient Europe underwent a continual process of militarisation, a process that was intensified during the early Middle Ages and came to be a defining characteristic of the period. It encompassed features like the lack of demarcation between the military and the civil spheres of the population, the significance attributed to weapons beyond their military function, and the wide recognition of martial values. The present investigation uses the term ‘militarisation’ to refer to a process that is neither linear no mono-causal but impacting on a society as a whole. The underlying concept provides a means to study corresponding societal transformations in their full complexity by taking into account several factors of change at the same time. This volume assembles 21 studies by a mix of distinguished and young scholars that for the first time use both written and archaeological evidence to explore the phenomenon of militarisation and its impact on the developments in early medieval England, the Frankish word, Spain, Italy, Scandinavia and Byzantium by applying both modern approaches to structural history and the history of mentalities. In so doing, this volume breaks new ground that should be of interest to any scholar and student of related fields as well as readers interested in early medieval history.
From their crystallisation in the late fifth century to their ultimate decline in the eighth, the... more From their crystallisation in the late fifth century to their ultimate decline in the eighth, the Merovingian kingdoms were a product of a vibrant Mediterranean society with both a cultural past and a dynamic and ongoing dialogue between the member communities. By bringing together the scholarship of historians, archaeologists, art historians, and manuscript researchers, this volume examines the Merovingian world's Mediterranean connections. The Franks' cultural horizons spanned not only the Latin-speaking world, but also the Byzantine Empire, northern Europe, Sassanid Persia, and, after the seventh century, a quickly ascendant Islamic culture. Traces of a constant movement of people and cultural artefacts through this world are ubiquitous. As simultaneous consumers, adapters, and disseminators of culture, the degree to which the Merovingian kingdoms were thought to engage with their neighbours is re-evaluated as this volume analyses written accounts, archaeological findings and artefacts to provide new perspectives on Merovingian wide-ranging relations.
La prédation est une réalité incontournable des sociétés du haut Moyen Âge. Que l'on pense au sac... more La prédation est une réalité incontournable des sociétés du haut Moyen Âge. Que l'on pense au sac de Rome par les Wisigoths en 410, au récit du vase de Soissons, aux déprédations vikings des IXe et Xe siècles, ou encore aux razzias incessantes de la guerre féodale, l’histoire de ce temps est traversée de pillages, de captures, de prélèvements de tributs effectués par la force.
Associées pendant longtemps à une conception négative du Moyen Âge, ces pratiques ont peu intéressé les chercheurs. Tout au plus s’y est-on parfois penché de manière biaisée, par exemple en étudiant les conséquences des déprédations vikings, hongroises ou sarrasines sur l’Occident chrétien. Cela revenait implicitement à enfermer certaines sociétés, comme les Scandinaves, dans leur dimension prédatrice, alors que l’Occident chrétien ne pouvait être pensé, selon le contexte, que dans le rôle de victime ou de conquérant. Considérée depuis quelques décennies dans une autre perspective, la prédation est désormais envisagée comme un phénomène économique, politique, social et culturel.
Abordant les questions aussi diverses que les formes de partage du butin, la place de la prédation dans la circulation des richesses, l’insertion des captifs de guerre dans les économies locales ou dans les circuits du commerce d’esclaves, l’importance de la prédation dans le fonctionnement du pouvoir, ou encore la manière dont ces sociétés légitiment la pratique prédatrice, cet ouvrage apporte un éclairage nouveau sur cette pratique.
https://journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/frrec/article/view/59840
https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/hzhz.2018.307.issue-2/hzhz-2018-1422/hzhz-2018-1422.xml
Warfare is genuinely connected to and dependent on physical mobility. Sieges could be considered ... more Warfare is genuinely connected to and dependent on physical mobility. Sieges could be considered exceptions, but even here, the enemy usually had to cover the distance between his home and the location of the besieged castle or city. Regular musters required the movement of large numbers of fighters, and the collection of any army that is not already based in a military camp, requires the sending of messengers to inform anyone liable or willing to take part in such an undertaking about the time and place of the army’s gathering and subsequent travels of anyone concerned to that particular place, from where the entire army would move forward towards the enemy. The movement of such a host again required a significant amount of mobility, which included the sending of scouts and the different types of logistics related to alimentation. Besides, the equipment of an army with the necessary weaponry and attire necessitated the transportation of any goods required for their fabrication and their subsequent distribution to those meant to act as a fighter.
