Andar Nubowo | École Normale Supérieure de Lyon (original) (raw)

Papers by Andar Nubowo

Muslim Politics Review, Dec 22, 2023

This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the sof... more This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the soft power diplomacy of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia and how they mobilise their vast resources and networks to do so. The nefarious effects of radical extremism have invited the Muslim world, including Indonesia, to revert to the notion of Islamic moderation, a justly balanced Islam (wasatiyyat Islam), and to promote it nationally and globally. In this sense, both state and non-state actors, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have pulled themselves into soft power diplomacy. Drawing upon the lens of soft power and public diplomacy involvement in interests in reinstalling a moderate identity at home and abroad.

détracteurs comme allant à l'encontre de la charia et de l'orthodoxie musulmane 59. Le soufisme p... more détracteurs comme allant à l'encontre de la charia et de l'orthodoxie musulmane 59. Le soufisme panthéiste avait autrefois été le maḏhab officiel du Sultanat. Ses adeptes, tels Kamaluddin Ashi et Saiful Rijal, en avaient ensuite hérité et continué à promouvoir la domination du soufisme waḥdat al-wujûd, influencé par le soufisme d'Ibn Arabi, après la disparition de Fansuri et Sumatrani. Cependant, lorsque Sultan Iskandar II accéda au pouvoir, l'école soufie panthéiste fut remplacée par l'école soufie de la charia propagée par Nuruddin Raniri. Les disciples de Fansuri et Sumatrani, tels que Kamaluddin Ashi, furent condamnés à mort, et leurs livres sur le soufisme panthéiste furent brûlés 60. À la place, l'école soufie chariatique propagée par Nuruddin Raniri, originaire du Gujarat en Inde, devint « une école ou idéologie officielle », à laquelle les politiques religieuses, sociales et politiques de l'État faisaient constamment référence. Cependant, le conflit entre les deux écoles perdura. Sous le règne de Sultane Safiyattudin, veuve d'Iskandar II, en août 1643, Saiful Rijal, disciple de Kamaluddin Ashi, saisit l'opportunité de s'opposer au soufisme de la charia propagé par Raniri. Dans un débat théologique entre les deux courants soufis, Raniri fut vaincu par cheikh Saiful Rijal, ce qui entraîna sa destitution de toutes ses fonctions religieuses 61. Cette querelle entre les deux écoles soufies perdura longtemps, au gré du soutien et de l'intervention du pouvoir politique. Ce conflit religieux et politique fut finalement apaisé par Abdurrauf Sinkili, membre de la confrérie soufie Shattariyah 62. Sous le mandat de la sultanah d'Aceh, Safiyyat al-Din, il a écrit son Mir'at al-Ṭullâb (Miroir des élèves) dans lequel il a cherché une voie médiane entre l'école panthéiste de Hamzah Fansuri et ses disciples et l'école orthodoxes de Raniri. Il a paraphrasé la poésie sur le waḥdat al-wujûd de Hamzah Fansuri sans citer son nom. Mais, il n'a pas contredit les sept grades soufis de Cheikh Burhanpuri, influant le courant soufi panthéiste de Fansuri et Sumatrani refusé par Raniri et ses disciples 63. Au 59. Le soufisme panthéiste (waḥdat al-wujûd) est une doctrine qui affirme que l'homme et l'univers sont des manifestations intégrales de Dieu. Dans cette acception, Dieu est compris comme étant présent et Un avec ses créatures, comme en témoigne la déclaration de Mansur Al-Ḥallâj : « ana al-Haq », je suis la Vérité (Dieu). En plus d'Al-Ḥallâj, ce courant du soufisme se réfère également aux enseignements d'Ibn Arabi concernant le waḥdat al-wujûd et le waḥdat al-adyân, l'unité des religions qui implique une compréhension du pluralisme religieux. Ainsi ces soufis expliquent-ils l'univers en termes d'une série d'émanations néo-platoniciennes et considèrent chacune de ces émanations comme un aspect de Dieu lui-même. Ce sont précisément ces concepts qui ont conduit leurs opposants, parmi lesquels Raniri, à les accuser de panthéisme et donc d'être égarés. Les enseignements et la doctrine de Fansuri et Sumatrani étaient qualifiés d'« hérétiques » ou « hétérodoxes » en opposition au soufisme « orthodoxe » tel qu'incarné par Al-Raniry et Al-Singkili. Voir : Azyumardi Azra.

