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All Azimuth 12.1 by All Azimuth : A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace Research

All Azimuth , 2023

This essay is based on the author's long-time observation of the International Relations discipli... more This essay is based on the author's long-time observation of the International Relations discipline and the repeated crises it has experienced. The piece identifies 'event-drivenness' as the structural reason behind these crises, in other words, the course of the discipline naturally follows global IR events and, depending on how transformative these events are, when responding to them, is more likely to fall into an existential crisis-with the most recent one being potentially fatal. By discussing in detail the a) science-statecraft relationship; b) scholar-practitioner disconnect; c) distortion of theories by scholars and practitioners; d) paradoxical relationship between rationality and irrationality; and e) theory-practice disconnect, the essay seeks to operationalize these crisisgenerated processes when responding to major events. In order to show these crisis generation processes in detail, it uses the theories of political realism and, to a lesser degree, classical liberalism, as case reflections. As a possible solution to the reciprocal condescension between scholarship (theory-making) and statecraft (practice), the essay proposes a "Clausewitzian" modus vivendi that aims at creating a culture of synthesis between the presumed producers and consumers of IR knowledge.

This study examines the usage of non-Western theories in research and education by International ... more This study examines the usage of non-Western theories in research and education by International Relations (IR) scholars in Turkey. Our primary purpose is to understand the level of engagement with the non-Western IR debate, with its prospects and variations, in Turkish academia, and to evaluate the familiarity of Turkish IR scholars from different schools with non-Western IR theories. Relevant data were obtained from a questionnaire with 47 items designed to let participants, consisting of 116 academicians at IR departments from 57 Turkish Universities, provide their teaching experiences, views, and perceptions concerning non-Western IR Theory. While our findings based on this data confirm the literature on the scarcity of non-Western theories in Turkish IR scholarship, we have also furthered it with many details. Firstly, according to the findings, respondents who study and teach IR Theory at Turkish universities think that the IR theories of Western origin dominating the literature are not universal or objective in terms of their function as interpreters of IR issues. But interestingly, those considerations direct scholars to Western critical IR Theory schools rather than non-Western theories. The other key conclusion of this study confirms our expectations. The thoughts, concepts and theories emanating from the Turkish-Islamic world have much more recognition than other non-Western IR theories among Turkish IR scholars.

The essay addresses an outsider's perception of the characteristics and dynamics of the IR field/... more The essay addresses an outsider's perception of the characteristics and dynamics of the IR field/discipline in Turkey. How may this country serve as a role model or, at the very least, as a source of inspiration, reflection, or evaluation of the field's development in other local/national settings? In this respect, Greece is chosen as a case study. Βy addressing and assessing Turkish self-reflection and the search for disciplinary identity within Turkish IR scholarship, what can be learned, on behalf of Greek IR scholarship, regarding both Greece's and Turkey's social scientific development regarding foreign affairs/policy? A major theme discovered is the acknowledgement of the limitations of the dependency/vulnerability-centered explanations for the development of IR.

This article aims at evaluating three International Relations (IR) journals in Turkey, namely, Al... more This article aims at evaluating three International Relations (IR) journals in Turkey, namely, All Azimuth, Insight Turkey, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi. The scholarly contributions of these three journals to Turkish IR is worthy of exploration since together they constitute 'the mainstream' of Turkish IR journals. To this end, this article applies a bibliometric analysis in surveying all three journals' publication records in order to provide a general picture of the field in the last decade. When we consider an evaluation of the Turkish IR community, these three journals are also important and represent different subgroups and interests among Turkish IR scholars. The field orientations and organization of the IR discipline in a given country may be understood by studying the leading journals of the field in that country. With this assumption in mind, this paper attempts to distinguish certain characteristic differences and similarities among these three journals by surveying their materials and authorships using comparative bibliometric analysis. While there are several articles in the literature that discuss the contents of these publications, no comparative bibliometric analysis has ever been conducted on them.

All Azimuth, 2023

The oceans and seas cover 72% of the Earth’s surface, and 85% of global trade is done by maritime... more The oceans and seas cover 72% of the Earth’s surface, and 85% of global trade is done by maritime transportation. Moreover, 40% of the world’s population lives on or near coastlines. Also, the oceans play a crucial role in Earth’s biosphere. Recently, by desalination techniques, the seas have become a potable water resource. Therefore, one can say that the oceans and seas are indispensable for mankind. However, international disputes and collaboration efforts between states regarding the seas are not widely studied by scholars of international relations (IR). This can be referred to as sea blindness, and it may be defined as an inability to appreciate the importance of seas and naval power, particularly with regards to strategic security and economic prosperity. A country with sea blindness is not aware of maritime supremacy as an important foreign policy tool. Similarly, IR scholars mostly focus on land conflicts and not on sea issues when they study international politics. This is particularly true in Turkish IR literature as issues on land are again the focus areas for Turkish scholars. In this context, this article makes an analysis of the articles in peer-reviewed journals and books published by well-known publishers in Turkey, providing statistics about the issues covered. Also, for comparison, major political science and IR journals published abroad are analyzed with regards to publications related to the seas. This statistical analysis elucidates whether there is sea blindness in Turkish IR literature. The number of articles and books that cover the seas as crucial study areas of IR in Turkey, as well as their broad focus areas and perspectives, are revealed by this study.

All Azimuth, 2023

Dissertations are among the most important elements of academic production, along with scientific... more Dissertations are among the most important elements of academic production, along with scientific research articles and books. They not only reveal an academic's field of research, but also provide clues as to what research methods and tools scholars will employ in postdoctoral studies. Moreover, and crucial to this paper, they are important indicators of the trajectory of research fields, as well as their general roles in the academic world. This study aims to reveal general trends/indicators in Turkish International Relations (hereafter IR) dissertations through an analysis of IR dissertations written in various Turkish universities between 2000 and 2020. There is a rather widespread claim among IR academics in Turkey that this particular community largely contributes to the Western-oriented discipline of IR as local or regional experts, dealing mainly with Turkish foreign policy and regional problems rather than with theoretical concerns in IR. A further aim of this study is to test whether this claim remains valid with the analysis of recent IR dissertations produced in Turkish universities.

Since the first translation of the concept of civilization into Turkish as “medeniyet” in 1837 by... more Since the first translation of the concept of civilization into Turkish as “medeniyet” in 1837 by Sadık Rıfat Pasha, the then Ottoman Ambassador to Vienna, this coinage has turned out to be an essential component of Turkish modernization. This paper aims to establish a genealogy of the concept of “medeniyet” to demonstrate the divergences of Ottoman perceptions in different periods throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It argues that civilization was first perceived by a group of Ottoman intellectuals as a tool to reach an ideal state of being (c. 1840-1860). The next generation of Ottoman intellectuals (c. 1860-1890) defined civilization as “the” ideal state of being, yet they had different views on the concept, particularly concerning the distinction between material and moral elements of civilization. Finally, the third generation of Ottoman intellectuals (c. 1890-1920), whose thoughts were more or less crystallized under three broad political currents labeled as Westernism, Islamism, and Turkism, had different and sometimes contradicting perceptions of civilization based on their political outlooks. By referring to the writings of these intellectuals, the paper will discuss central debates on civilization in the late Ottoman Empire, such as the singularity/plurality of civilization(s), the existence of Islamic civilization as an alternative to European civilization, the degree of importing from European civilization, and the distinction between culture and civilization. Moreover, it argues that the Turkish perception of “medeniyet” is different from the European perception of “civilization”; in other words, while the Ottoman perception of the concept of civilization is not homeborn, it is homegrown. Accordingly, Ottoman intellectuals not only divided the material and moral elements of civilization and opted for importing the former, but they also questioned the singularity and supremacy of European civilization by referring to “Islamic civilization” either as an extinct yet once-present form of civilization or as a potential rival to European civilization.

All Azimuth 9.1 by All Azimuth : A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace Research

All Azimuth, 2020

This paper analyzes recommendations made to states under the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) Univer... more This paper analyzes recommendations made to states under the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in order to determine whether or not the UPR is making meaningful recommendations to states under review. The UPR reviews the human rights of all UN Member States every four years. During the review, each state receives a number of recommendations from other UN member states. This paper uses data from UPR Info to determine if states with better human rights performance as measured by the CIRI human rights data project receive fewer recommendations than states with worse performance. It finds that, even when controlling for other factors, states with worse records on civil and political rights generally receive more recommendations than states with better records. States with lower scores from CIRI on women's economic and political rights receive more recommendations regarding women's issues than states with higher scores. These findings hold regardless of region, suggesting that, at a minimum, the UPR process is identifying violators of human rights.