Research on the mobility of the medieval military is limited and largely focuses on specific cases; a more general survey focusing on any medieval era or the Middle Ages as a whole is lacking. Instead, central aspects that have been dealt with include the role of migration in the framework of the experience of war by looking at the permanent relocation of large groups and families in the framework of military organization. This paper intends to study military movements in the Middle Ages and how they and related practices and technologies impacted society. As a general overview of this topic as a whole is out of what this paper will be able to attain, I use three case studies to offer a preliminary impression of some key elements related to medieval military mobility: (1) the Viking incursions, for which the sources regularly mention specific movements; (2) the Fourth Crusade, which implied the mobility of a large host and equipment over seas; and (3) the Hundred Years War, for with a large variety of mobilities related to large armies is attested. This wide spectrum of examples, for which the evidence is comparably good, covers the three periods of the Middle Ages by looking at different regions and allows discussing both small and large-scale military mobility over land and sea. Besides, every case allows focusing on elements related to military mobility attested particularly well by the evidence: the long-term movements of the Viking armies in England over land and sea or rivers, the logistics implied in the transportation of the Crusader host towards the eastern Mediterranean, and the movement of an army as attested by the evidence related to the Hundred Years War. Still, the sum of these examples will only be able to offer a glimpse into what military mobility could involve.
This paper examines the evidence for the presence and impact of Yersinia pestis, plag... more This paper examines the evidence for the presence and impact of Yersinia pestis, plague, in Gaul during the First Pandemic (c. 540–750 CE). Early medieval Gaul, roughly coterminous with modern-day France, possesses, to date, the most diverse evidence for plague in the Mediterranean world, including historical texts and remnants of the Yersinia pestis bacterium found in ancient DNA samples. Gaul offers the ideal setting to situate a regional interrogation on the plague before the Black Death (an early paper to discuss the matter is Biraben and Le Goff, 1969). The paper’s aims are threefold. It reassesses plausible chronologies for the introduction and subsequent outbreaks of plague in Gaul, discusses where the different outbreaks occurred and how they evolved, and asks what may be said about the spread or disappearance of the disease. It has long been thought that Yersinia pestis entered Gaul from the Mediterranean via Marseille in the early/middle 540s, spreading northwards along rivers in successive outbreaks (e.g., Bachrach 2006, 2007; McCormick 2021). We complicate this hypothesis by taking into consideration critical readings of the historical texts, model simulations on the spread of plague and fluvial transportation networks (Yue et al. 2016; Foucher et al. 2019; White and Mordechai 2020), and geospatial analyses of contemporary skeletal remains whose DNA analysis has proven the presence of Yersinia pestis (Keller et al. 2019). The focus then shifts to evaluating the impacts that the plague may have had on the society and culture of Merovingian Gaul. The written records documenting plague and its consequences in early medieval Gaul—in any time and place, for that matter—defy easy analysis. The present survey intends to offer a new critical reading of the relevant historical texts and strives to overcome dichotomous interpretation of the plague’s magnitude and significance (see most recently Faure 2021) by reassessing and, wherever necessary, consolidating the evidence in favor of either position. The article concludes with a critical reflection on recent developments in ancient plague studies. We interrogate the heuristic utility of the First Plague Pandemic as a historical periodization. The coherence of the First Plague Pandemic as a valuable tool of historical analysis has generally been asserted more than demonstrated. After a period of major outbreaks, it occasionally reoccurred until the mid-eighth century amidst a backdrop of substantial socio-cultural and economic changes across early medieval Europe. This periodization, however, might be more sensible for ancient genomic reconstructions of Yersinia pestis than for historians. On a broader note, we evaluate the possible limits of the field’s interdisciplinary methodologies that have become prevalent. While the necessity of these collaborative projects is approaching a prerequisite for many avenues of historical inquiry, there remain epistemological difficulties in synthesizing and analysing disparate bodies of evidence.
The so-called post-Roman rulers willingly resorted to Roman models for self-representation. Altho... more The so-called post-Roman rulers willingly resorted to Roman models for self-representation. Although only few early medieval ruler portraits have been preserved, a comparably high number is known thanks to seals and coins. The intention of the present paper is to discuss these portraits by comparing those known from the Frankish world to those from Italy and Spain. Although early medieval ruler portraits were clearly related to Roman imperial models, they also included new elements. The most obvious were beards, like the moustaches attested on the portraits of Odoacer or Theodoric the Great, or the long hairs of the Merovingian kings. Other images, like the seal of Alaric or the gold coinage of Theudebert I, seemingly conformed to the imperial iconography. The comparative analysis of these and other ruler portraits dating between the late fifth and the late seventh century helps to better understand the iconography used to create these images and the concepts of rulership they were meant to covey. The present assessment takes a closer look at the different features characterising these portraits, including the attire and weaponry displayed, and it attempts to reconstruct their evolution throughout the period focussed on here. How did they adopt or combine Roman and gentile traditions to create a new vision of rulership and to what extent may we consider these portraits altogether as belonging to a supra-regional post-Roman culture of power?
