Bilal Dewansyah | University of Padjadjaran (UNPAD) (original) (raw)

Papers by Bilal Dewansyah

Makalah ini disampaikan pada Diskusi Pakar Penyusunan Naskah Akademik dan Rancangan (Perubahan) U... more Makalah ini disampaikan pada Diskusi Pakar Penyusunan Naskah Akademik dan Rancangan (Perubahan) Undang-Undang tentang Keimigrasian yang diselenggarakan oleh atas Pusat Perancangan Undang-Undang- Badan Keahlian DPR-RI
(This paper was presented at the Expert Meeting for the Preparation of Academic Paper on the Immigration Bill organized by the Center for Drafting Legislation of the Expert Body - the Indonesian Parliament (DPR-RI)

Asian Journal of Law and Society, 2021

Article 28G(2) in Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution reflects a human rights approach to asylum; it gu... more Article 28G(2) in Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution reflects a human rights approach to asylum; it guarantees “the right to obtain political asylum from another country,” together with freedom from torture. It imposes an obligation upon the state to give access to basic rights to those to whom it offers asylum, following an appropriate determination procedure. By contrast, in Presidential Regulation No. 125 of 2016 concerning the Treatment of Refugees, the Indonesian government’s response to asylum seekers and refugees is conceptualized as “humanitarian assistance,” and through a politicized and securitized immigration-control approach. We argue that the competition between these three approaches—the human right to asylum, humanitarianism, and immigration control—constitutes a “triangulation” of asylum and refugee protection in Indonesia, in which the latter two prevail. In light of this framework, this article provides a socio-political and legal analysis of why Article 28G(2) has not been widely accepted as the basis of asylum and refugee protection in Indonesia.

PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law)

This article compares the asymmetric form of decentralization model in the Aceh, Indonesia, and i... more This article compares the asymmetric form of decentralization model in the Aceh, Indonesia, and in the Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom, towards the process of peacemaking. In general, the decentralization models in the two regions have almost similar backgrounds due to prolonged religious conflicts. However, the devolution model in Northern Ireland is far more complex than Aceh’s, and closely related to other countries, that affect the constitutional status of Northern Ireland in the future. This is different from the Aceh government, which since the Helsinki MoU has remained a part of the Indonesia’s unitary form. On the other hand, in terms of governmental matters, decentralization in Aceh reflects a reduction in their special authority, with a pattern of division of government functions that is almost similar to the division of functions in the ordinary regional government. It is in contrast to the affairs of Northern Ireland’s government concerning matters that are categori...

Indonesia Law Review, Dec 30, 2017

Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional

Dalam diskursus demokrasi deliberatif pada masa Pemilu, model kampanye deliberatif masih diperdeb... more Dalam diskursus demokrasi deliberatif pada masa Pemilu, model kampanye deliberatif masih diperdebatkan. Model tersebut dapat membuka akses informasi yang komprehensif guna memperluas pertimbangan para pemilih sebelum masa pemungutan suara. Model kampanye ini merupakan suatu proposal perubahan agar kampanye dapat dijadikan sebagai ruang musyawarah yang lebih rasional untuk mengelaborasi visi dan misi calon dengan konstituen. Terdapat masalah penting yang dielaborasi: (1) mengapa deliberasi demokratis saat kampanye menjadi penting dalam Pilkada? (2) bagaimana bentuk kampanye deliberatif dalam desain Pilkada serentak? Secara kelimuan, pendekatan yang digunakan bersifat interdispliner yang memadukan pendekatan hukum untuk mengevaluasi peraturan perundang-undangan terkait. Berdasarkan pembahasan, dapat disimpulkan kampanye Pilkada saat ini bersifat adversarial, tidak memberikan informasi yang cukup dan berimbang, serta seringkali materi kampanye tidak rasional secara normatif. Penulis me...

