An articulatory investigation of lingual coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for consonants and vowels in Catalan (original) (raw)
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A study of jaw coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for Catalan consonants and vowels
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 2012
The goal of this study is to investigate coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness for the jaw in Catalan consonants and vowels and, more specifically, for the alveolopalatal nasal /J/ and for dark /l/ for which there is little or no data on jaw position and coarticulation. Jaw movement data for symmetrical vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the consonants /p, n, l, s, ,J,k/andthevowels/i,a,u/wererecordedbythreeCatalanspeakerswithamidsagittalmagnetometer.Datarevealthatjawheightisgreaterfor/s,, J, k/ and the vowels /i, a, u/ were recorded by three Catalan speakers with a midsagittal magnetometer. Data reveal that jaw height is greater for /s, ,J,k/andthevowels/i,a,u/wererecordedbythreeCatalanspeakerswithamidsagittalmagnetometer.Datarevealthatjawheightisgreaterfor/s,/ than for /p, J/, which is greater than for /n, l, k/ during the consonant, and for /i, u/ than for /a/ during the vowel. Differences in coarticulatory variability among consonants and vowels are inversely related to differences in jaw height, i.e., fricatives and high vowels are most resistant, and /n, l, k/ and the low vowel are least resistant. Moreover, coarticulation resistant phonetic segments exert more prominent effects and, thus, are more aggressive than segments specified for a lower degree of coarticulatory resistance. Data are discussed in the light of the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation. V
Lingual kinematics and coarticulation for alveolopalatal and velar consonants in Catalan
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 2010
Vertical lingual movement data for the alveolopalatal consonants /ʃ/ and /F/ and for the dorsovelar consonant /k/ in Catalan /aCa/ sequences produced by three speakers reveal that the tongue body travels a smaller distance at a slower speed and in a longer time during the lowering period extending from the consonant into the following vowel ͑CV͒ than during the rising period extending from the preceding vowel into the consonant ͑VC͒. For two speakers, two-phase trajectories characterized by two successive velocity peaks occur more frequently during the former period than during the latter, whether associated with tongue blade and dorsum ͑for alveolopalatals͒ or with the tongue dorsum articulator alone ͑for velars͒. Greater tongue dorsum involvement for /F/ and /k/ than for /ʃ/ accounts for a different kinematic relationship between the four articulatory phases. The lingual gesture for alveolopalatals and, less so, that for velars may exert more prominent spatial and temporal effects on V2 than on V1 which is in agreement with the salience of the C-to-V carryover component associated with these consonants according to previous coarticulation studies. These kinematic and coarticulation data may be attributed to tongue dorsum biomechanics to a large extent.
A model of lingual coarticulation based on articulatory constraints
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 1997
The magnitude and temporal extent of consonantal and vocalic coarticulation are reported for VCV sequences with two vowels ͑/{/, /a/͒ and seven consonants ͑/!/, /'/, dark /(/, /2/, /b/, /F/,/%/͒. Different degrees of articulatory constraint, or DAC values, are assigned to the consonants and vowels based on knowledge of their articulatory properties, in particular, the degree of involvement of the tongue dorsum in closure or constriction formation. Mean results on dorsopalatal contact and F2 frequency for five speakers of the Catalan language are presented. Predictions based on the DAC value for consonants and vowels account satisfactorily for the C-to-V effects ͑e.g., those for /Fa/ are more prominent that those for /pi/͒; moreover, vowel-dependent effects tend to be negatively correlated with the DAC value for the consonant ͑e.g., they are more prominent when the intervocalic consonant is /!/ than when it is dark /(/͒. V-to-C effects are also conditioned by the tongue-dorsum position for the consonantal gesture. Coarticulatory directionality trends reveal that the extent to which the vowel-dependent tongue-dorsum activity may be anticipated is closely linked to the mechanico-inertial constraints associated with the tongue dorsum during consonantal production; this observation explains the salience of the vowel-dependent anticipatory effects in VCV sequences favoring C-to-V anticipation and of the vowel-dependent carryover effects in VCV sequences giving special weight to C-to-V carryover.