All Azimuth, 2020

The spread of intrastate war has gained increasing prominence, especially in the recent past. Thi... more The spread of intrastate war has gained increasing prominence, especially in the recent past. This paper studies the spread of intrastate war as a result of another intrastate war in a neighboring country using a system dynamics modeling approach. The model employed is a modification of the SIR, a spread of disease model taken from epidemiology. Revising the SIR model with relevant political and economic variables, the model seeks to explain the mechanism through which an intrastate conflict is spread from an "infected" country to a "susceptible" country. Although diffusion and contagion of civil wars have been widely examined in the past, a dynamic modeling approach has not been adequately used in this area. Consistent with the existing literature, the results of the model suggest that refugees are a means to carry the conflict disease from the initial country by disturbing economic and social dynamics of the host whereas political capacity acts as the immune system, reducing the likelihood of conflict contagion. The results of the simulations, obtained using theoretical parameters, are mainly consistent with the expectations.

Since the end of the Cold War, advanced democracies have enacted explicit strategies of democracy... more Since the end of the Cold War, advanced democracies have enacted explicit strategies of democracy promotion by providing assistance to governments, political parties, and other non-governmental groups and organizations all over the world. This paper examines the factors shaping European Union democracy aid allocation decisions from 1990-2010, weighing the relative impact of ideational concerns (regime type, human rights) and self-interests (political, security, economic). We argue that EU democracy aid reflects a "democracy-security dilemma" as the EU balances ideational reasons for promoting democracy with concerns over political and economic relationships, regional stability, and security. We test our hypotheses with a series of random effects, generalized least squares and Heckman selection models, which provide support for our argument. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for the impact and explanation of EU democracy promotion policies.

This study aims to evaluate the emergence of the Sykes-Picot order and deconstruct its mythologiz... more This study aims to evaluate the emergence of the Sykes-Picot order and deconstruct its mythologization by proposing an evolutionary assessment of border understanding. This study addresses the following primary research questions: How did the interplay of domestic, regional, and international developments lay the groundwork for the formation of the Sykes-Picot territorial order? How was the administrative structure and regional divisions before the Sykes-Picot agreement and to which border categorizations did these structures correspond? Was the Sykes-Picot agreement the only international intervention that affected the borders of the region or were there other international interventions before the Sykes-Picot agreement? This study argues that the history of Middle Eastern border formation is not only an international one but also involves many aspects that have not widely been taken into consideration. In doing so, this paper adopts a critical historical perspective to analyze the evolution of Middle Eastern borders. This paper proposes a three-tracked evolutionary analytical framework (frontiers, boundaries, borders) to analyze the emergence of borders and applies it to the emergence of Ottoman territoriality. This study concludes that the Sykes-Picot agreement is only one, complementary part of a long process in the emergence of Middle Eastern geopolitics.

Growing anti-Western sentiments around the world are currently manifesting themselves through div... more Growing anti-Western sentiments around the world are currently manifesting themselves through divergent ways ranging from peaceful resistance movements to various forms of political violence. In the Middle East, unlike the earlier partially secular and nationalist Cold War anti-Americanism, the current popular anti-Western political movements are heavily equipped with Islamism, which appears to be an all-inclusive ideology and political movement for almost all dissidents. This applies to Turkey as well, despite its relatively long history of secularisation. This research particularly aims therefore to discuss the role of nationalism and Islamism on anti-Western sentiments in Turkish foreign policy through the lens of neo-classical realism and a new, broader conceptual framework: The Western Question. The research examines the contours, contents, and consequences of the problem through comparing two cases, namely the Cyprus problem of the 1970s and the crisis with the West that has surfaced after Turkey's involvement in the Syrian Civil War.

This article argues that there is a close relationship between the structure of the international... more This article argues that there is a close relationship between the structure of the international system/order and how states define their foreign policy interests and then act accordingly. The main contention is that Turkey's foreign policy performance since 2002 can be partially read as Turkey's effort to adapt to external developments at international and regional levels. As the international system has evolved from a unipolar order (in which the United States, in cooperation with its European allies, provided the main public goods in an hegemonic fashion), into a post-unipolar era, Turkey has accelerated its efforts to pursue a more multi-dimensional and multi-directional foreign approach. Rather than arguing that there is a direct causation between the independent variable of systemic factors and the dependent variable of Turkey's foreign policy performance, this article understands the external environment as a 'context' in which Turkish decision makers have responded to Turkey's responses to foreign policy developments.

All Azimuth 8.2 by All Azimuth : A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace Research

All Azimuth, 2019

This article begins with the premise that the International Relations (IR) disciplinary community... more This article begins with the premise that the International Relations (IR) disciplinary community in Turkey has a problem: namely, it has failed to appreciate the importance of methodology. Rather, efforts to develop the local discipline and, subsequently, training within IR departments, have both emphasized 'theory', arguing that it constitutes the best route of elevating local disciplinary scholarship and enabling true dialogue with the core discipline. This article argues that, unfortunately, this focus has at best succeeded in encouraging the importation and assimilation of outside theories, and at worst, has helped to create a shell of a local discipline-ever increasing in size, but not in substance. It goes on to argue that only through development of students' and scholars' methodological competence can Turkish IR gain greater value in the global IR scholarly community, because methodology, its tools and approaches and the expertise needed to apply them in a competent and skilled manner, constitutes the universal common language of an academic discipline, and thus allows for genuine discussions and debates within a disciplinary community.

In this article, I critically evaluate the causal and temporal dimension of social scientific stu... more In this article, I critically evaluate the causal and temporal dimension of social scientific studies focusing on Turkish politics. A very important and yet often neglected aspect of social scientific analysis involves the temporal dimension of causal processes. The temporal dimension of causal processes has direct consequences for operationalization and measurement, and hence it is an essential component of research design. Does the dependent variable (outcome) of interest unfold over the short term or the long term? Do the hypothesized independent variables (causes) unfold over the short term or the long term? Paul Pierson (2004) provided a classification of four types of causality based on the temporal dimension of causes and outcomes using metaphors of natural disasters: tornado, earthquake, meteorite, and global warming. Operationalization and measurement of long term causes and outcomes pose a major challenge, compounded by the challenges of periodization of causes and effects. Unfortunately, a large proportion of the studies of Turkish politics do not have a clearly discernible independent variable (cause) to begin with, and they are thus better characterized as works of "non-causal description." Moreover, many of the studies of Turkish politics tend to imply, but rarely state explicitly, a global warming type of causality (long term cause and long term outcome), which necessitates focusing even more intensively on such challenges of measurement and periodization. Yet the operationalization of the key (dependent and independent) variables is often missing even in articles published in reputable academic journals of Turkish politics and society. In the spirit of constructive criticism, I suggest a number of guidelines for research design in order to address the problems of causality and temporality discussed in this article, including awareness of multi-temporal equifinality.

In this paper, I examine the generation and use of large-N datasets and issues related to operati... more In this paper, I examine the generation and use of large-N datasets and issues related to operationalization and measurement in the quantitative study of interstate and intra-state conflict. Specifically, I critically evaluate the work on transnational dimensions of internal conflict and talk about my own journey related to my research on interactions between states and nonstate armed groups. I address the gaps in existing research, the use of proxy measures in large-N data analysis, and talk in detail about observational data collection and coding. I argue that future research should bridge the gap between studies of conflict across the fields of Comparative Politics and International Relations. I make suggestions laying the standards of academic scholarship in collecting data and increasing transparency in research.

Computational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few... more Computational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few years, owing to the substantial advances in communication technology and daily production of vast quantities of personal data. As per capita data production significantly increased in the last decade, both in terms of its size (bytes) as well as its detail (heartrate monitors, internet-connected appliances, smartphones), social scientists' ability to extract meaningful social, political and demographic information from digital data also increased. A vast methodological gap exists in 'computational international relations', which refers to the use of one or a combination of tools such as data mining, natural language processing, automated text analysis, web scraping, geospatial analysis and machine learning to provide larger and better organized data to test more advanced theories of IR. After providing an overview of the potentials of computational IR and how an IR scholar can establish technical proficiency in computer science (such as starting with Python, R, QGis, ArcGis or Github), this paper will focus on some of the author's works in providing an idea for IR students on how to think about computational IR. The paper argues that computational methods transcend the methodological schism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and form a solid foundation in building truly multi-method research design.

Social media platforms, thanks to their inherent nature of quick and far-reaching dissemination o... more Social media platforms, thanks to their inherent nature of quick and far-reaching dissemination of information, have gradually supplanted the conventional media and become the new loci of political communication. These platforms not only ease and expedite communication among crowds, but also provide researchers huge and easily accessible information. This huge information pool, if it is processed with a systematic analysis, can be a fruitful data source for researchers. Systematic analysis of data from social media, however, poses various challenges for political analysis. Significant advances in automated textual analysis have tried to address such challenges of social media data. This paper introduces one such novel technique to assist researchers doing textual analysis on Twitter. More specifically, we develop a clustering methodology based on Longest Common Subsequence Similarity Metric, which automatically groups tweets with similar content. To illustrate the usefulness of this technique, we present some of our findings from a project we conducted on Turkish sentiments on Twitter towards Syrian refugees.