Jurnal Majelis MPR RI, 2018

Sebelum perubahan UUD 1945, Presiden memegang kekuasaan pemerintahan sekaligus memegang kekuasaan... more Sebelum perubahan UUD 1945, Presiden memegang kekuasaan pemerintahan sekaligus
memegang kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang. Perubahan pertama UUD 1945
telah menggeser klausul pemegang kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang dari Presiden
kepada DPR, klausul tersebut seringkali disebut sebagai legislative vesting clause.
Di negara lain, legislative vesting clause tersebut pada umumnya menunjukan titik
berat pada lembaga mana kewenangan sekaligus tanggungjawab membentuk undangundang
berada. Di Indonesia, pergeseran legislative vesting clause gagal menghasilkan
pergeseran pada konfigurasi kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang di Indonesia. Baik
secara normatif maupun praktik, Presiden tetap menjadi lembaga yang mendominasi
pembentukan undang-undang di Indonesia. Dari segi normatif, Presiden masih
memiliki kewenangan mengusulkan dan memberikan persetujuan Rancangan Undang-
Undang sama besarnya seperti kewenangan yang dimiliki oleh DPR. Dari segi praktik,
tidak ada perbedaan yang signifikan bahwa pembentukan undang-undang inisiasinya
didominasi oleh eksekutif, sedikit sekali undang-undang hasil inisiasi DPR. Oleh karena
itu, meskipun vesting clause kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang telah bergeser dari
Presiden kepada DPR, boleh dikatakan yang terjadi hanya pergeseran semu semata.

Hukum, Hak Asasi dan Demokrasi, Nov 2019

English Abstract This article tried to contextualize Professor Rukmana Amanwinata thought on fre... more English Abstract
This article tried to contextualize Professor Rukmana Amanwinata thought on freedom of association in a case decided by Indonesian Constitutional Court in 2018 (Decisions No. 2/PUUXVI/ 2018 on review of Civil Society Organization (CSO) Law (Law No. No. 16/2017). In this case, the Constitutional Court refused to all the petitions submitted by the applicant, including the provisions of CSO dissolution without any examination from the court, and perceived all contents of this law indeed constitutional. Therefore, this article has a purpose to trace the proportionality aspect on the limitation to freedom of association in such case, examine it, and placed the Constitutional Court as the guardian of a constitution which has a different character with the ordinary court, such as the possibility to decide a case in ultra petite.

Indonesian Abstract
Tulisan ini bermaksud untuk mengkontekstualisasikan pemikiran Prof. Rukmana Amanwinata mengenai kebebasan berserikat dalam perkara yang cukup kontroversial yang telah diputuskan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) pada tahun 2018 (Putusan No. 2/PUUXVI/ 2018), yaitu pengujian revisi atau perubahan Undang-Undang Organisasi Kemasyarakatan (UU No. 16/2017 tentang Penetapan Perppu No. 2/2017 tentang Perubahan atas UU No. 17/2003 tentang Organisasi Kemasyarakatan). Dalam perkara tersebut MK menolak seluruh permohonan pengujian, sehingga klausul utama yang digugat pomohon, salah satunya mengenai pembubaran Ormas berbadan hukum tanpa melalui pengadilan dianggap konstitusional. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini bermaksud untuk menelurusi aspek proporsionalitas pembatasan kebebasan berserikat dalam Putusan MK tersebut, dengan memposisikan MK sebagai “penjaga konstitusi” (the guardian of constitution) yang memiliki perbedaan dengan pengadilan pada umumnya, seperti kebolehan memutus di luar permintaan pemohon (ultra petita).

Jurnal Majelis, MPR-RI, 2018

The right of constitutional asylum granted in Indonesian Constitution cannot be implemented today... more The right of constitutional asylum granted in Indonesian Constitution cannot be implemented today. The choice as a transit country has shown a consistent reluctance from state authority to accommodate the right of constitutional asylum in a form of legislative act thus preventing the protection of refugees and asylum seekers based on human rights perspective. The implications are the lack of basic rights fulfillment for the asylum-seekers in Indonesia as well as the lack of supervision from the Government. These implementation problems also caused by the wording of constitutional asylum clause in Indonesian Constitution that does not clearly define scope and asylum criteria thus blurred state obligation to asylum-seekers.