The collapse of the Roman world in the West was a gradual process that can be traced by looking a... more The collapse of the Roman world in the West was a gradual process that can be traced by looking at contemporary military structures. These underwent a continuous transformation since the late Principate, when military service appeared unattractive to many while increasing numbers of soldiers were needed and thus also recruited among non-Romans. At the same time, regular reforms aimed at meeting current needs. In the late Roman period and until the first post-Roman centuries, military campaigns were fought on a regularly basis, but now more often against enemies from within the (former) Roman territories. The elite that emerged in the process was strongly dependant on its military functions, a fact that points not only to an increased political but also social significance of military participation. This impression is backed by the fact that the military was often directly involved in important decisions like the rising of kings or law making. Moreover, in post-Roman Europe the bearing of arms had become a wide-spread habit that was not restricted to military activity. This paper uses the example of Italy, Gaul and Britain to analyse the structures and significance of the military since the late fifth century in order to better understand this process. It discusses who belonged to the post-Roman military, what identities were associated with those who fought and their roles in the mentioned early medieval societies.
Postdoctoral lecture qualification project (Habilitation).
Project funded by the German Fritz Thyssen Stiftung (01/2016-12/2017)
This monograph is a first attempt to understand the importance of anything Roman in the Frankish ... more This monograph is a first attempt to understand the importance of anything Roman in the Frankish world in its full complexity. It uses a wide perspective by focussing on relevant political, historical and cultural relations between the Byzantine east and the Frankish west. The Byzantine empire was closely linked to its Roman history and its legacy, two elements to which the Frankish world saw itself as a part. The interdisciplinary investigation intends to show that the Frankish world that emerged from within the Roman empire remained closely connected to it beyond the late fifth century.
The study deals with the medieval process of alienation on the different levels of society (politics, diplomacy and travel, conceptions of the past, language, identity, religion and culture) by offering a critical discussion of current research on the basis of a re-evaluation of the relevant sources. The conceptions associated with the term Romanus rsp. Ῥωµαῖος prove to be central identification factors that could relate to very different areas of life in both the east and the west and which were subject to fundamental processes of change in the course of the early Middle Ages.
The study aims to show that the Franks always saw themselves as part of the imperial and Roman world as it had emerged from Antiquity. Against this background, they increasingly met the Byzantines on an equal footing, albeit with their own understanding of what connected the two. The study therewith challenges the still widespread view that the Franks had entered Mediterranean history as strangers to the Roman world and therefore had no claim to a share in the ancient Roman heritage.
By connecting questions of the Medieval and Byzantine Studies the present investigation wants to provide a new look at the relationships and social processes of change in these two pivotal domains of European history. The investigation is prone to offer new insights into topics such as the transformation of identity or the early medieval worldview and self-perception in a time when what we call Antiquity was the only reference available.
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This is a word-version of my unpolished and uncleaned data collected with Access in the framework... more This is a word-version of my unpolished and uncleaned data collected with Access in the framework of my paper "Mobility and networks from 976 to 991 in the letters of Gerbert of Reims. A quantitative Approach", eds. Laury Sarti and Helene von Trott zu Solz, Mobility in the Early Middle Ages, and beyond. Interdisciplinary Approaches (Europa im Mittelalter), Berlin: De Gruyter, expected 2024.
These are notes I made in 2006/7 in the framework of my Magisterthesis. Please consider that thes... more These are notes I made in 2006/7 in the framework of my Magisterthesis. Please consider that these were never meant to be published and that many lists are incomplete. The lists also certainly contain mistakes, any hints would be welcome, and I will gladly make amendments. I hope the lists are of some use to scholars working on related subjects, despite their obvious deficiencies.
"Although the early Middle Ages, and the Merovingian era in particular, have always been consider... more "Although the early Middle Ages, and the Merovingian era in particular, have always been considered exceptionally martial, no study has been published until this date that focuses on the fighting part of contemporary society. This is all the more surprising as this particular part of Merovingian society may be studied comparably easily by means of both written and archaeological evidence.