This article provides an introduction to the theoretical underpinnings of expected utility and ga... more This article provides an introduction to the theoretical underpinnings of expected utility and game theory approaches in IR studies. It goes on to explore their application to a specific research subject, international bargaining on Iran's nuclear program. In this application, the article presents forecasts about Iran's nuclear program using a game theoretic, bounded rationality model called the expected utility model (Bueno de Mesquita 2002). Three analyses were made in December 2005, September 2006 and March 2007. All three forecasts appear to be in line with real-life developments regarding the issue. The results show that Iran has been losing international support since the analyses started, and the last forecast suggests a pro-US position supported by all major international actors. Also, all three analyses suggest that Russian and Chinese support is vital to curb the Iranian nuclear program.

This article provides an introduction to system dynamics modeling with a particular focus on the ... more This article provides an introduction to system dynamics modeling with a particular focus on the use of system dynamics models in political science and international relations. A system dynamics approach offers an alternative to traditional qualitative and quantitative methods by providing a dynamic and endogenous point of view, which allows for understanding the dynamic interactions between variables and making short-and long-term projections for alternative policy choices. This approach is particularly useful to tackle the complex problems of contemporary politics, in which the solutions require combining the insights from different disciplines. Applications of a system dynamics approach in the social sciences cover a broad spectrum, from war initiation and termination to social inequality, from demographics to human development and democratization. This article starts by presenting the brief history of system dynamics models and their use in social sciences, and comparing a system dynamics approach to traditional qualitative and quantitative research methods by discussing the advantages and disadvantages of each one. This discussion is followed by the explanation of the essential components of system dynamics models. Finally, the article provides several applications from international relations via developing models of arms races and spread of intrastate conflicts.

All Azimuth , 2023

All Azimuth, 2023

All Azimuth, 2020

All Azimuth, 2019

This article describes the steps in developing an eclectic coding scheme that utilizes the Role t... more This article describes the steps in developing an eclectic coding scheme that utilizes the Role theory framework. Role theory proposes that foreign policy is conducted with an attempt to fulfill the role conceptions that decision-makers formulate. Studies utilizing this framework usually identify national role conceptions (NRCs) in the foreign policy speeches of decision-makers with various research techniques. Following the literature, this article first explains how to use content analysis in identifying the most frequently referred NRCs in Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP). Then, unlike the literature, it takes a step further and offers event data analysis to look at the performance of these NRCs as well. With such an approach, it develops the Turkish Foreign Policy Roles and Events Dataset (TFPRED). The TFPRED is a dataset that is the product of a combination of 'hand-coded content analysis' with 'computer-assisted event data analysis'. The article presents a detailed explanation of the steps in using content analysis and event data analysis to build the TFPRED. It also explains the development of the eclectic methodological approach and gives an assessment of the author's experiences in combining the two methods.

Discourse analysis is a much-favoured textual analysis method among constructivist and critically... more Discourse analysis is a much-favoured textual analysis method among constructivist and critically minded International Relations scholars interested in the impact of identity, meaning, and discourse on world politics. The aim of this article is to guide students of Turkish IR in their choice and use of this method. Written by two Turkish IR scholars who have employed discourse analysis in their past and present research, this article also includes a personal reflection on its strengths and shortcomings. The first section of the article presents an overview of the conceptual and epistemological underpinnings of discourse analysis, while charting the evolution of discourse analysis in IR since the late 1980s in three phases. The second section offers insight into the personal history of the researchers in employing discourse analysis in their previous and ongoing research, while the third section provides a how-to manual by performing discourse analysis of an actual text. The concluding section focuses on the challenges faced in the conduct of discourse analysis and the potential ways to overcome them, also drawing from the researchers' own experiences in the field.

This article intends to analyze the use of comparative historical analysis (CHA) in the disciplin... more This article intends to analyze the use of comparative historical analysis (CHA) in the discipline of International Relations (IR). After describing the historical evolution and fundamental premises of CHA, the article continues with the classification of CHA. Then the strengths and weaknesses of the method as well as its utilization by various theories of IR are discussed. The second part of the article deals with the employment of CHA by the author of this article in his own research design, in order to give an idea that how CHA might contribute to a better understanding of the "international". In doing that, the advantages and disadvantages of the method are revisited in a way to show the contributions provided as well as the difficulties encountered in practice. The article concludes that CHA might contribute to the study of IR by enhancing interdisciplinary approaches and by adding a socio-historical depth to the 'international', which helps to overcome historicism and presentism at the same time.

The study of international history largely depends on an exploitation of hitherto unexplored data... more The study of international history largely depends on an exploitation of hitherto unexplored data. The sources of these data could vary from national archives to private papers to semi-structured interviews and so on. An examination of the historiography of Turkish Foreign Policy requires the employing of a rigorous methodology to unearth novel data to feed into current academic debates. Students of international history should be advised of possible logistic and methodological flaws and obstacles in the process. This article examines these logistical and methodological obstacles to conducting archival research for historiographical studies.

This study aims to reflect on qualitative interviewing with a particular emphasis on semi-structu... more This study aims to reflect on qualitative interviewing with a particular emphasis on semi-structured interviewing (SSI), with the purpose of guiding students and young scholars of International Relations and Political Science who will use this method in their research. This study begs to differ from both radical post-positivist's deep scepticism which makes any scientific inquiry almost impossible as well as from positivism's unreflective, unproblematized, instrumental approach to interviewing. It proposes a reflectivist approach to qualitative interviewing that emphasizes the political nature of the interviewing process with various political, ethical and even social consequences. The reflectivist approach requires researchers to be self-critical at all times, in particular concerning their role and influence on the interview setting and the interviewee. This article proceeds as follows: It first addresses my own research on the nexus between civil society and the Kurdish question in Turkey, where SSI has been operationalized as the main research method. It then addresses the positivist and post-positivist debates on qualitative interviewing as well as the reflectivist approach that this study promotes. The article then engages in SSI in three distinct stages: pre-interview, interview and post-interview phases. Finally, the concluding part introduces some works utilising interviewing in Turkish IR and wraps up the theoretical/ methodological arguments disseminated throughout the study at hand.

This paper is intended to serve as a show and tell model for graduate students. Sections in paren... more This paper is intended to serve as a show and tell model for graduate students. Sections in parentheses and italics provide a running commentary by the author on the decisions taken throughout the paper. The goal is to permit students to follow the thinking of the researcher and see how it guided the theoretical, methodological and other decisions on content that finally made it into the paper. The paper in question explores how "public" military mobilization can be an attempt by weak actors to trigger intervention by third parties in a dispute with a stronger actor, in the hopes that the third parties will force the stronger actor to accommodate the weaker actor. This attempt is called "compellence via proxy". In this research I explore why in reaction to failure, some weak actors are able to avoid escalation to war, while others are not. I posit that the flexibility of the decision makers of the weak actors is influenced by their ability to overhaul their winning coalition. A large-n evaluation of 68 cases of "public" mobilization, and an evaluation of six Balkan state mobilizations in the 1878-1909 era, do not support the idea that the size of the winning coalition, a part of the factors determining overhaul, has an association with war onset or its avoidance.

All Azimuth, 2019

This study examines shifts in governmental religion policy and societal discrimination against re... more This study examines shifts in governmental religion policy and societal
discrimination against religious minorities in Muslim-majority states after the Arab Uprisings by using the Religion and State round 3 (RAS3) dataset for the years 2009-2014 and by focusing on 49 Muslim-majority countries and territories. We build on threads of literature on religious pluralism in transitional societies to explain the changes in governmental religion policy and societal discrimination against religious minorities after the Arab Uprisings. This literature predicts a rise in all forms of discrimination in Arab Uprising states as compared to other Muslim-majority states, and an even more significant rise in societal religious discrimination since societal behavior can change more quickly than government policy, especially at times of transition. The results partially conform to these predictions. There was no significant difference in the shifts in governmental religion policy between Arab Uprising and other Muslim-majority states, but societal religious discrimination increased
substantially in Arab Uprising states as compared to non-Arab Uprising states. Understanding the nature of religion policies and religious discrimination provides further opportunities to unveil the dynamics of regional politics as well as conflict prevention in the region.

All Azimuth, 2019

The debates dealing with ISIS address the questions of how ISIS is conceptualized, what its aim i... more The debates dealing with ISIS address the questions of how ISIS is conceptualized, what its aim is, and how it has successfully retained a core sovereignty zone. This study attempts to answer these questions by proposing that ISIS is a de facto state and uses jihadism as a survival strategy. The term ‘competitive jihadism’ is used to argue that ISIS competes with its metropole states, Syria and Iraq, on the basis of jihadism. This is a deliberate strategy, which aims to attract Muslims inclined to radicalization as well as to recruit foreign fighters by showing the jihadist deficits of the metropole states. As the research shows, ISIS is successful at this game and has become a magnet for foreign fighters. Thus, it is able to increase its military capabilities and continue to survive.

