Authoritarian Takeovers of Democratic Regimes: The Case of Inter-War Greece (original) (raw)
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In Greece, public and academic debates over historical questions, especially over history textbooks , are no less heated than political discussions. 1 One could argue that in a state called 'Hellas,' built mostly on historical arguments and less on civil rights, it is quite natural for history to be valued exceedingly and citizens to become sentimental when they assess their past. Yet this does not explain the controversial character of such historical debates, nor the frequency and the publicity they have enjoyed during two full centuries of state independence. There is a good reason why it is so: The Greek trouble with the past is rooted in the still ongoing debate whether Greece belongs to the East or to the West. Even if Greece was a separate case, a go-between East and West, a verdict is needed to decide whether in principle it is more Eastern or Western. Its ambivalent position in this bipolar scheme has affected the image of the Greek people, reflected in the past and in the future. Therefore-and most importantly-it has also affected the Greeks' relation with Europe, to the extent that Europe is the original West and an indispensable ingredient of the western world. If the Greek past was 'Hellenic' in the European fashion and not Roman/
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This paper studies the position of the main currents of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the European integration project. The first part analyses the politico-economic nature of this project and the main phases of its evolution. Its main argument is that it is an attempt to create a European imperialist bloc in the beginning as an ally to the US versus the Eastern Bloc but – particularly after the collapse of the latter – as an increasingly aggressive competitor to the US for imperialist primacy. The second part studies the relationship of Greek capitalism with the European integration project. Its central thesis is that Greek capital (being a second generation, middle level one with limited imperialist abilities) found in the accession to the European integration project its modern ‘Big Idea’ : it considered that its partnership with the more developed western European capitalisms – however unequal maybe - would signify its ascent in the world imperialist hierarchy. This plan, which passed through several stages, is going completely astray today with Greece’s severe crisis and the imposition of the IMF-EU-ECB Memoranda. In order to substantiate this thesis, a concise presentation of the economic consequences of Greece’s accession first to the EEC and then to EU and EMU is being presented. The third part surveys the position of the three main currents of the Greek Left but also of the other political forces vis-à-vis the EU. It is shown that the majority of the Greek Left (orthodox communist, radical and anti-capitalist Left etc.) – together with PASOK and with the exception of the eurocommunists – opposed vehemently the accession to the EU. However, once it the latter took place, PASOK and parts of the Left accommodated – openly or silently – with it. This was related to several EU economic initiatives (aid packages, agricultural policy etc.) which – although terribly inefficient and ultimately disastrous for the Greek economy – created a popular appeal. However, the eruption of the 2007-8 economic crisis and the subsequent Greek crisis overturned all these as anti-EU feeling and positions prevailed in the Greek society despite the vociferous resistance of the Greek politico-economic establishment. This led to a return of the older Left anti-EU position which became dominant in the Greek Left. A survey is offered of the current politico-economic positions of the main currents and parties of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the EU. Their also a particular focus on the role of the Euro and the EMU is the current Greek politico-economic controversies. The last part concludes by presenting the argument for a Left opposition to the EU and an alternative to the IMF-EU-ECB Memoranda program founded on a strategy of disengagement from both the EU and the EMU. The main political and economic aspects of such a program are being analysed.
The Greek Left vis-a-vis the EU - Edinburgh conference paper
This paper studies the position of the main currents of the Greek Left vis-à-vis the European integration project. The first part analyses the politico-economic nature of this project and the main phases of its evolution. Its main argument is that it is an attempt to create a European imperialist bloc in the beginning as an ally to the US versus the Eastern Bloc but – particularly after the collapse of the latter – as an increasingly aggressive competitor to the US for imperialist primacy. The second part studies the relationship of Greek capitalism with the European integration project. Its central thesis is that Greek capital (being a second generation, middle level one with limited imperialist abilities) found in the accession to the European integration project its modern ‘Big Idea’ : it considered that its partnership with the more developed western European capitalisms – however unequal maybe - would signify its ascent in the world imperialist hierarchy. This plan, which passe...
2020
The paper addresses the domestic impact of the freezing of the Greek association with the EEC on business–government relations during the colonels’ dictatorship in Greece (1967–74). Focusing on the Federation of Greek Industries (SEV), I argue that in the face of the Europeanisation of Greek industry, Greek business embarked upon a strategy prioritising liberalisation as a means towards rapprochement with the EEC. But this strategy was not part of a pro-democracy agenda. On the contrary, seeking a viable political regime and future accession to the EEC, SEV supported an abortive authoritarian transition to electoral politics in 1973.