Muslim Politics Review, 2023

Social Sciences and Missions, Nov 28, 2022

This paper highlights Muhammadiyah's religious and social engagement and praxis in dealing with t... more This paper highlights Muhammadiyah's religious and social engagement and praxis in dealing with the pandemic in Indonesia. As Indonesia's largest modernist Islamic organisation with approximately 30 million members, Muhammadiyah has been challenged to prove its progressive understanding of Islam during the covid-19 pandemic. Since March 2020, the organisation has issued religious fatwas and policies to adjust their worship and social activities during the outbreak. However, conservative elements oppose these fatwas and policies by stating that Covid-19 is a global conspiracy to destroy Islam. Through its networks and resources, Muhammadiyah keeps issuing fatwas to boost public awareness of the virus's dangers and mortality and protect and save lives. Thus, the paper seeks to discover why and how the organisation adopts new practices in their rituals and new sites of worship and, at the same time, fights against religious ignorance and hoaxes around the Covid-19. It also seeks to determine how Muhammadiyah mobilises its networks and resources to deal with the outbreak and opposition. Finally, it examines the organisation's relationship with state and nonstate actors, nationally and internationally, to face the impacts of such a contagious virus. Drawing upon Muhammadiyah's official fatwas, policies, statements, and socioreligious praxis, this paper finds that Muhammadiyah's social mission, caring, and engagement during the pandemic are based on its progressive and rational belief system.

Jurnal Keamanan Nasional, 2015

Problem utama yang didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini adalah hubungan Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesi... more Problem utama yang didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini adalah hubungan Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan perspektif historis, hubungan Islam dan Pancasila mengalami perdebatan, sebagian kelompok menghendaki pancasila tidak bisa dijadikan dasar negara dan kelompok yang lain menerima pancasila sebagai dasar negara. Dalam pandangan penulis, kelompok yang tidak bisa menerima pancasila sebagai dasar negara masih ada di era reformasi. Hal ini nampak dalam beberapa gerakan ormas atau partai politik yang masih secara masif kampanye anti pancasila dan pada titik tertentu menggunakan cara-cara kekerasan. Proyek politik anti pancasila ini yang oleh penulis disebut dengan nalar syariatik yang hanya bersifat utopia.Kata kunci: Islam, Pancasila, Syari’ah dan Demokrasi

Journal of Asian Social Science Research, 2(2), 109-134, 2020

It has been admitted that the 212 movements constituted not only a socio-religious driving force ... more It has been admitted that the 212 movements constituted not only a socio-religious driving force but also a political one in contemporary Indonesia. In the 2019 presidential election, conservative Islamic camps that had anger and resentments toward President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) as he was regarded incapable of solving crises and keen on discriminating against Islam and ulama came up together to win Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno. Based on qualitative field research in some areas of Indonesia, this article analyses the diffusion of some Islamic groups with their grand narratives and discourses, and their involvement in Prabowo-Sandiaga's campaign, considered as a fast track of establishing a utopia of the imagined ummah (united Muslim community). In the light of an Islamic activism and social movement theory, it concludes that such a political crossover is a kind of new Islamic activism and social movement. It has not been merely rooted in a conservative outlook of Islam, but also in their dissatisfaction and contention over Jokowi's social and economic policies. This kind of new Islamic social movement would affect contemporary Indonesian religious and political realms.

RSIS Commentary

Indonesians are well-aware of the de facto alliance between presidential contender Prab... more Indonesians are well-aware of the de facto alliance between presidential contender Prabowo Subianto and some Islamist groups. What are the likely effects of religious factors on the 2019 presidential election and how will they shape the future of Indonesian Islam?

Despite Indonesia’s reputation for a traditionally moderate brand of Islam, religious conservativ... more Despite Indonesia’s reputation for a traditionally moderate brand of Islam, religious conservativism is gaining considerable political traction in the lead up to this April’s presidential election.

RSIS Commentary , 2019

The 212 movements of pious Muslims are not just a Javanese phenomenon. In the outer provinces in ... more The 212 movements of pious Muslims are not just a Javanese phenomenon. In the outer provinces in West Sumatra, North Sumatra, South Sulawesi and North Sulawesi, the 212 grand narratives influence local Muslim voters in determining their vote. What are the prominent narratives and issues influencing Muslim voters during the ongoing presidential election?

In the face of rising conservatism, President Jokowi recently launched a new endeavour to promote... more In the face of rising conservatism, President Jokowi recently launched a new endeavour to promote “moderation in Islam” both domestically and internationally. Can Indonesia be a power house for promoting ‘smiling’ Islam internationally?