CEJISS, Dec 13, 2018

Most of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries perceive themselves as no... more Most of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries perceive themselves as non-immigrant nations. It means that most ASEAN countries are not the destination for immigrants to settle. This approach also appears when they responded to the massive influx of the refugee in the Southeast Asia region. In absence of ASE-AN regional mechanism on refugee protection (which means covered all stage of treatment for refugee), a few ASEAN member countries-Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia- have the valuable efforts and experiences in term of refugee handling and reception, based on their domestic law and national policy, for instance in Indo-Chinese refugees' crisis in late 1980s until 1990s, and also Rohingya "boat people" crisis in 2015. This article discusses the legal efforts undertaken by the three ASEAN countries to reconcile their sovereignty in protecting refugees who enter their territories through law and policy. In addition, this article also elaborates on the extent to which laws and policies contribute to refugee protection in Southeast Asia.

Diaspora Studies (Routledge), 2019

The movement of ‘Indonesian Diaspora’ abroad has shown signiﬁcant institutionalized progress sinc... more The movement of ‘Indonesian Diaspora’ abroad has shown signiﬁcant institutionalized progress since the establishment of Indonesian Diaspora Network (IDN) in 2012. The central issue is that Indonesian diaspora is demanding the recognition of dual citizenship from Indonesia, while Act No. 12/2006 regarding Citizenship (Citizenship Law), recognizes the principle of a single nationality and limited dual citizenship only for children. However, the dual citizenship proposal has not yet been politically acceptable, not only because of the historical experience in the past, but also because of the constitutional identity aspect on single citizenship policy. Therefore, the immigration privilege and recognition of some legal rights, excluding some political rights and citizen rights, are practical solutions that are most likely to be adopted for Indonesian diaspora. I call this proposal as ‘semi-dual citizenship’. This article elaborates this proposal with special reference to the Indian experience in the context of ongoing debate over Citizenship Law amendment and also to certain immigration legislation. As a dynamic concept, ‘semi-dual citizenship’ scheme can be seen as a ‘diaspora test’ for Indonesian diaspora that can be gradually developed depending on how this legal scheme can be workable to maintain their social ties with Indonesian society.
Keywords: Indonesian diaspora; diaspora movement; semi-dual citizenship

Indonesia Law Review, 2017

The problem of asylum seekers has become a global humanitarian issue. Demands regarding the handl... more The problem of asylum seekers has become a global humanitarian issue. Demands regarding the handling mechanisms based on the values of human rights is getting stronger voiced by the international community. In the Southeast Asian region, the number of ethnic Rohingya asylum seekers has increased and has started to demand settlement in non-immigrant countries like Indonesia. Although Indonesia does not have international obligations in handling asylum seekers, constitutionally, Indonesia has an obligation to guarantee the right of everyone to obtain asylum which has been included in the Constitution. In a global perspective, humanitarian issues in the handling of asylum seekers has begun to be driven towards the handling model based on regionalism. Therefore, ASEAN's response to the issue of asylum seekers should start a discourse given the number of asylum seekers in Southeast Asia began to rise. This paper deals with the immigration policy on asylum seekers of Rohingya people in Aceh province of Indonesia who plight in 2015 " boat people crisis " with regionalism approach. Abstrak Masalah pencari suaka telah menjadi isu kemanusiaan global. Tuntutan mengenai mekanisme penanganan yang didasarkan pada nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia semakin kuat disuarakan oleh masyarakat internasional. Di kawasan Asia Tenggara, jumlah pencari suaka dari etnis Rohingya telah meningkat dan telah mulai meminta untuk dapat menetap di negara-negara non-imigran seperti Indonesia. Meskipun Indonesia tidak memiliki kewajiban internasional dalam menangani pencari suaka, secara konstitusional, Indonesia memiliki kewajiban untuk menjamin hak setiap orang untuk memperoleh suaka sebagaimana tercantum di dalam konstitusi. Dalam perspektif global, isu-isu kemanusiaan mengenai penanganan pencari suaka mulai didorong ke arah model penanganan yang bersifat regional. Oleh karena itu, ASEAN harus segera menanggapi wacana ini mengingat jumlah pencari suaka di Asia Tenggara yang semakin meningkat. Makalah ini membahas tentang kebijakan imigrasi bagi pencari suaka dari etnis Rohingya di Provinisi Aceh , Indonesia yang mengalami keadaan buruk pada " krisis manusia perahu " 2015 dengan pendekatan regionalisme.