All Azimuth, 2019

As one of the most significant actors of the region, Iran’s interactions with great powers (as we... more As one of the most significant actors of the region, Iran’s interactions with great powers (as well as regional powers and non-state actors) have come under scrutiny. This article adopts an historical account and suggests a framework to study Iran’s foreign policy. The framework is contextually built with a multi-level approach to specify the independent and intervening variables of Iran’s foreign policy through the light of neoclassical realist theory. In this context, it is argued that the independent variables of Iran’s foreign policy are geopolitics, threat perceptions and balance of power politics. These systemic variables are filtered through nationalism, theological and revolutionary ideology and policy making mechanisms.

All Azimuth, 2019

The failed military coup of July 15, 2016, led by the Fethullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), in... more The failed military coup of July 15, 2016, led by the Fethullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), indicates that military reform in Turkey at the operational level needs to be re-considered as an extremely urgent issue. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) governments have made very notable structural changes in the military and have tried to control the military politically and organizationally. The need for military reform in Turkey derives from two primary reasons: the tendency of coup action and the need to improve the military’s effectiveness. This article highlights the importance of reforms actualized at the strategic level during the Justice and Development Party era. It also points out the need for organizational reform in the military; reform which should be done by the civilian government in order to cope with challenges.

All Azimuth, 2019

At some point during 2013, Turkey’s political authority began to treat the in-country development... more At some point during 2013, Turkey’s political authority began to treat the in-country development and production of long-range air and missile defense systems as a priority. Soon after, they announced their decision to favor a Chinese offer that came complete with licensed production and the promise of technology transfer. Yet, with this decision came NATO’s objections and challenges around integration and information security. The 2015 decision to rollback the pro-China decision, and opt instead for the indigenous development of air and missile defense systems (in close conjunction with a foreign technological and industrial partner) was triggered by Turkey’s disillusion with the content of China’s technology transfer package. Subsequently, this new partner became a team comprising France and Italy; Turkish industry tied itself to this team in developing Europe’s next-generation missile defense capability. Then came the Turkish government’s 2017 decision to purchase off-the-shelf, standalone S-400 systems from Russia. This decision was an anomaly, and had all the characteristics of a top-down decision cycle running afoul of technical, operational, and industrial criteria. Turkey’s political figures have justified the S-400 order by citing the benefits of in-country production, access to technologies, not to mention the West’s refusal to sell comparable systems; but these justifications have been refuted by the Russian side and/or in discordant statements by Turkish institutions, authorities, and political figures themselves.

All Azimuth, 2019

Review article of two books: 1. Mahmood Sariolghalam, The Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic ... more Review article of two books:
1. Mahmood Sariolghalam, The Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: A Theoretical Revision and the Coalition Paradigm (Tehran: Center for Strategic Research, CSR Press, 2005, 236 pp.).
2. Shahram Akbarzadeh and Dara Conduit, eds. Iran in the World: President Rouhani’s Foreign Policy (repr., Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire; New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, 206 pp., USD 79.20, eBook).

All Azimuth 7.2., 2018

Maritime territorial disputes in Asia are increasingly contentious, with competing claims and con... more Maritime territorial disputes in Asia are increasingly contentious, with competing claims and confrontations among numerous states of the region carrying significant implications for the relations among the countries of the region, between the U.S. and the region, and for the broader US-China relationship. This analysis examines the politics of the U.S. approach to the challenge, focusing on the role of Congress as a factor shaping the U.S. response. After establishing an analytical framework that directs attention to legislative-executive interactions and the domestic political/institutional context, it assesses the consequences of this context for U.S. policies and approaches to the problem. The analysis reveals the sequence and dynamics of congressional engagement, by which members moved from indirect and non-legislative approaches to direct and legislative approaches to narrow the boundaries and the shape the direction of US foreign policy. It concludes by addressing the implications for the U.S. approach and the relationships among the key parties.

All Azimuth 7.2., 2018

This article sketches out general approach to using cultural semiotics as a cognitive tool for an... more This article sketches out general approach to using cultural semiotics as a cognitive tool for analyzing international relations in general and in post-Soviet area in particular. The authors discuss how the homegrown school of cultural semiotics associated with the University of Tartu can be helpful for IR studies. In this respect we place cultural semiotic knowledge in a multidisciplinary perspective and look for projections of its concepts into the vocabulary of foreign policy. Then we intend to discuss the Tartu school from a political perspective, thus claiming that its premium put on cultural issues renders strong politicizing effects. Ultimately, we use cultural semiotic notions and approaches for problematizing the concept of the post-Soviet with its conflictual split between reproducing archaic policies and discourses, on the one hand, and playing by the rules of the post-modern society, with entertainment, hybridity and the spirit of deconstruction as its pivots.

All Azimuth 7.2., 2018

The absence of theoretical perspectives in International Relations originating in the worldviews ... more The absence of theoretical perspectives in International Relations originating in the worldviews and experiences of human geographies outside the West has elicited persistent calls in the discipline for homegrown theoretical frameworks based on indigenous practices and intellectual sensibilities. Responding to the veritable marginalization of non-Western viewpoints in the discipline belying the plurality of global experiences, a diverse range of studies on homegrown theorizing has ensued. Inasmuch as the initial step in any social theorizing is pertinent to concepts, studies of homegrown theorizing have necessarily engaged conceptual cultivation by drawing on local conceptual resources. Most of these studies, nonetheless, have evinced an analytical proclivity to forge an exclusive and immutable semantic affiliation between concepts and what they signify. Transmuting conceptual indigeneity into conceptional idiosyncrasy, this insular practice of homegrown theorizing can incur manifold degenerative shortcomings. On the other hand, in the lexicon of international relations, influence is a ubiquitous word which is yet to be rigorously conceptualized. By virtue of imparting indigenous properties, a systematic conceptual cultivation of influence is propounded in this study, which arguably transcends the prohibitive semantic inflexibility and associated shortcomings of conceptual exclusivity in homegrown theorizing.

All Azimuth 7.2., 2018

The paper rests on the assumption that theoretical knowledge is valuable. However, such an assump... more The paper rests on the assumption that theoretical knowledge is valuable. However, such an assumption cannot be taken for granted. Indeed the first objective is to examine the comparative advantages of theoretical knowledge. Second, if 100 theory building workshops would make a difference, what exactly would the difference be? After all, movie production is said to be dominated by Hollywood but Bollywood produces more movies than Hollywood. Nonetheless, the world market is dominated by Hollywood. Hence, if a distinction between academic domestic and global markets is applied, theory building for a number of domestic or regional markets might impact ‘consumption’ patterns in domestic or regional markets but not necessarily the world market. Moreover, the apparent need for 100 workshops rests on the assumption that the IR discipline is under American hegemony but this assumption is severely challenged by empirical research showing that American hegemony remains a fact in institutional terms but not in terms of theoretical fads and debates being followed in the rest of the world. In short, intellectual global hegemony is largely a chimera. Finally, the paper argues that 100 workshops might be necessary but could turn out to be waste of time and for two reasons. While theorizing a bygone world is fine, the workshops should address contemporary issues and be future-oriented. Furthermore, the workshops should contribute to redefine the (contested) core of the discipline.

All Azimttuh 7.2., 2018

This article is based on the assumption that theoretical contributions from the global South – an... more This article is based on the assumption that theoretical contributions from the global South – and in this case, from Africa, do not need to be radically different from existing theories to constitute an advancement in terms of engendering a better understanding of international relations. Reinterpretations or modifications of existing frameworks and the introduction of new concepts for understanding are equally important. This is an accepted practice in mainstream IR, where existing theories are constantly amended and revisited. One need only consider the various incarnations of realist thought.While adaptations and conceptual innovations by western scholars are recognised as legitimate and adopted into the canon of theory, this is not always the case with similar contributions emerging from outside of the West. This article will examine three examples of such contributions by African scholars.
The first group of scholars reinterpreted the concept of “middle power,” arguing that there are specific characteristics that set emerging middle powers like South Africa apart from traditional middle powers. The second, Deon Geldenhuys, developed the concept “isolated states” and generated a novel analytical framework to categorise states based on indicators of isolation. Finally, Thomas Tieku draws on the African worldview of ubuntu in calling for the state to be reconceptualised in a collectivist, societal way. It is hoped that these examples will illustrate that there are theoretical innovations emerging from the Global South that can assist us in not only better understanding international relations in a particular part of the world, but can in fact provide greater insights into the field as a whole.

