INTRODUCTION: SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF REGIONALISM, TRADE, AND INFRASTRUCTURE (original) (raw)
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is an associate research fellow at Ifri's Center for Asian Studies, specializing in Southeast Asian politics, geostrategic affairs and regional integration. She is the author of numerous books and articles, including La Chine e(s)t le monde : essai sur la sinomondialisation (with Emmanuel Dubois de Prisque-Odile Jacob, 2019) and « l'Asie du Sud-Est prise au piège » (Perrin, 2009). She is currently the lead researcher of a work-package on ASEAN in the CRISEA (Competing Regional Integration in Southeast Asia) consortium, an interdisciplinary research project funded by the European Union's Horizon 2020 Framework Program.
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GLOBAL ECONOMIC OBSERVER vol 7 no 1, 2019
In contrast with countries such as the United States, Japan, India and Australia (the Indo-Pacific Quad), the ASEAN countries are in general in favour of a consolidated cooperation with China in the framework of the BRI. In spite of the territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea, they put their own economic development first, for which China is a relevant partner. They have a pro-growth and pro-development agenda and need additional resources to finance the implementation of their national development and modernisation plans. In general, they follow their national interest and have the ability to negotiate with strong partners, even with China. They support the BRI as a multilateral initiative led by multiple actors, are members of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and are currently negotiating/implementing projects under the BRI. Bearing in mind these arguments, the present paper has as main goal an overview of China's relations with its ASEAN neighbours under the impact of the BRI.
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The Belt and Road Initiative, first English translation namely, "One Belt One Road", has brought a lot of misinterpretations, because the partners tend to focus much more the word "one", assuming that there is only one maritime route and a single land belt. But for real, "The Belt and Road Initiative" aims to connect Asia, Europe and Africa along five routes. So, the Chinese government decided to change the name of its epic initiative to wrap up the Eurasian supercontinent and Africa with an array of trade corridors like the laces running around the world. Since 2009, China has been ASEAN's largest trading partner, and since 2011 ASEAN has been China's third-largest trading partner. Given the vitality of the economic stability of the ASEAN states to China, considering the geographical proximity of the region, a key priority of the BRI is ASEAN's burgeoning economies. Alongside the AEC, the BRI will further integrate the growing regional community through developing infrastructures in the region and improve its trading policies. The BRI will also provide a pathway for China to bolster its relations with the ASEAN nations economically. The implementation of the Belt and Road agenda requires a high level of cooperation and understanding between and among ASEAN states and China. Alongside the strict enforcement of policies and analysis of risks and prospect, this would lead to bolstered economic development and linkages between Southeast Asia and China.
Introduction to the Special Issue—China’s Belt and Road Initiative: the View from East Asia
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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), formerly known as One Belt One Road (OBOR), has emerged as one of the top priorities for Chinese President Xi Jinping ever since he unveiled the initiative in 2013. This special issue surveys the reception of BRI in East Asia. As China's immediate neighborhood, this region will play an important role in determining whether Beijing's signature project will succeed in the mid-to long term. However, research has thus far mostly focused on BRI's reception in Central Asia and (Eastern) Europe. In this introduction, we first provide an overview of the literature by identifying three main strands of interpretation on BRI, namely those focusing on geoeconomics, on geopolitics, and on international norms as well as order. Next, we provide a review of the contemporary research on both Southeast Asian and Northeast Asian perceptions of and policy responses to BRI. Finally, we discuss research gaps in the literature and provide an overview of case studies and findings in this special issue. We conclude by identifying recurring themes and characteristics in East Asian responses to BRI.
China's Belt and Road Initiative: The View from East Asia
East Asia, 2019
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), formerly known as One Belt One Road (OBOR), has emerged as one of the top priorities for Chinese President Xi Jinping ever since he unveiled the initiative in 2013. This special issue surveys the reception of BRI in East Asia. As China's immediate neighborhood, this region will play an important role in determining whether Beijing's signature project will succeed in the mid-to long term. However, research has thus far mostly focused on BRI's reception in Central Asia and (Eastern) Europe. In this introduction, we first provide an overview of the literature by identifying three main strands of interpretation on BRI, namely those focusing on geoeconomics, on geopolitics, and on international norms as well as order. Next, we provide a review of the contemporary research on both Southeast Asian and Northeast Asian perceptions of and policy responses to BRI. Finally, we discuss research gaps in the literature and provide an overview of case studies and findings in this special issue. We conclude by identifying recurring themes and characteristics in East Asian responses to BRI.
China and the BRI: Challenges and Opportunities for Southeast Asia
Pramod Jaiswal & Deepak Prakash Bhatt (eds.). Rebalancing Asia. The Belt and Road Initiative and Indo-Pacific Strategy, 2021
Since Xi Jinping's unveiling, in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn remarkable global attention, raising polarized judgements about China's ambitions. A number of countries and institutions enthusiastically considered the BRI as a valuable infrastructural and economic contribution that would enhance connectivity among Eurasian countries; on the other hand, critics viewed the BRI as part of Beijing's effort to gain global influence, especially within its neighborhood. Chinese policymakers have considered Southeast Asia as a critical region for the success of the BRI, mainly because of the geographical proximity as well as the strong economic ties with both individual states and the ASEAN. In Southeast Asian states' view, however, the BRI still presents a mixed picture of opportunities and challenges. Despite the clear appeal the BRI has to both democratic and authoritarian leaders in the region, especially at a time of economic uncertainty-fueled by unhelpful actions by the United States (withdrawal from the TPP and the trade war against Beijing)-concerns remain. Potential overdependence on China, the BRI's financial sustainability and negative popular perceptions about Beijing within certain Southeast Asian countries, all contribute to nurture caution in the region. The paper aims at showing how the implementation of the BRI will likely enhance China's influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, whereas the establishment of a renovated Sinocentric system is far from certain, this study sheds light on the challenges and opportunities the BRI is determining upon Southeast Asian countries and their relationship with Beijing. This article reflects the joint outcome of the efforts of both authors. In practice, though, AA wrote the sections "Introduction" and "Southeast Asia and the BRI: A Chinese Perspective," whereas AF wrote the sections "The Unraveling of the BRI in Southeast Asia" and "A Long Way Ahead for the BRI." We are aware it may sound quite odd, but it is required by the Italian Agency for the Evaluation of the Academic System and Research (ANVUR) for co-authored articles to be eligible for evaluation. For this reason, it is important that the footnote be included.