Border Crossing, 2018

The existence and movement of diasporas across the world significantly challenge the existing leg... more The existence and movement of diasporas across the world significantly challenge the existing legal norms on citizenship and migration. The responses from law-makers from the origin countries vary. Most European, Latin America and African countries adopt dual citizenship laws. However, most countries in Asia-Pacific region, including Indonesia, do not favour dual citizenship. This is mostly because of the ideological perception of citizenship. In this sense, many countries grant special status or schemes to their diaspora (neither citizens nor residents of the country) in the form of an external quasi-citizenship based on ethnic descent, called “ethnizenship” by Bauböck. This article, drawing on on-going research, compares the Indonesian experience with that of two other countries that have adopted quasi-citizenship schemes. India and South Korea have been chosen for comparison since both countries have particular statutes that recognise and regulate diaspora status. India created the Person of Indian Origin (PIO) card scheme in 1998 and Overseas Citizens of India (OCI) card scheme in 2003. These two schemes merged in 2015 into the Overseas Citizens of India Card Holder (OCC) scheme through the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2015. While India adopts a regulatory model of diaspora through a citizenship law regime, the South Korean experience shows a different attitude towards their diaspora. The Korean Government has refused the Korean diaspora’s proposal for dual citizenship and created a semi citizenship called “Overseas Korean” status through immigration law. This article discusses the Indian and South Korean experiences dealing with their diaspora in order to propose a regulatory model for Indonesia’s diaspora

Indonesia Law Review, 2017

Jurnal Negara Hukum, 2017

Indonesian legal system determines that the Local Representatives Body, known as the DPRD has the... more Indonesian legal system determines that the Local Representatives Body, known as the DPRD has the functions to establishing, supervising the execution of local affairs and budgeting. Those functions provides the rights to the DPRD both collectively and individually. However, there are also legal obligations applied only for individual. The problem is those three functions has not been embodied properly in the elaborated duties of the Representatives Body. It can be seen, that inspite of the collectivity, a number of duties are also inherent to the member of DPRD individually. Yet, the existing provisions have lack of support for the member of DPRD to increase their competence in order to strengthen those functions. In this paper, the author try to identify some models of individual accountability where there is a practical references applied in the three-municipalities, which are city council of Liverpool, Vancouver and Shah Alam. Considered as identification due to that there are no similarity certainty for all the mentioned places. Eventually, once the pattern of accountability has been found, it becomes the raw material of recommendation on revision of the Local Government Act. Abstrak Peraturan perundang-undangan memberikan fungsi pembentukan peraturan daerah, fungsi pengawasan, dan fungsi anggaran, kepada DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota. Ketiga fungsi tersebut memunculkan hak-hak secara kelembagaan maupun secara individu. Namun masih terjadi kesenjangan, yaitu ketiga fungsi secara kolektif dan kolegial tersebut belum diperkuat dengan ketentuan kewajiban yang tepat. Unsur kewajiban hanya dilekatkan kepada individu anggota, karena yang merepresentasikan rakyat pemilih adalah individu dan bukan kolektif. Meskipun demikian, ketentuan yang ada tidak dapat menjadikan anggota DPRD untuk meningkatkan kompetensinya supaya dapat memperkuat ketiga fungsi tersebut. Penelitian ini ingin mencari bagaimana rumusan model akuntabilitas anggota DPRD secara individu. Untuk memperoleh konsep tersebut, dilakukan perbandingan hukum mengenai praktik yang diterapkan di berbagai tempat sebagai cara memastikan fungsi-fungsi semacam city council terlaksana. Penelitian ini juga ingin menunjukkan bahwa upaya-upaya tersebut dapat diidentifikasi sebagai model akuntabilitas terhadap para councilor. Oleh karena itu, tujuan yang dikehendaki dari penelitian ini adalah terbangun konsep akuntabilitas anggota DPRD di Indonesia. Untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut dilakukan pendekatan komparatif di Liverpool, Vancouver, dan Shah Alam. Adapun rekomendasi dalam penelitian ini berupa bahan perumusan ketentuan dalam suatu perubahan Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah. Kata kunci: akuntabilitas individu, badan perwakilan daerah, ……………