All Azimuth 7.2., 2018

Terrorism is the method of changing policies of decision-makers and behaviors of the wider societ... more Terrorism is the method of changing policies of decision-makers and behaviors of the wider society by instigating fear through violent acts. Terrorism can be categorized based on several criteria, such as political aim, timing, context and the target of the violent acts, as well as tools and tactics. Although terrorism might sometimes show aspects similar to other types of conflict, such as guerilla warfare, urban warfare, irregular warfare, civil war, and insurgency, it is different from them by its reliance on shock in instigating change. Nevertheless, since 9/11 the nature of terrorism has itself changed to some extent. Rather than focusing on symbolic power, the emphasis for terrorist organizations has shifted from the action’s symbolic meaning to more calculable consequences, like the territory gained, weapons accrued, the financial damage inflicted and most commonly the number of the dead and the injured. In the future, we may also see shift towards more knowledge-intense strategies as both terrorists and states adapt to current age of knowledge.

All Azimuth 7.2., 2018

2nd All Azimuth Workshop on Widening the World of IR Theorizing 23-24 September 2016, Ankara

This essay presents a critical and reflexive assessment of contemporary efforts to innovate the m... more This essay presents a critical and reflexive assessment of contemporary efforts to innovate the measurement and evaluation of public diplomacy. Analyzing a recent and pivotal report called "Data-Driven Public Diplomacy," it explains how the institutional and ideological residue of the Cold War underwrites these initiatives in the context of American activities in its contemporary "War on Terror." Inspired by Marx's concept of the fetish-an under-represented conceptual approach to public diplomacy research-the authors critique the thinking of public diplomacy scholars and officials, arguing that both an omnipresent past and a powerful form of technological fetishism are discernible in the "Data-Driven Public Diplomacy" report. An outcome of the type of thinking represented in the report, they conclude, has been the pervasiveness of contradictions and, in this area of foreign policy, disempowering implications.

This article aims to determine the academic disciplinary condition of Turkish terrorism studies i... more This article aims to determine the academic disciplinary condition of Turkish terrorism studies in comparison to international ones. We first examine contemporary international terrorism studies and new trends, and then longitudinally assess Turkish terrorism studies via context and methodology. Last, we discuss how and through which perspectives the Turkish discipline could improve and thus contribute to the contemporary literature. We generated three datasets after examining theses, dissertations, and articles. Further, we conducted interviews with and administered questionnaires to terrorism experts to interpret the dataset findings. Regarding context, the most striking point of the Turkish research field is its multidisciplinary character; because of this fact, Turkish terrorism studies tend to neglect the broader field's terminology and theoretical accumulation. Regarding methodology, a significant problem in the terrorism studies in Turkey is that studies are mostly composed of literature reviews rather than empirical research, thus there is much opportunity for development.

All Azimuth, 2018

It is rare that a recognized voice from non-Western world makes an impression in International Re... more It is rare that a recognized voice from non-Western world makes an impression in International Relations theory. While a few studies have looked at the structural and institutional constraints that contribute to such lack of recognition, part of the problem stems from confusion around the definition of what theorizing out of the non-Western world actually is. Based on a review of studies that embody indigenous conceptualizations of international phenomena in the periphery, we first define such ‘homegrown’ theorizing as original theorizing in the periphery about the periphery. By elaborating on these conceptualizations’ specific methods in building theories, we then provide a typology of homegrown theories and assess each theory building method in terms of its potential for global acceptance and further development. We substantiate our arguments on global acceptance by drawing on a comparison of the citation counts of 18 homegrown theories. In doing so, we try to give voice to some of the most prominent scholarly and intellectual efforts stemming from the periphery, and provide a guide for Western scholars on how to engage with homegrown theorizing in a more intellectually stimulating manner. The article concludes by highlighting a number of critical factors in opening up space for different voices in the world of IR.

In recent years, the discipline of International Relations (IR) has entered another of its turns:... more In recent years, the discipline of International Relations (IR) has entered another of its turns: the homegrown turn. This new turn focuses on possible contributions to IR theorizing using non-Western knowledge and/or scholarship. This article deconstructs the idea of homegrown theorizing by focusing on its constitutive part, dealing separately with the aspects of knowledge, scholar, and theory, questioning thereby the differing meanings of homegrownness. Such an approach provides an initial framework that accomplishes two things: First, the paper discusses today's core Western IR community and its disciplinary sociology in terms of the main factors engendering present critiques of its scholarship. Second, it then becomes possible to pay attention to peripheral non-Western IR's position at a time of gradual post-Westernization, both world politically and within the discipline. Engaging with the pitfalls of Western IR and elaborating on the reasons not only explains the emergence of IR's homegrown turn, but also provides the basis for understanding how scholars engaging in homegrown theorizing can learn from the (past) mistakes of core scholarship. Dealing with the impact of globalization, Eurocentrism, presentism, and parochialism as the main problem areas of (Western) IR, the article concludes by providing a list of lessons to be taken into account when engaging in homegrown theorizing within the periphery.

The rise of China troubles the taken-for-granted epistemological and ontological constitution of ... more The rise of China troubles the taken-for-granted epistemological and ontological constitution of International Relations (IR) theory. The Greek term ‘theoria’ implied travelling to foreign locales with the aim of gaining illumination that can then simultaneously inform and transform the ‘home’ of the traveler. Yet, instead of travelling, IR theory engages in silencing. This paper undertakes an interpretative journey of China’s IR concepts. In particular, it looks at the notion of guanxi – one of the two terms that goes into the Chinese phrase for International Relations (guoji guanxi). The contention is that ‘relationality’ renders a more accurate translation of guanxi in English. In the process, the paper uncovers the practices of ‘international relationality’ as an opportunity to redefine the ‘international’ as a co-dependent space where two or more actors (despite their divergences) can interface into a dialogical community.

Since the emergence of the Islamic Republic in Iran, social scientists, including international r... more Since the emergence of the Islamic Republic in Iran, social scientists, including international relations (IR) scholars, have been called to develop endogenous/ indigenous theories to reflect Iranian/Islamic points of view. This theorizing has led some Iranian scholars to develop ideas about international life on the basis of Islamic texts and teachings. Furthermore, due to an increasing awareness of the Eurocentric nature of IR theories over the last few years, the international community of IR scholars has become open to non-Western IR theories. This opening has made homegrown theorizing more attractive to Iranian IR scholars, and debates about it have become more vivid. This article seeks to examine the attempts by the Iranian IR community to conceptualize and theorize IR from Iranian/Islamic points of view and to show how contextual factors have limited such attempts. The first part of the article reviews the IR scholarship in Iran to give a portrait of Iranians' achievements in this regard. The second part examines contextual factors that may have affected homegrown theorizing in Iran, including international agency, sources of inspiration, the dynamism of the IR community, the relationship between academia and government, and intellectual autonomy. An evaluation of this structural context suggests that even if theorizing IR from an Iranian point of view is both possible and preferable, this cannot be done unless certain structural constraints are overcome.

All Azimuth 7.1 , 2018

This paper aims to introduce a neglected methodology from Japanese international relations (IR)-t... more This paper aims to introduce a neglected methodology from Japanese international relations (IR)-the culturalist methodology-to Anglophone specialists in IR. This methodology is neglected not only by an Anglophone audience but also by Japanese IR scholars. I argue here that despite this negligence, the culturalist methodology has great potential to contribute to contemporary post-Western international relations theory (IRT) literature by posing radical questions about the ontology of IR, as it questions not only the ontology of Western IR, but also the IR discourses developed in the rest of the world. Consequently, in understanding and imagining the contemporary world, I clarify the importance of perceptions based on what, in Japan, are commonly called 'international cultural relations' (kokusai bunka) and 'regional history' (chiikishi). I also indicate how our perceptions of the world are limited by the Westphalian principles of state sovereignty and non-intervention among 'equal' nations on the basis of state borders. While historical understanding is widely recognised as an important approach to contemporary IR, its scope is limited by its universalised principles.

All Azimuth 7.1, 2018

There are certainly grounds for optimism when it comes to progress in Turkish international relat... more There are certainly grounds for optimism when it comes to progress in Turkish international relations (IR). Turkish academia has come a long way since the 1960s. The rapid expansion of IR study in Turkish academia can be attributed to the expansion in the Turkish educational system, especially after 1980, and the rising importance of international relations through globalization. Turkish society has very large potential for future work in IR, with many highly qualified scholars. Compared to a few decades ago, more IR articles are being authored by Turkish scholars, both abroad and in Turkey. The question now is how Turkish scholars can become an even stronger voice in the international academic community. In this paper, I suggest better collaboration with government and universities to develop better PhD programs, participate in PhD consortiums and establish stronger links with the international community.