Kunjungan Presiden Joko “Jokowi” Widodo pada 26-29 Januari 2018 ke Pakistan, Bangladesh, dan Afgh... more Kunjungan Presiden Joko “Jokowi” Widodo pada 26-29 Januari 2018 ke Pakistan, Bangladesh, dan Afghanistan memiliki makna penting bagi Islam (moderat) Indonesia. Di Bangladesh, Jokowi didamping Menlu Retno Marsudi mengunjungi kamp pengungsian Muslim Rohingya di Cox’s Bazar Bangladesh. Di Pakistan dan Afghanistan, Jokowi menyatakan pentingnya peningkatan hubungan bilateral dan kerja sama strategis di bidang bisnis, ekonomi, politik dan penuntasan konflik dan perdamaian dunia. Pakistan, Afghanistan dan Bangladesh adalah negara berpenduduk mayoritas Muslim.
Seperti Indonesia, negara di Asia Selatan tersebut juga tengah menghadapi isu radikalisme, terorisme, dan ekstrimisme yang mengganggu kesejahteraan dan perdamaian. Kekerasan di Indonesia, apatah lagi, seringkali dilekat-hubungkan dengan ekstrimisme global, terutama di Afghanistan atau Pakistan. Presiden meyakini, untuk menciptakan dunia yang aman dan damai dari ancaman dan ketakutan, Indonesia perlu membangun sinergi dan kolaborasi strategis dan taktis dengan negara (Muslim) lainnya.

Dalam Pidato Kuncinya pada Konferensi Tingkat Tinggi (KTT) Ulama dan Cendekiawan Dunia Muslim ten... more Dalam Pidato Kuncinya pada Konferensi Tingkat Tinggi (KTT) Ulama dan Cendekiawan Dunia Muslim tentang Wasathiyyat Islam 1-3 Mei lalu, Presiden Joko “Jokowi” Widodo mengajak ulama bersatu untuk membentuk Poros Wasathiyah Islam Dunia. Jokowi meyakini Islam moderat dapat menciptakan dunia aman dan berkeadilan.
Melengkapi inisiatif Al-Azhar University Kairo Mesir, Pangeran Ghazi bin Talal dari Yordania, dan negara Muslim lainnya, KTT Wasathiyyat Islam yang dipimpin Utusan Khusus Presiden untuk Dialog dan Kerjasama Antar Agama dan Peradaban (UKP-DKAAP), Din Syamsuddin, melahirkan Bogor Message/Risalatu Bogor yang menjadi landasan bagi pembentukan Poros Islam Moderat.

Synopsis Ostensibly a champion of moderate Islam in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah is itself challenged ... more Synopsis Ostensibly a champion of moderate Islam in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah is itself challenged by a growing conservatism in Indonesian politics. How should Indonesia's second largest Muslim organisation cope with this turn towards conservatism? Commentary THE MYRIAD voices found within various quarters in Muhammadiyah in response to the blasphemy case of Jakarta's vice-governor Basuki Tjahaya Purnama (also known as Ahok) has shown that the second largest Islamic organisation in Indonesia is not a monolithic entity. Ahok, the former vice-governor with a good track-record, found himself mired in controversy when he was shown on video making references to a Quranic verse in 2016. He was subsequently accused of blasphemy by Islamic hardliners and eventually jailed by the authorities for two years.

Abstrak Problem utama yang didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini adalah hubungan Islam dan Pancasila di ... more Abstrak Problem utama yang didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini adalah hubungan Islam dan Pancasila di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan perspektif historis, hubungan Islam dan Pancasila mengalami perdebatan, sebagian kelompok menghendaki pancasila tidak bisa dijadikan dasar negara dan kelompok yang lain menerima pancasila sebagai dasar negara. Dalam pandangan penulis, kelompok yang tidak bisa menerima pancasila sebagai dasar negara masih ada di era reformasi. Hal ini nampak dalam beberapa gerakan ormas atau partai politik yang masih secara masif kampanye anti pancasila dan pada titik tertentu menggunakan cara-cara kekerasan. Proyek politik anti pancasila ini yang oleh penulis disebut dengan nalar syariatik yang hanya bersifat utopia. Kata kunci: Islam, Pancasila, Syari'ah dan Demokrasi

This article analyzes three Régis Blachère’s major theses pertaining to codification and promulga... more This article analyzes three Régis Blachère’s major theses pertaining to codification and promulgation of Mushaf ‘Utsmani (Utsmanic Manuscript) based on the assumption that codification of the Quranic texts is a historical event that needs to be examined through internal and external historicism approach. This articel argues that Blachère’s arguments about the political motives behind the codification of Mushaf ‘Utsmani is not based on a solid historical argument: his fault in presenting historical chronology of the codification of the Qur’an, his weakness in combining or compromising (talfiq) conflicting historical naratives, as well as his unobjetive in examining sources that he refers to. Therefore, the idea to reconstruct the critical edition of the Qur’an—which is influenced by Blachère theses, is hard to accomplish due to the absence of other authentic sources subsequent to abolition of non- Utsmanic Manuscripts. Keywords: the Qur’an, codification, Utsmanic Manuscript, Exegesis.