patchwork of conservative farming communities and liberal-leaning cities east of San Jose, is nearly 45 percent Latino. Democrats have a slight registration edge, but have posted underwhelming results among Latinos in our polling so far.">

Midterm Election Poll: California’s 10th District, Denham vs. Harder (original) (raw)

Our poll shows a close race.

But remember: It’s just one poll, and we talked to only 501 people. Each candidate’s total could easily be five points different if we polled everyone in the district. And having a small sample is only one possible source of error.

Where we called:

Each dot shows one of the 25803 calls we made.

Vote choice: Dem. Rep. Don’t know Didn’t answer

To preserve privacy, exact addresses have been concealed. The locations shown here are approximate.

Explore the 2016 election in detail with this interactive map.

About the race

Other organizations’ ratings:

Previous election results:

2016 President +3 Clinton
2012 President +4 Obama
2016 House +3 Rep.

It’s generally best to look at a single poll in the context of other polls:

Polls Dates Harder Denham Margin
UC Berkeley n = 726 lv Sept. 16-23 50% 45% Harder +5
Garin-Hart-Yang Research Group (D.) 501 lv June 27-July 1 48% 48% Even

How our poll result changed

As we reach more people, our poll will become more stable and the margin of sampling error will shrink. The changes in the timeline below reflect that sampling error, not real changes in the race.

One reason we’re doing these surveys live is so you can see the uncertainty for yourself.

If sampling error were the only type of error in a poll, we would expect candidates who trail by two points in a poll of 501 people to win about four out of every 13 races. But this probably understates the total error by a factor of two.

Our turnout model

There’s a big question on top of the standard margin of error in a poll: Who is going to vote? It’s a particularly challenging question this year, since special elections have shown Democrats voting in large numbers.

To estimate the likely electorate, we combine what people say about how likely they are to vote with information about how often they have voted in the past. In previous races, this approach has been more accurate than simply taking people at their word. But there are many other ways to do it.

Assumptions about who is going to vote may be particularly important in this race.

Our poll under different turnout scenarios
Who will vote? Est. turnout Our poll result
The types of people who voted in 2014 150k Denham +1
People whose voting history suggests they will vote, regardless of what they say 167k Harder +3
Our estimate 168k Harder +2
People who say they will vote, adjusted for past levels of truthfulness 183k Harder +4
People who say they are almost certain to vote, and no one else 216k Harder +6
The types of people who voted in 2016 230k Denham +1
Every active registered voter 334k Harder +9

All estimates based on 501 interviews

In these scenarios, higher turnout tends to be better for Democrats.

The types of people we reached

Even if we got turnout exactly right, the margin of error wouldn’t capture all of the error in a poll. The simplest version assumes we have a perfect random sample of the voting population. We do not.

People who respond to surveys are almost always too old, too white, too educated and too politically engaged to accurately represent everyone.

How successful we were in reaching different kinds of voters
Called Inter-viewed Successrate Ourrespon­ses Goal
18 to 29 2213 42 1 in 53 8% 11%
30 to 64 13808 271 1 in 51 54% 57%
65 and older 5383 188 1 in 29 38% 32%
Male 8478 235 1 in 36 47% 47%
Female 12934 266 1 in 49 53% 53%
White 11230 306 1 in 37 61% 59%
Nonwhite 8883 161 1 in 55 32% 34%
Cell 14636 340 1 in 43 68%
Landline 6776 161 1 in 42 32%

Based on administrative records. Some characteristics are missing or incorrect. Many voters are called multiple times.

Pollsters compensate by giving more weight to respondents from under-represented groups.

Here, we’re weighting by age, party registration, gender, likelihood of voting, race, education and region, mainly using data from voting records files compiled by L2, a nonpartisan voter file vendor.

But weighting works only if you weight by the right categories and you know what the composition of the electorate will be. In 2016, many pollsters didn’t weight by education and overestimated Hillary Clinton’s standing as a result.

Here are other common ways to weight a poll:

Our poll under different weighting schemes
Our poll result
Don’t weight by party registration, like most public polls Harder +4
Our estimate Harder +2
Weight using census data instead of voting records, like most public polls Harder +2
Don’t weight by education, like many polls in 2016 Harder +1

All estimates based on 501 interviews

Just because one candidate leads in all of these different weighting scenarios doesn’t mean much by itself. They don’t represent the full range of possible weighting scenarios, let alone the full range of possible election results.

Undecided voters

About 8 percent of voters said that they were undecided or refused to tell us whom they would vote for.