All Azimuth, Jul 2017

This contribution sets out a research agenda that explores the promises of combining theories of ... more This contribution sets out a research agenda that explores the promises of combining theories of hegemony and governmentality in the study of world politics. It is argued that certain forms of governmentality are 'strategically selected' and form part of hegemonic strategies while hegemonic strategies are enhanced by techniques of governmentality. It is also important to look at the underlying context that allows for micro practices to be 'colonised' by macro actors and which drives such actors to use such techniques. The theory of hegemony is seen as better at highlighting the context in which strategic action takes place, while governmentality is better at showing the workings of the technologies and techniques that are deployed by strategies of governing. Hegemony and governmentality therefore form part of the back and forth between macro and micro, structure and agency, institution and practice, highlighting different aspects of this constant interaction.

The manuscript compares the World History Standpoint promoted by the Kyoto School of Philosophy w... more The manuscript compares the World History Standpoint promoted by the Kyoto School of Philosophy with two other competitors – post-Western re-worlding and the Chinese balance of relationships-in their shared campaign for alternative international relations theory. The World History Standpoint explains how nations influenced by major power politics judge their conditions and rely on combining existing cultural resources to make sense of their place in world politics. It predicts that international systemic stability cannot be maintained over a set of congruent identities because history's longevity allows for previous politically incorrect identities to return in due time with proper clues. It specifically predicts that nations caught between different identities will experience cycles in their international relations; nations with an expansive scope of international relations or declining from the hegemonic status will adopt balance of relationships; and less influential nations will practically reinterpret hegemonic order to meet their otherwise inexpressible motivations. Accordingly, Japan will be focused upon as an exemplary case for World History Standpoint; Taiwan for re-worlding; and China for balance of relationships. The paper touches upon theoretical implications of their conflicts.

This article focuses on post-Arab-uprising calls for democratization in the Middle East. Scrutini... more This article focuses on post-Arab-uprising calls for democratization in the Middle East. Scrutinizing the then-Turkish government's coupling of a cultural relativist norm-promotion discourse in the global arena with a nativist discourse in the Middle East, the paper examines how much our current conceptual tools can explain successes and failures in this process. The article focuses on two schools of thought that pay considerable attention to the role of culture in institution-building: the English School of International Relations (ES) and the nativist strand of post-colonialism. It touches upon two problems in the ES literature and offers two solutions: (1) It reinforces attention on Buzan's conception of interhuman society compared to the ad hoc blending of different levels of abstraction in cultural analyses. (2) It aims to initiate a dialogue for a more precise distinction between various ideational and behavioral components of the concept of culture, since these components do not necessarily fit well together. Considering these two caveats, the article operationalizes culture in the given case to examine some limitations of the nativist ideological perception of cultural zones and its concurrent claims over true nativity. The paper seeks these limitations, first, by analyzing the extent of cultural commonalities between three sub-regional Islamist movements that shared a strong common identity, and second, by examining the dialogue between ideological mismatches in the constitution-making processes of Egypt and Tunisia.

This article seeks to test the relevance of neoclassical realism in explaining the foreign policy... more This article seeks to test the relevance of neoclassical realism in explaining the foreign policy behavior of a regional power in an era of turbulent change in the regional system. Taking Turkey's policy response to the Arab Uprisings as a case study, it tries to explain, from a neoclassical realist perspective, the causes of Ankara's miscalculations while formulating an ambitious policy in 2011, as well as its failure to adapt to the new realities on the ground between 2013 and 2016. Overall, it argues that neoclassical realism provides a satisfying explanation for Turkey's policy failure in this period, and that the problems of miscalculation and maladaptation in Turkish foreign policy were caused by distortive effects of certain unit-level factors. In this sense, while ideological tendencies of the ruling Justice and Development Party, as well as its consolidation of domestic power, shaped the content and styling of Ankara's policy response after 2011, the extensive utilization of foreign policy for domestic purposes by the ruling party hindered Turkey's adaptation to shifting balances in the regional power structure between 2013 and 2016.

Can the accommodation of rising powers in the international system be accomplished peacefully? Pr... more Can the accommodation of rising powers in the international system be accomplished peacefully? Prof. Paul, in his recent publication, argued that if the established and status quo powers hold grand strategies which allow for peaceful accommodation, this is feasible. He clarifies the differences between accommodation and appeasement and the value of soft balancing, relying on institutions, economic diplomacy, and limited ententes as mechanisms for restraining the aggressive behavior of major powers. Variations in current US policies toward Russia and China are discussed. Non-accommodation of major powers as well as minor powers has major internal and external consequences. He concludes by arguing that contemporary rising powers, such as China and India, have much greater prospects of rising peacefully than previous era great powers, partially due to the opportunities offered by the globalization process. However, these states must initiate economic and developmental programs for other states, without neocolonial overtones, in order to increase global development and their own status. The discipline of IR has a special duty to encourage students and policy makers to develop strategies of peaceful transformation, rather than war, as the main mechanism of change.

Türkiye'de Uİ doktora öğrencileri neler çalışıyor? Nasıl çalışıyor? Bu türden bir merakla başlatt... more Türkiye'de Uİ doktora öğrencileri neler çalışıyor? Nasıl çalışıyor? Bu türden bir merakla başlattığımız konuşma serimizin ilk konuşmacısı, Koç Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü'nde doktorasını tamamlamış olan Ömer Örsün olacak. Örsün bize, demokrasi ve savaş arasındaki ilişkiyi hem hem felsefi ve tarihsel, hem de istatistiksel ve formel olarak incelediği tezinden bahsedecek. Hem tanışmak hem tartışmak için katılımınızı bekliyoruz.

All Azimuth Vol. 1, No.1, Jan 2012

In proposing 'a structural theory of imperialism' nearly half a century ago, Johan Galtung made c... more In proposing 'a structural theory of imperialism' nearly half a century ago, Johan Galtung made center-periphery relations central to peace research theory and more generally to the way scholars from the periphery see international relations. Galtung took an imperialist system to be a special case of a 'dominance system'; any such system enforces an unequal distribution of privilege and material well-being through mechanisms of direct, structural and cultural violence. I propose to rewrite Galtung's structural theory by taking rules and rule to perform the function that he assigned to violence. I conclude that today's global imperialist system is ruled through a functionally segmented hegemony, supported by hierarchical coercion against a heteronomous backdrop.

Throughout the postwar era, many realists and liberals have maintained the fiction of American he... more Throughout the postwar era, many realists and liberals have maintained the fiction of American hegemony. They have described it as the keystone to global political and economic stability. 1 They have also worried that US hegemony was in decline. In the 1970s, these fears were triggered by the resurgence of Germany and Japan, and in the last decade, by the remarkable rise of China. We contend that US hegemony, to the extent it ever existed, was a short-lived postwar phenomenon; that the US frequently behaved in ways that has threatened the order it is allegedly committed to upholding; that hegemony is unnecessary – perhaps inimical – to global stability; and that the functions associated with hegemony have in practice become increasingly diffused among the great powers. Conceptually, the commitment to hegemony stands in the way of our understanding of contemporary international relations. Substantively, it offers an inappropriate and unrealistic role model for American policymakers. The starting point of our argument is Charles Kindleberger's 1973 formulation of international leadership. It has provided the intellectual foundation for so many liberal and realist arguments about hegemony and its utility. Although he never uses the word hegemony, and indeed railed against the term, 2 Kindleberger identified a series of economic functions that a dominant state must perform in order to bring about and sustain international order. Liberals and realists then layered other integral leadership and security functions on the top of these original economic ones to complete a more comprehensive list. In this article we ask the extent to which these functions are performed today and by whom? We show how a significant number of states contribute to the performance of these functions, and that their contributions are not necessarily related to conventional understandings of their power. Contra the assertions of many realists and liberals, we argue that, especially in recent years,

Combining discourse analysis with quantitative methods, this article compares how the legislature... more Combining discourse analysis with quantitative methods, this article compares how the legislatures of Turkey, the US, and the EU discursively constructed Turkey's Kurdish question. An examination of the legislative-political discourse through 1990 to 1999 suggests that a country suffering from a domestic secessionist conflict perceives and verbalizes the problem differently than outside observers and external stakeholders do. Host countries of conflicts perceive their problems through a more security-oriented lens, and those who observe these conflicts at a distance focus more on the humanitarian aspects. As regards Turkey, this study tests politicians' perceptions of conflicts and the influence of these perceptions on their pre-existing political agendas for the Kurdish question, and offers a new model for studying political discourse on intra-state conflicts. The article suggests that a political agenda emerges as the prevalent dynamic in conservative politicians' approaches to the Kurdish question, whereas ideology plays a greater role for liberal/pro-emancipation politicians. Data shows that politically conservative politicians have greater variance in their definitions, based on material factors such as financial, electoral, or alliance-building constraints, whereas liberal and/or left-wing politicians choose ideologically confined discursive frameworks such as human rights and democracy.