Pikiran Rakyat, 29 Mei 2017

Kebanyakan dari kita, cenderung menempatkan kebangkitan bangsa sebagai momen tersendiri, lepas da... more Kebanyakan dari kita, cenderung menempatkan kebangkitan bangsa sebagai momen tersendiri, lepas dari konteks lain. Padahal momen kebangkitan bangsa yang ditandai lahirnya organisasi Boedi Oetomo adalah salah satu tonggak perjuangan hak asasi manusia (HAM), yakni hak untuk menentukan nasib bangsa sendiri (the right to self-determination) yang berujung pada kemerdekaan Indonesia. Walaupun saat itu, belum ada satu pun dokumen HAM di tingkat internasional yang mengakui hak tersebut sebagai HAM, namun para pendiri bangsa kita secara tegas mendeklarasikannya sebagai hak asasi dalam Pembukaan UUD 1945 : “… kemerdekaan itu ialah hak segala bangsa..” Ini mencerminkan, bangsa kita lahir atas dasar klaim perjuangan HAM. Jadi, HAM dalam spektrum yang lebih luas, baik hak-hak sipil dan politik, hak-hak ekonomi, sosial, budaya, semestinya diposisikan sebagai pendekatan praktikal untuk membangkitkan dan membangun bangsa. Namun hampir setiap rezim pemerintahan di masa lalu, selalu membiarkan atau bahkan melakukan pelanggaran HAM. Bahkan kencenderungan saat ini, jaminan HAM yang secara komprehensif dipulihkan kembali pasca Reformasi ’98, tampaknya justru mulai disangkal kembali, khususnya hak-hak di bidang politik.

Dibandingkan tahun lalu, Pemerintah mempersiapkan mudik kali ini lebih baik. Semua instansi terka... more Dibandingkan tahun lalu, Pemerintah mempersiapkan mudik kali ini lebih baik. Semua instansi terkait berkoordinasi lebih awal dan kejadian tahun lalu pun, seperti Brebes Exit (Brexit), menjadi bahan evaluasi kebijakan. Walhasil, arus mudik dan balik kali ini berjalan lebih baik. Seperti yang diharapkan, tidak ada lagi Brexit Jilid II. Namun lagi-lagi pendekatan untuk “mengelola mudik” masih mencerminkan sifat “adhoc-isme” atau kesementaraan. Dalam hal ini, Pemerintah masih memandang mudik sebagai persoalan 1 tahunan, bukan persoalan permanen, sehingga upaya mewujudkan pelayanan mudik menjadi lebih humanis, sekedar menjadi objek kebijakan temporer Pemerintah. Pada akhirnya, problem laten mudik, seperti kemacetan akibat ruas jalan yang tak memadai, termasuk jalan Tol, angkutan umum yang kurang memadai, serta koordinasi yang sifatnya temporer, tetap mengemuka pada mudik kali ini. Padahal sebagai momentum yang rutin – layaknya musim Haji – mestinya Pemerintah mulai memikirkan regulasi mudik yang komprehensif sebagai kerangka hukum bersama para instansi terkait, dan jaminan bagi pemudik secara hukum untuk mendapatkan layanan mudik yang lebih baik.