The effect of stress and speech rate on vowel coarticulation in Catalan VCV sequences
Journal of Speech Language and Hearing Research, 2015
The goal of this study was to ascertain the effect of changes in stress and speech rate on vowel coarticulation in vowel-consonant-vowel sequences. Data on second formant coarticulatory effects as a function of changing /i/ versus /a/ were collected for five Catalan speakers' productions of vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with the fixed vowels /i/ and /a/ and consonants: the approximant /δ/, the alveolopalatal nasal /ɲ/, and /l/, which in the Catalan language differs in darkness degree according to speaker. In agreement with predictions formulated by the degree-of-articulation-constraint model of coarticulation, the size of the vowel coarticulatory effects was inversely related to the degree of articulatory constraint for the consonant, and the direction of those effects was mostly carryover or anticipatory in vowel-consonant-vowel sequences with highly constrained consonants (/ɲ/, dark /l/) and more variable whenever the intervocalic consonant was less constrained (/δ/, clear /l/). Stress and speech-rate variations had an effect on overall vowel duration, second formant frequency, and coarticulation size but not on the consonant-specific patterns of degree and direction of vowel coarticulation. These results indicate that prosodically induced coarticulatory changes conform to the basic principles of segmental coarticulatory organization.
Journal of Phonetics, 2016
A new method for quantifying contextual variability at different regions of the tongue using ultrasound spline data reveals that tongue body coarticulatory resistance for Catalan consonants and vowels in VCV sequences decreases in the progression [ʎ, ɲ, ʃ] > [s, r] > [l, ɾ, t, n] > [ð] and [i, e] > [a] > [o] > [u]. These consonant and vowel hierarchies support the degree of articulatory constraint model of coarticulation according to which coarticulatory resistance depends on whether a given lingual region is involved in the formation of a closure or constriction and on the severity of the manner of articulation requirements. Data show that this coarticulatory scenario holds not only at the palatal zone, as revealed by previous coarticulation studies, but at the velar and pharyngeal zones as well. Partial exceptions are [s] and [i], which may allow for some more contextual variability than expected at the back of the vocal tract. Another major finding is that tongue body coarticulatory resistance and aggressiveness are highly positively correlated. The implications of these experimental results for speech production organization and sound change are discussed.
Coarticulation, assimilation and blending in Catalan consonant clusters
Journal of Phonetics, 2001
Electropalatographic data on C-to-C coarticulatory e!ects were analyzed for consonant clusters composed of an extensive set of Catalan consonants, i.e., dentals (t), alveolars (n, dark l, s, trilled r), alveolopalatals (ʃ, V, E), palatals ( j) and velars (k). Regarding tongue dorsum coarticulation, results show that consonantal e!ects in CC clusters are more prominent than vocalic e!ects in VCV sequences which is attributed to di!erences in articulatory control between consonants and vowels. Moreover, tongue dorsum lowering for the alveolar fricative and for the alveolar trill appears to be more coarticulation resistant than tongue dorsum raising and fronting for alveolopalatals. Data at the place of articulation show some interesting trends: on the one hand, sequences made of dentals (t), and fronter alveolars and alveolopalatals (i.e., n, l, V, E) yield articulatory blending; on the other hand, any of these consonants may assimilate to those alveolar and alveolopalatal consonants which exhibit a more retracted place of articulation (s, r, ʃ ), but not vice versa. These "ndings are in agreement with the &°ree of articulatory constraint'' (DAC) model which relates coarticulatory and assimilatory e!ects to the degree of articulatory constraint involved in consonantal production, and predicts that fricatives and trills should be highly constrained both at the tongue front and at the tongue dorsum. Data on the relative strength of the anticipatory and carry-over e!ects reported in this paper are also to a large extent in agreement with predictions of the DAC model.