The link between foreign aid and military conflict has received little attention in both aid effe... more The link between foreign aid and military conflict has received little attention in both aid effectiveness and interstate conflict research. This study provides a first-cut analysis of the impact of foreign aid on interstate conflict among recipient countries. In doing so, it opens the black box of state and builds on the previous research in the aid effectiveness literature and on the signaling processes in the conflict literature. Previous research indicates that the effectiveness of aid in improving citizen welfare is conditional on the presence of democratic institutions. This study shows that this conditional relationship has a detrimental effect on crisis bargaining outcomes. Foreign aid, on the one hand, increases citizen welfare in democratic regimes; hence, also governments' ex-ante re-election prospects. On the other hand, foreign aid retards government ability to generate audience costs and to send informative signals to their opponents. Analyzing all dyads from 1961 to 2001 yields robust support for this view. As aid inflows increase, targets' resistance propensity against threats issued by democratic governments becomes statistically indistinguishable from threats issued by autocratic governments. Moreover, democratic states are not significantly more peaceful to each other than non-democratic pairs once we take into account the amount of foreign aid they receive.

Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the presidential elections came as a great shock to liberal ... more Donald Trump's unexpected victory in the presidential elections came as a great shock to liberal internationalist circles in the US and abroad. Whether Trump will string the liberal order that the US has largely created is without a plain answer. It is clear, though, that there is already significant erosion in the basic architect of global order. Detritions to the fabric of global order can be observed with respect to four interrelated developments: the exacerbation of security challenges due to proliferation and diversification of the regional and global destabilizing actors, the reversal of democratic and liberal values in the West, rise of illiberal democracies and competitive authoritarianism elsewhere, and finally, a UN system mired with serious shortcomings in representation, capacity and legitimacy. The international society must address this erosion of global order and the first step in that regard is coming to terms with the fact that " the world is bigger than five " not only in terms of the realignment of major powers, but also of the distribution of power along state/non-state spectrum.

Little is known about how, among weaker states, incentives to challenge the status quo are relate... more Little is known about how, among weaker states, incentives to challenge
the status quo are related to the expected response of the US as the system’s
hegemon. In contrast to conventional wisdom that suggests militarized
punishment can deter potential challengers, it is argued that weak but strongly
motivated challengers can interpret the hegemon’s military intervention against
adversaries as a window of opportunity to launch their own actions. Empirical
results using Generalized Estimating Equations (GEE) and binary time-series cross-section (BTSCS) models reveal that weaker states possess incentives to
challenge the international status quo when the hegemon is preoccupied with
prior foreign policy commitments, most notably war. In other words, weaker
states dissatisfied with the status quo are more likely to challenge the hegemon
when it is preoccupied with prior military commitments. They do so because
war involvement distracts the hegemon, drains its capabilities and resolve, and
opens up a window of opportunity for weaker states to issue challenges. In
addition, weaker states that have an alliance portfolio dissimilar to that of the
hegemon are more likely than others to initiate Militarized Interstate Disputes.
Theoretically, this paper provides microfoundations to answer the question of
why weaker parties instigate asymmetric conflicts when it might seem irrational
to do so.

Heroic leaders advocating for reconciliation has become particularly significant in the process o... more Heroic leaders advocating for reconciliation has become particularly significant in the process of conflict resolution. This article analyses the case of South Africa’s national reconciliation experiences and Mandela’s iconic role in this process. It is claimed that Mandela’s reconciliation-oriented leadership, his personality, and endeavours have directly affected the promotion of intergroup reconciliation in South Africa in a positive way. The article’s analytic framework is built on Galtung’s Conflict Triangle and applied to reconciliation initiatives employed by Nelson Mandela in South Africa. The research question that this study focused on can be expressed as follows: What is the role of leaders in the process of national reconciliation? From this perspective, Mandela’s extraordinary efforts to strengthen national reconciliation in South Africa are examined by looking into his normative statements, symbolic acts, and judicial actions. The method proposed in this article contributes to the study of reconciliation at the national level, dealing with the normative statements and behaviours of those in power. In the final analysis, it was determined that there is a close relationship between the prospective success of the reconciliation process and a leader’s contribution to bringing about reconciliation in a society.

Eighteen years after the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland struggles with a lingering sense... more Eighteen years after the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland struggles with a lingering sense of insecurity. This article discusses the underlying reasons for a sense of insecurity and vulnerability in this post-conflict context. First, ongoing sporadic communal violence reactivates communal divisions and the psychological burden of “the Troubles.” The activities of spoiler paramilitary groups and sporadic communal troubles still fuel people’s anxiety about the possibility of renewed violence, as the history of political violence proves how these influences can be a destabilizing factor in inter-communal relations. Second, the unchanging patterns of political mobilization, based on the historical division of unionism and nationalism, reinforce the previous cleavages and continue to inform the boundaries of the communal divide. The political arena is still plagued by ethnic outbidding and intransigent party politicking, both of which pit communities against each other and keep the zero-sum bias between the groups alive. Third, the working-class communities that constituted the backbone of the political violence carry on the legacy of war with their continued paramilitary presence and legacy of sectarianism. The social vulnerabilities of working-class areas, such as continuing paramilitary presence, the legacy of sectarianism in segregated neighborhoods, persistent mistrust toward the police, and growing youth unemployment, need to be addressed in order to generate a long-term social infrastructure for peace.

The international community has been building a drug-control system for over a century. The UN-le... more The international community has been building a drug-control system for over a century. The UN-led initiatives drafted very detailed conventions, political declarations, and plans of action. International institutions and governments have been allocating vast resources for national, regional, and global counter narcotics initiatives. Law-enforcement agents, judicial officers, diplomats, and demand-reduction experts devote enormous efforts. to global drug-control efforts. However, the latest field studies clearly indicate that the global war on drugs has been lost on virtually every front. Drug consumption and drug-related deaths have increased over the past three decades. Every year, many new psychoactive substances appear on the market. Precursor chemicals are not efficiently controlled. The drug supply consistently shifts to areas where law enforcement is weak and corrupt. Drug money has allowed the dark networks to exert an increasing influence on the governments in Latin America, Southwest Asia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and West Africa. The drug trade undermines global security by financing terrorism and insurgency. In this context, the United Nations’ goal of a “drug-free world” is far from being reached. This paper provides an insight as to why the international efforts to control the drug supply, drug demand, and drug-driven money have failed dramatically.

Many things have changed in Turkey within the last decade, but also in Brussels as to the politic... more Many things have changed in Turkey within the last decade, but also in Brussels as to the political practises. This commentary seeks to answer whether Turkey and the EU can find and maintain a sensible balance between toughness and empathy, between considerations of hard power and soft power. Turkey is obviously an essential, regional player both economically and militarily. Geopolitics may not appear high on the agenda of the EU, but the situation in the Middle-East simply could not and cannot be ignored as a geopolitical challenge, one that might beg for acting in concert with Turkey. On the other side, Europe represents an attraction and example based on a long history and struggle for material wealth, technological and scientific progress as well as for the accomplished degree of democracy and the rule of law. More recently, however, EU soft power suffers a number of setbacks. We disown our most basic values of soft power and will lose impact in promoting a just, democratic order in the world. If the EU and its member states fail to recover from this set-back, we risk to fall back in the hard power game, also with potential and aspiring states.

In the last decade, scholars working within Actor-Network Theory (ANT) and more generally Science... more In the last decade, scholars working within Actor-Network Theory (ANT) and more generally Science, Technology, and Society (STS) have made significant contributions in many social science disciplines, including International Relations (IR). Arguably, the most important aspect of ANT has been its emphasis on the political agency of non-human objects and organisms. On an empirical level, IR students have drawn on insights from ANT to study the agency of objects ranging from drones to garbage. One recent work that contributes to the discussion of lifting STS into the realm of global politics is Christopher J. Sneddon’s Concrete Revolution: Large Dams, Cold War Geopolitics, and the US Bureau of Reclamation.

Keywords: Peace education, birth trauma, non-violence, brain enrichment, empowerment

This article provides a critical analysis of the literature and reports on peace education progra... more This article provides a critical analysis of the literature and reports on peace education programmes in countries emerging from violent conflicts. First, it begins with an overview of peace education’s history. Next, it examines how peace education has been conceptualised, and highlights why it remains poorly defined. The article then proceeds by looking at the development of the international community’s use of peace education as a tool to contribute to their peacebuilding efforts in countries emerging from protracted contexts. After that, it reviews the research and evaluation work that has been done on peace education programmes. The article concludes with a survey of peace education programmes in ethnically/religiously linked post-conflict environments that have made mainstreaming their goal, and identifies areas of future research.

This paper aims to analyze the political relationship between the Moroccan monarchy and the moder... more This paper aims to analyze the political relationship between the Moroccan monarchy and the moderate Islam-oriented Party of Justice and Development (PJD), which has been in power since 2011. The research methodology involves an in-depth case analysis and relies on a substantial number of primary and secondary sources such as official speeches, official political statements, journal articles and newspapers. The study finds the relationship between the PJD and the monarchy inconsistent, similar to the PJD’s relationship with other political parties. The paper argues that adopting an approach based on an Islamic political secularism that considers Morocco’s specific political realities may ease tension between the PJD on the one hand and the monarchy and other parties on the other.