The aim of my master thesis was to represent a first basic survey of this subject. To this end, after providing a short overview on the recent history of research, a first chapter gives an analysis of the terminology that may be found in the written evidence referring to armed men, as well as the different groups of combatants that the sources refer to. The second chapter attempts to define distinctive features of the fighting part of Merovingian society, including their ethnic affiliation, their appearance including clothing and weaponry, but also internal elements like the idea of honour or the importance of religion according to them. The aim of the third chapter is to take a closer look at the closer environment of the Merovingian weapons carriers. This includes their possessions and means to enlarge these, as well as possible familial and social relations. A fourth chapter is devoted to the position of this same group of people within the whole Merovingian society, both in terms of their legal position according to the contemporary legislation, as well as their position within the social structures and relations of dependence so important during that era. The fifth chapter tries to figure out the various functions that were executed by armed men, be it as a regional officer, including judicial or military functions, be it tasks carried out in connection to the transmission of information or in connection to special orders in the service of the royal family. The aim of the last chapter was to expand the view once more by attempting to analyze the views of the Merovingian population on the weapons carriers. For this purpose, an analysis is given regarding their situation face to armed men at a local level and in the context of military activity, as well as the different means that were at their disposal to protect themselves from violent attacks – as provided, for example, by fortifications, but also by the Merovingian legal system, or the right of asylum offered by the Church. In summary, it could be concluded that it is very difficult to differentiate between what could be called a ‘warrior’ from the rest of the Merovingian population, whereas the bearing of weapons appears increasingly common with regards to the better-off part of the secular population. Less well-off people were most of all asked to participate in armed undertakings in cases of necessity."
This session aims to explore innovative digital and/or quantitative methodologies for studying mo... more This session aims to explore innovative digital and/or quantitative methodologies for studying mobility in the medieval world. With increasing access to digital resources, spatial datasets, and computational tools, scholars are now able to investigate medieval mobility in ways previously unimaginable. This session will bring together researchers applying these methods to explore how people, goods, and ideas moved across regions, cultures, and borders during the medieval period.
We invite papers that address topics including, but not limited to:
- Digital mapping and GIS technologies in the study of medieval trade routes, pilgrimages, or military campaigns
- Quantitative analyses of economic, social, or political mobility in the medieval world
- Networks of communication and the transmission of ideas or technologies using computational methods
- Case studies on specific regions or periods using digital tools to assess mobility
- Methodological challenges and opportunities in integrating digital or quantitative data with traditional historical sources
- Comparative studies using digital methods to analyse mobility across different medieval societies
- Interdisciplinary approaches combining digital humanities, archaeology, and historical research to study mobility
We encourage contributions from scholars of all career stages, particularly those employing innovative techniques and interdisciplinary approaches. Papers that engage with both methodological advancements and historical questions are especially welcome.
Please submit a title, an abstract of around 150 words, your name and address, and five keywords to laury.sarti@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de by 24th September 2024.
Premodern travel was associated with all sorts of questions and uncertainties, just like any atte... more Premodern travel was associated with all sorts of questions and uncertainties, just like any attempt to examine early medieval mobility from today's perspective. In September 2022, a conference will be held at the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities aiming to explore new approaches and methods for investigating early medieval mobility from an interdisciplinary perspective and by discussing the potential and limits of possible new approaches. Historical (network analysis, prosopography), archaeological (grave analysis, landscape archeology) as well as methods related to the natural sciences (historical geology, digital landscape and path reconstruction, analysis of strontium isotopes, multi-isotopic studies, DNA analysis, paleo-climatology) shall be discussed. What means do be have to study the conditions of mobility and the knowledge of travelers? How do network analyses allow us to study the motives and necessities behind mobility? What possibilities do scientific approaches and the data acquired using related methods and means offer? A better understanding of the conditions of early medieval mobility will hopefully allow us to appreciate more fully the individual and collective achievements that were associated with every form of early medieval exchange or connectivity.
The interdisciplinary conference is aimed equally at young and experienced researchers from all disciplines with an innovative methodological approach or project.
The conference is hosted and financed by the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities as part of its Academic Conferences 2022. Accommodation and meals as well as up to € 400 for travel will be covered by the Academy.
The publication of the contributions as part of an edited volume is planned, the volume is expected to appear in a series of the De Gruyter publishing house.
Please submit your title and abstract (approx. 200 words) for a 30-minute paper and a short CV by 15th January 2022 to Laury Sarti, laury.sarti@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de
Perception of the world as well as ideas of ‘ordo’ are characterized by individual and shared not... more Perception of the world as well as ideas of ‘ordo’ are characterized by individual and shared notions of time and space. We seek to explore medieval notions of space and time in several sessions to be held in 2021 at the International Medieval Congress.
Papers may cover topics like the medieval order of time, perceptions of epochal caesurae, medieval chronology, or corporeality as a formative element of space and its relation to power and social order.