Persoalan kewarganegaraan Arcandra Tahar, Menteri ESDM yang baru saja diberhentikan tidak lantas ... more Persoalan kewarganegaraan Arcandra Tahar, Menteri ESDM yang baru saja diberhentikan tidak lantas selesai. Banyak yang menganggap Arcandra menjadi tanpa kewarganegaraan (stateless), karena kehilangan kewarganegaraan Indonesai sekaligus statusnya sebagai warga negara Amerika Serikat (AS). Namun ada yang terlupakan, UU Kewarganegaraan (UU No. 12/2006) bukan hanya mengenal asas anti kewarganegaraan ganda yang menjadi sebab musabab Arcandra diberhentikan, namun juga mengakomodasi asas anti tanpa kewarganegaraan. Artinya, asas hukum kewarganegaraan mensyaratkan kondisi mutlak yang harus dipenuhi ketika seorang WNI akan kehilangan kewarganegaraannya: sepanjang tidak menjadi tanpa kewarganegaraan. Dengan konstruksi pikir demikian, ketika Arcandra kehilangan status kewarganegaraan Indonesia, sekaligus kewarganegaraan AS, maka tidak serta merta statusnya dibiarkan stateless.

Abstrak Perubahan Kega UUD 1945 pada tahun 2001 menegaskan reafirmasi terhadap sistem presidensia... more Abstrak Perubahan Kega UUD 1945 pada tahun 2001 menegaskan reafirmasi terhadap sistem presidensial. Namun dalam proses Perubahan UUD 1945 berkembang juga semangat pembatasan kekuasaan Presiden dengan memberikan kewenangan lebih kepada DPR sebagai lembaga legislaf, sebagaimana tercermin dalam Perubahan Pertama UUD 1945. Setelah perubahan, Presiden dak lagi memiliki pertanggungjawaban poliik. Hal tersebut melatarbelakangi dua permasalahan: Pertama, mengapa perubahan UUD 1945 menetap-kan pilihan poliik untuk melakukan reafirmasi terhadap sistem presidensial. Kedua, bagaimana konsekuensi perubahan tersebut pada pertanggungjawaban Presiden. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjawab kedua permasalahan tersebut: Pertama, menyelidiki sebab reafirmasi sistem presidensial pada perubahan UUD 1945. Kedua, menggambarkan konsekuensi perubahan UUD 1945 pada sistem pertanggungjawaban Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Tulisan ini akan dimulai dengan pembahasan pengantar mengenai perdebatan teoriis sistem pemerintahan, kemudian dilanjutkan dengan pembahasan sebab pilihan reafirmasi sistem presidensial dan pertanggungjawaban Presiden setelah perubahan UUD 1945. Hasil kajian tulisan ini menunjukan bahwa reafirmasi sistem presidensial dalam UUD 1945 dilatarbelakangi semangat membentuk pemerintahan yang stabil, namun juga dengan semangat membatasi kekuasaan Presiden, sehingga diberikan kekuasaan lebih kepada legislaf. Pengalaman masa lalu tentang kegagalan sistem parlementer juga menjadi alasan reafirmasi sistem presidensial. Perubahan UUD 1945 juga berkonsekuensi pada perubahan sistem pertanggungjawaban Presiden. Setelah perubahan UUD 1945, pertanggungjawaban yang dapat memberhenkan Presiden hanya melalui impeachment. Kata kunci: pertanggungjawaban presiden, perubahan UUD 1945, reafirmasi, sistem presidensial, sistem pemerintahan. Abstract The Third Amendment of the 1945 Constuon has reaffirm presidenal form of government. During the amendments, there is also spirit to restrict Presidenal power by