Issues and other questions

Do you approve or disapprove of the job Donald Trump is doing as president?
Approve Disapp. Don’t know
Voters n = 501 45% 49% 6%
Would you prefer Republicans to retain control of the House of Representatives or would you prefer Democrats to take control?
Reps. keep House Dems. take House Don’t know
Voters n = 501 47% 47% 6%

Percentages are weighted to resemble likely voters.

What different types of voters said

Voters nationwide are deeply divided along demographic lines. Our poll suggests divisions too. But don’t overinterpret these tables. Results among subgroups may not be representative or reliable. Be especially careful with groups with fewer than 100 respondents, shown here in stripes.

Gender
Dem. Rep. Und.
Female n = 266 / 53% of voters 54% 37% 9%
Male 235 / 47% 40% 54% 6%
Age
Dem. Rep. Und.
18 to 29 n = 43 / 10% of voters 69% 23% 8%
30 to 44 98 / 20% 47% 46% 7%
45 to 64 177 / 38% 42% 50% 8%
65 and older 183 / 32% 46% 45% 9%
Race
Dem. Rep. Und.
White n = 298 / 58% of voters 36% 56% 8%
Black 24 / 5% 84% 14% 2%
Hispanic 115 / 24% 66% 25% 9%
Asian 18 / 4% 54% 40% 6%
Other 27 / 5% 59% 32% 9%
Race and education
Dem. Rep. Und.
Nonwhite n = 184 / 39% of voters 66% 26% 8%
White, college grad 115 / 16% 45% 48% 7%
White, not college grad 183 / 42% 33% 60% 8%
Education
Dem. Rep. Und.
H.S. Grad. or Less n = 78 / 30% of voters 53% 37% 10%
Some College Educ. 230 / 41% 42% 52% 7%
4-year College Grad. 109 / 18% 51% 41% 8%
Post-grad. 79 / 9% 47% 47% 6%
Party
Dem. Rep. Und.
Democrat n = 172 / 34% of voters 89% 6% 5%
Republican 167 / 34% 5% 90% 5%
Independent 139 / 27% 52% 37% 11%
Another party 13 / 2% 26% 68% 6%
Party registration
Dem. Rep. Und.
Democratic n = 206 / 40% of voters 80% 9% 11%
Republican 193 / 39% 10% 87% 3%
Other 102 / 20% 54% 35% 11%
Intention of voting
Dem. Rep. Und.
Already voted n = 164 / 33% of voters 48% 45% 7%
Almost certain 201 / 41% 47% 46% 8%
Very likely 111 / 22% 47% 46% 7%
Somewhat likely 10 / 2% 65% 23% 13%
Not very likely 6 / 1% 14% 49% 37%
Not at all likely 4 / 0% 78% 22%

Percentages are weighted to resemble likely voters; the number of respondents in each subgroup is unweighted. Undecided voters includes those who refused to answer.