Phonetica, 1998
Electropalatographic and F2 frequency data in /VlV/ sequences reveal more prominent C-to-V effects for Catalan dark /l/ than for German clear /l/, more so in the /i/ context than in the /a/ context, which is in agreement with the existence of high lingual requirements on the formation of two constriction places for dark /l/. German clear /l/ exerts a similar amount of F2 displacement on both vowels which may be indicative of the tongue dorsum being directed towards a target position; this is also suggested by dorsopalatal contact and formant frequency data showing less voweldependent variability than clear /l/ in other languages though more so than Catalan dark /l/. Salient anticipatory requirements for the implementation of /l/ in the two languages block V1-dependent carryover effects to a large extent which results in more prominent vocalic anticipation than vocalic carryover. This directionality trend in vocalic coarticulation is more obvious for Catalan dark /l/ than for German clear /l/ (in agreement with the former consonantal variety requiring more anticipation than the latter) and opposes German /l/ to clear /l/ in other languages (i.e., the less constrained /l/ variety of Spanish may favor vocalic carryover over vocalic anticipation in VCV sequences).
Vowel‐to‐vowel coarticulation in Catalan VCV sequences
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 1984
'Electropalatographic and acoustical data on vowel-to-vowel (V-to-V) coarticulatory effects were obtained for Catalan VCV sequences, with the consonants representing different degrees of tongue-dorsum contact (dorsopalatal approximant •j], alveolo-palatal nasal [p], alveolo-palatal lateral [•(], and alveolar nasal In]). Results show that the degree of V-to-V coarticulafion in linguopalatal fronting and F2 frequency varies monotonically and inversely with the degree of Wngue-dorsum cobtact, carryover effects being larger than anticipatory effects. The temporal extent of coarticulation also varies with the degree of tongue-dorsum contact, much more so for anticipatory effects than for carryover effects. Overall, results indicate that V-to-V coarticulation .in VCV sequences is dependent on the mechanical constraints imposed on the tongue dorsum to achieve dorsopalatal closure during the production of the intervening consonant. Moreover, anticipatory effects, but not carryover effects, involve articulatory preprogramming.
Linguopalatal coarticulation and alveolar-palatal correlations for velarized and non-velarized /l/
Journal of Phonetics, 1996
Acoustic and electropalatographic data are presented involving palatal and alveolar contact coarticulation and alveolar-palatal contact correlations for Catalan velarized / l / (5 speakers) and German non-velarized / l / (4 speakers) in dif ferent vowel environments . Coarticulatory ef fects and significant alveolar-palatal correlations for German exceed those for Catalan which is consistent with the tongue body being more constrained for the velarized than the non-velarized realization . In comparison to non-velarized / l / , active predorsum lowering for velarized / l / largely prevents dorsopalatal coarticulation with / i / and tongue front -tongue dorsum coupling ef fects from occurring . Vowel-dependent variations in tongue dorsum position result in closure fronting dif ferences for speakers of both languages which suggests that they use coordination mechanisms between the tongue tip and the tongue dorsum ; however , not all speakers change closure location across vowel contexts .
Journal of Phonetics, 2006
[h] (lateral) may exhibit two places of articulation, i.e., alveolopalatal and palatal proper, depending not only on vowel context but on position and speaker as well. In this Catalan dialect, [E] and [h] have phonological status while [c] is an allophone of /k/ and is articulated at a fronter location than front /k/ in languages such as English. Several consonant-dependent differences appear to be of universal validity, i.e., a trend for [E] and [h] to exhibit a more anterior closure location than [c] (perhaps due to manner requirements) or else for [c] and [E] to share a similar place of articulation (presumably for the sake of articulatory economy), and more stability for closures formed at the alveolopalatal zone than at the mediopalate. The three palatal consonants exhibit more overall contact, fronting and duration but also more coarticulation utterance initially than utterance finally (and even intervocalically) thus suggesting that they may blend with the adjacent vowel rather than resisting its influence in the former position while failing to undergo substantial articulatory reduction in the latter. r