The sessions are organized in honour of Miriam Czock (1976–2020).
Please send your suggestions for a paper (20 min) as an 150-word abstract and a short CV by September 16th to:
Anja Rathmann-Lutz (Anja.Lutz@unibas.ch) or
Laury Sarti (laury.sarti@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de)
Since the end of Antiquity, the societies of Western Europe underwent a continual process of mili... more Since the end of Antiquity, the societies of Western Europe underwent a continual process of militarisation. This process, which includes the increased ubiquity and approval of fighting men and military violence, intensified during the Early Middle Ages and came to be a defining characteristic of the period. Militarisation can be identified by the lack of demarcation between the martial and civil spheres of the population; weapons became increasingly widespread and warlike attributes, activities, and values were widely recognised and respected. It impacted on how members of early medieval societies perceived their worldly position, and as such this research project employs both modern approaches to structural history and the history of mentalities. This international conference is the third convention organised in the framework of the project “The Militarisation of early medieval Societies. Nature, Control and Perception in a west-European Comparison” funded since 2015 by the Fritz Thyssen Foundation (http://www.geschkult.fu-berlin.de/e/fmi/institut/arbeitsbereiche/ab_esders/Thyssen-Projekt/Thyssen-Projekt-Doc.html). After a workshop on “Military Organisation and Society in the post-Roman World” (August 2016) and a previous conference on “Reflections of a Militarised World? Perceptions and conceptions of war and the military in the early Middle Ages (ca. 500-1000)” (September 2017), the aim of this gathering on “Early Medieval Militarisation. An Archaeological Perspective” is to take a close look at what archaeology is able to reveal on the early medieval phenomenon of militarisation and how the world of war shaped early medieval society and perception. Papers include alongside the discussion of burial evidence, weapons more in general and the symbolism related to them, treatments of military architecture like fortifications and settlements.
Arbeitsbereich Geschichte der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters/ Fritz Thyssen Stiftung Sinc... more Arbeitsbereich Geschichte der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters/ Fritz Thyssen Stiftung Since the end of Antiquity, the societies of western Europe underwent a continual process of militarisation. This process intensified during the early Middle Ages, and came to be a defining characteristic of the period. Militarisation can be identified by the lack of demarcation between the martial and civil spheres of the population, weapons becoming increasingly widespread and warlike attributes, activities, and values being widely recognised and respected. Militarisation also impacted on how members of early medieval societies perceived their worldly position. Since January 2016 a project funded by the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung is conducted at the Freie Universität Berlin to study " The Militarisation of early medieval Societies. Nature, Control and Perception in a west-European Comparison ". It is a first attempt to comprehensively analyse this phenomenon during the formative period of the early Middle Ages, which is done by way of comparing Anglo-Saxon Britain, Lombard Italy and the Frankish kingdoms. For more information on the project, please visit our page: In the framework of this project an international conference on " Reflections of a Militarised World? Perceptions and conceptions of war and the military in the early Middle Ages (ca. 500–1000) " will be held from September 19th to 21st 2017 in Berlin. The idea is to take a close look at contemporary ways to perceive and to think about war and the military and to discuss what conclusions may be drawn from these findings with regard to contemporary society. Questions that may be raised include but should not be limited to the concept and significance of war and peace, the terminology used to refer to praiseworthy and blameworthy qualities and abilities in a (potential) fighting man, the concept of maleness, heroism and warriorhood, the significance and legitimacy of military participation and the symbolism of weaponry. The conference language will be English. We are pleased to invite young researchers on a doctoral or post-doctoral level working on related fields to submit a proposal for a paper of up to 30 minutes as an abstract of approximately 400 words, together with a brief CV. We seek to invite up to four successful applicants to participate at the conference. Hotel accommodation and meals will be provided and we are able to add a reimbursement of up to 300 Euro to cover travel expenses to Berlin. Submissions should be sent to Dr. Laury Sarti: laury.sarti@fu-berlin.de. The deadline for submission is December 15th 2016. You will be notified of your paper acceptance or non-acceptance before the end of January 2017. We look forward to receiving your proposals!
The conference aims to study the Merovingian Kingdoms in a broader Mediterranean context. In addi... more The conference aims to study the Merovingian Kingdoms in a broader Mediterranean context. In addition to being deeply rooted in the traditions and practices of the Western Roman Empire, Merovingian Gaul had complex and multi-layered economic, cultural, religious and political relations with the Byzantine and Islamic worlds. By analyzing Western and Eastern sources as well as archeological findings, the symposium seeks to offer a new perspective on the Merovingian period.