Buku Interaksi Konstitusi dan Politik: Konekstualisasi Pemikiran Sri Soemantri, 2016

Constitutional Principles, constitutional values

Asian Journal of Law and Society, 2021

PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law)

Indonesia Law Review, Dec 30, 2017

Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional

Jurnal Majelis MPR RI, 2018

Hukum, Hak Asasi dan Demokrasi, Nov 2019

Jurnal Majelis, MPR-RI, 2018

CEJISS, Dec 13, 2018

Diaspora Studies (Routledge), 2019

Indonesia Law Review, 2017

Border Crossing, 2018

Indonesia Law Review, 2017

Jurnal Negara Hukum, 2017

Pikiran Rakyat, 29 Mei 2017

Buku Interaksi Konstitusi dan Politik: Konekstualisasi Pemikiran Sri Soemantri, 2016

Constitutional Principles, constitutional values

Susi Dwi Harijanti, et al (Eds), Interaksi Konstitusi dan Politik : Kontekstualisasi Pemikiran Sri Soemantri, Oct 2016

The existence and movement of diaspora across the world, challenge the existing legal norms on ci... more The existence and movement of diaspora across the world, challenge the existing legal norms on citizenship and migration. The responses from the law-makers from origin countries vary. Most of European, Latin America and African countries adopt dual citizenship law to their diaspora for the different reasons: immigrant integration, maintenance of loyalty to ex-citizen or because the closeness ethnic relation. However, most of countries in Asia-Pacific region-which gain the independence through decolonization process-do not favor dual citizenship towards their diaspora, including Indonesia, mostly because of the ideological perception of citizenship. In this sense, many countries grant the special status or scheme to their diaspora (neither citizens nor residents of the country) as an external quasi-citizenship based on ethnic descent as coined by Bauböck as " ethnizenship. " In Indonesia case, while the rejection of dual citizenship proposal is unavoidable, it leads idea to adopt a kind of ethnizenship status as an alternative regulatory model for Indonesia diaspora. In order to search the suitable and realistic regulatory scheme for Indonesian diaspora, this paper compare experiences from India and South-Korea which adopt a quasi-citizenship for their descendants overseas. The result from this comparison will be considered as a benchmark to develop regulatory model for Indonesian diaspora.

Routledge Handbook of Asian Diaspora and Development (forthcoming)

This chapter focusing on why and how the Indonesian diaspora movement, especially through Indones... more This chapter focusing on why and how the Indonesian diaspora movement, especially through Indonesian Diaspora Network (IDN)-a formal organization of Indonesian diaspora established in 2012-change their strategy to advocate their collective interest as well as to contribute to the national development. This shifting happened on their main strategy, from political agenda to advocate the dual citizenship, but changed after the 2017 congress that emphasis on their social role on development. I argued this situation occurred because of political setting that unsupported to the dual citizenship proposal and also a need to proof they real contribution to the society.

Asian Journal of Law and Society - Special issue, 2020

Indonesia's Amended 1945 Constitution guarantees 'the right to obtain political asylum from anoth... more Indonesia's Amended 1945 Constitution guarantees 'the right to obtain political asylum from another country', together with freedom from torture in Article 28G(2). In contrast, the Indonesian government's attitude to allowing asylum seekers and refugees to enter and live in the territory is conceptualised as merely 'humanitarian assistance', reflecting a politicised 'humanitarian' approach. Such 'humanitarianism' can be defined as protection that is given as an exercise of the state's discretion, rather than on the basis of a constitutional right. Humanitarianism is enshrined in several key Indonesian legislative and policy instruments, including the latest refugee regulation: Peraturan Presiden (Presidential Regulation) No. 125/2016 on the Handling of Foreign Refugees (PR). This paper analyses why and how the constitutional right to asylum (which reflects a rights-based approach) is consistently overlooked in favour of the humanitarian approach.