Other districts where we’ve completed polls

California 48 Orange County Sept. 4-6
Illinois 12 Downstate Illinois Sept. 4-6
Illinois 6 Chicago suburbs Sept. 4-6
Kentucky 6 Lexington area Sept. 6-8
Minnesota 3 Minneapolis suburbs Sept. 7-9
Minnesota 8 Iron Range Sept. 6-9
West Virginia 3 Coal Country Sept. 8-10
Virginia 7 Richmond suburbs Sept. 9-12
Texas 23 South Texas Sept. 10-11
Wisconsin 1 Southeastern Wisconsin Sept. 11-13
Colorado 6 Denver Suburbs Sept. 12-14
Maine 2 Upstate, Down East Maine Sept. 12-14
Kansas 2 Eastern Kansas Sept. 13-15
Florida 26 South Florida Sept. 13-17
New Mexico 2 Southern New Mexico Sept. 13-18
Texas 7 Houston and suburbs Sept. 14-18
California 25 Southern California Sept. 17-19
New Jersey 7 Suburban New Jersey Sept. 17-21
Iowa 1 Northeastern Iowa Sept. 18-20
California 49 Southern California Sept. 18-23
Texas 32 Suburban Dallas Sept. 19-24
Pennsylvania 7 The Lehigh Valley Sept. 21-25
Kansas 3 Eastern Kansas suburbs Sept. 20-23
California 45 Southern California Sept. 21-25
New Jersey 3 South, central New Jersey Sept. 22-26
Nebraska 2 Omaha area Sept. 23-26
Washington 8 Seattle suburbs and beyond Sept. 24-26
Michigan 8 Lansing, Detroit suburbs Sept. 28-Oct. 3
Virginia 2 Coastal Virginia Sept. 26-Oct. 1
Arizona 2 Southeastern Arizona Sept. 26-Oct. 1
Iowa 3 Southwest Iowa Sept. 27-30
Ohio 1 Southwestern Ohio Sept. 27-Oct. 1
Minnesota 2 Minneapolis suburbs, southern Minn. Sept. 29-Oct. 2
Michigan 11 Detroit suburbs Oct. 1-6
Illinois 14 Chicago exurbs Oct. 3-8
North Carolina 9 Charlotte suburbs, southern N.C. Oct. 1-5
New York 1 Eastern Long Island Oct. 4-8
Texas 31 Central Texas, Round Rock Oct. 1-5
North Carolina 13 Piedmont Triad Oct. 3-8
Pennsylvania 16 Northwestern Pa. Oct. 5-8
Texas Senate The Lone Star State Oct. 8-11
Tennessee Senate The Volunteer State Oct. 8-11
Nevada Senate The Silver State Oct. 8-10
Pennsylvania 1 Delaware Valley Oct. 11-14
Arizona 6 Northeastern Phoenix suburbs Oct. 11-15
Minnesota 8 Iron Range Oct. 11-14
Virginia 10 Northern Virginia Oct. 11-15
Colorado 6 Denver Suburbs Oct. 13-17
Washington 3 Southwest Washington Oct. 14-19
Texas 23 South Texas Oct. 13-18
West Virginia 3 Coal Country Oct. 14-18
Kansas 3 Eastern Kansas suburbs Oct. 14-17
Arizona Senate The Grand Canyon State Oct. 15-19
Florida 27 South Florida Oct. 15-19
Maine 2 Upstate, Down East Maine Oct. 15-18
New Jersey 11 Northern New Jersey suburbs. Oct. 13-17
Pennsylvania 8 Wyoming Valley Oct. 16-19
Florida 15 Tampa Exurbs Oct. 16-19
Virginia 5 Central, southern Virginia Oct. 16-22
California 39 East of Los Angeles Oct. 18-23
Illinois 12 Downstate Illinois Oct. 18-22
Virginia 2 Coastal Virginia Oct. 18-22
California 49 Southern California Oct. 19-24
Florida 26 South Florida Oct. 19-24
Texas 7 Houston and suburbs Oct. 19-25
Illinois 13 Downstate Illinois Oct. 21-25
New Mexico 2 Southern New Mexico Oct. 19-23
Illinois 6 Chicago suburbs Oct. 20-26
Ohio 1 Southwestern Ohio Oct. 20-24
California 10 Central Valley farm belt Oct. 21-25
New Jersey 3 South, central New Jersey Oct. 21-25
Pennsylvania 10 South, central Pennsylvania Oct. 23-26
New York 11 Staten Island, southern Brooklyn Oct. 23-27
Florida Senate The Sunshine State Oct. 23-27
Florida Governor The Sunshine State Oct. 23-27
Utah 4 South of Salt Lake City Oct. 24-26
New York 27 Western New York Oct. 24-29
Iowa 3 Southwest Iowa Oct. 25-27
California 25 Southern California Oct. 25-28
California 45 Southern California Oct. 26-Nov. 1
Pennsylvania 1 Delaware Valley Oct. 26-29
North Carolina 9 Charlotte suburbs, southern N.C. Oct. 26-30
Kansas 2 Eastern Kansas Oct. 27-30
New Jersey 7 Suburban New Jersey Oct. 28-31
Georgia 6 Northern Atlanta suburbs Oct. 28-Nov. 4
Iowa 1 Northeastern Iowa Oct. 28-31
Texas 32 Suburban Dallas Oct. 29-Nov. 4
California 48 Orange County Oct. 29-Nov. 4
Virginia 7 Richmond suburbs Oct. 30-Nov. 4
Illinois 14 Chicago exurbs Oct. 31-Nov. 4
Washington 8 Seattle suburbs and beyond Oct. 30-Nov. 4
Iowa 4 Northwestern Iowa Oct. 31-Nov. 4
Michigan 8 Lansing, Detroit suburbs Oct. 31-Nov. 4
Kentucky 6 Lexington area Nov. 1-4
New York 19 Catskills, Hudson Valley Nov. 1-4
New York 22 Central New York Nov. 1-4

About this poll

This survey was conducted by The New York Times Upshot and Siena College.

Siena College Research Institute logo

Data collection by Reconnaissance Market Research, M. Davis and Company, the Institute for Policy and Opinion Research at Roanoke College, the Survey Research Center at the University of Waterloo, the University of North Florida and the Siena College Research Institute.

By Michael Andre, Larry Buchanan, Matthew Bloch, Jeremy Bowers, Nate Cohn, Alastair Coote, Annie Daniel, Richard Harris, Josh Katz, Rebecca Lieberman, Blacki Migliozzi, Paul Murray, Adam Pearce, Kevin Quealy, Eden Weingart and Isaac White