There has been a shift in the intelligence and security strategies of the states since 9/11. The ... more There has been a shift in the intelligence and security strategies of the states since 9/11. The attacks created a new security environment in which intelligence has become increasingly significant. Not only have the responsibilities and tasks of intelligence agencies become more important, but the necessity for
intelligence and security service cooperation among nations has also increased. Accordingly, intelligence agencies had to update their strategies to put more emphasis on collaboration. This article analyzes the current EU intelligence network and tries to answer whether full intelligence cooperation in the EU could develop into a discrete organization in the aftermath of 2004 Madrid, 2005 London and the 7 January 2015 Charlie Hebdo attacks, or whether it is an impossible dream to have concerted action whereby states acknowledge their mutual alliances, interests, and strategies.

This commentary will explore the limitations of mediation in relations between states, consider t... more This commentary will explore the limitations of mediation in relations between states, consider the implications for conflict resolution practice and advocate a principled international response to conflicts, including, if necessary, the need to win them.

Review article of two books: 1. Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan, eds., Non-Western International R... more Review article of two books:
1. Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan, eds., Non-Western International Relations Theory: Perspectives on and beyond Asia (NY: Routledge, 2010, 242 pp., USD 36.28, paper).
2. Seyfi Say, İbn Haldun’un Düşünce Sistemi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Kuramı (İstanbul: İlk Harf Yayınları, 2012, 808 pp., TRY 32.50, paper).

All Azimuth Vol. 4, No.2 , Jul 2015

We may expect international exchange programmes to contribute to peaceful international relations... more We may expect international exchange programmes to contribute to peaceful international relations, but how strong is the evidence that they actually do? In addition to the intercultural education discussed elsewhere in this issue, I classify mechanisms by which exchanges might contribute to peace into four categories – signaling, attitude change, network formation and institutional transfer – and assess the evidence that exchanges affect international relations
through each of these mechanisms. Despite considerable research there are still important gaps in the evidence, and these gaps may have significant consequences for how we organize exchanges and what kinds of mobility we support.

All Azimuth Vol.4, No.2, Jul 2015

Educational exchanges at the U.S. military’s war and staff colleges promote intercultural underst... more Educational exchanges at the U.S. military’s war and staff colleges promote intercultural understanding, international security, and help the United States achieve its foreign policy goals. This article provides an overview of the different types of U.S. military education and training programs that are open to foreign participation, and explores the differences between these and civilian exchange programs. It looks at the impacts of military educational exchange programs on their participants, and also draws lessons learned for the design and administration of exchange programs.

All Azimuth Vol.4, No.2, Jul 2015

This article describes how the marketization discourse that typifies U.S. strategic communication... more This article describes how the marketization discourse that typifies U.S. strategic communication also influences the meanings and practices of educational exchange. Through an analysis of five presentations and 34 program evaluations
provided by the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, this article explores the risks associated with marketization discourse for the development of mutual understanding and peace.

All Azimuth Vol. 4, No. 2, Jul 2015

Let’s start with some myths about international educational exchange: 1) Bring diverse people to... more Let’s start with some myths about international educational exchange:

Bring diverse people together and “magic” will happen.
Study abroad and come back interculturally competent.
Exposure to another culture is sufficient for intercultural understanding.
No special training is needed when going into another culture.
Results of international educational exchange can be measured by one evaluation tool.

All Azimuth Vol 4, No.2, Jul 2015

In Battles to Bridges, R. S. Zaharna has put together detailed empirical evidence, carried out in... more In Battles to Bridges, R. S. Zaharna has put together detailed empirical evidence, carried out in line with a rich theoretical framework, to enable a thorough descriptive and analytical
treatment of the subject of US public diplomacy for the Middle East. The subject is a timely one in light of the debates that have ensued in the US since the 9/11 attacks, and the book is a must-read for all who want to gain insights into the US’s efforts to address and engage with diverse global publics in the postmodern era.

All Azimuth Vol 4, no.1, Jan 2015

The main point of departure for this article is the incapacity of current international relations... more The main point of departure for this article is the incapacity of current international relations theorizing to explain both change and continuity without shifting between levels of analysis. The previous research agenda on system studies was renounced before it realized its potential. The concept of a subsystem has great potential for resolving this challenge. This article argues that the properties of the international system, including anarchy, are not constant, and show variation. To factor in this variation, first we need to identify subsystems (e.g. geographical or functional) that diverge across issue areas and functions. Then we need to look at the interactions between subsystems, which is a neglected aspect of the literature on subsystems. This article contributes to the debate by setting out a new research agenda to study the interactions between subsystems and their effects on the general system; that is, to identify when the system is stable and when it changes. This agenda suggests a particular focus on the inconsistencies, contradictions, and challenges that lie at the intersections of different subsystems.

All Azimuth Vol 4, No.1, Jan 2015

Within the Middle East, various forces have tried to impose alternative orders. Turkey is among a... more Within the Middle East, various forces have tried to impose alternative orders. Turkey is among a number of key players in the region. Since 2002, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party has shown an increasing interest in the Middle East. This article accepts that there has been a change in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 and attempts to contribute to the previous studies on this issue. It argues that Turkey desires to be a regional power in the Middle
East, shaping its vision through a value-based and principled approach. To clarify this vision, the article analyzes the core values and principles defined in Turkish foreign policy in the last decade, which constitute Turkey’s international identity in the Middle East. The article concludes that there have been mainly tactical changes in Turkish foreign policy in general, and towards the Middle East in particular.

All Azimuth Vol 4, no.1, Jan 2015

This paper’s major motivation is to contribute to the debate on how international relations (IR) ... more This paper’s major motivation is to contribute to the debate on how international relations (IR) scholars can develop an alternative method for studying power. A focus on Islamic Sufi thinker Ibn Al-‘Arabi is suggested to demonstrate the early philosophical conceptualization of power relations in a non Western context. For Ibn Al-‘Arabi, in a world in which unrepeatability is the rule, creating repeatability and fixation through interpretation is certainly done for worldly purposes. His work suggests that any attempt to understand “the cosmos” is an arbitrary intervention, which strictly reflects power relations among actors. Therefore, Ibn Al-‘Arabi’s work can trigger scholarly questions on not only methodology but also on the sociology of the IR discipline and foreign policy in a non-Western context. His arguments can be utilized in critical and poststructuralist conceptions of power in IR.

For my generation, security, defence and strategy were relatively easy to understand. Realism and... more For my generation, security, defence and strategy were relatively easy to understand. Realism and Cold War logic prevailed vis-à-vis a pacifist and rather weak opposition. But
then all of a sudden we had to adapt ourselves to post-Cold War circumstances. We tried, but with mixed results. What about our experiences in the former Yugoslavia and Afghanistan, not to mention Iraq or today, Ukraine? However, the next generation at the political helm will face an even more demanding job because of the sheer complexity of security and strategy and because of the need for some radical changes in our approaches to both of these concepts.

All Azimuth Vol 4, no.1, Jan 2015

International Relations (IR) theory is a fundamental course both at undergraduate and graduate l... more International Relations (IR) theory is a fundamental course both at undergraduate and
graduate levels of study in Political Science and/or International Relations departments in
North America and Britain. One might even argue that in the hierarchy of IR scholarship,
authors of IR theory rank high, if not always first, among their colleagues and that theorizing
is a tough but charismatic business. International Relations Theories, released by a prestigious
Turkish publishing house, is a clear indication that IR theory is now well-established within
the Turkish IR community

All azimuth Vol.3, No.2, Jul 2014

The reform or ‘democratization’ of intelligence has been studied in many countries essentially a... more The reform or ‘democratization’ of intelligence has been studied in many countries
essentially as a process of transition from authoritarian or ‘counterintelligence’ states to
liberal democratic regimes in which security and intelligence agencies are subject to (more
or less) democratic control and oversight.1
These studies have contributed to the growth in
comparative studies of intelligence but have often ignored some key issues, including the
conditions for the very existence of ‘state’ intelligence, the continuing significance of parallel
non-state intelligence entities and the involvement of an increasing number of corporate actors in intelligence activities. This article examines intelligence as it works within and between different ‘sectors’ and the implications for democratization

All Azimuth Vol.3, No.2, Jul 2014

The European Union’s international identity is a theme that has attracted great scholarly interes... more The European Union’s international identity is a theme that has attracted great scholarly interest in the last two decades, parallel to the increasing role of the Union as a global actor. This period has also witnessed the rise of constructivism as an approach in International Relations with a specific focus on the social nature of and ideational factors in international affairs. Many of the works published in this time frame have approached the topic of European Union identity from a constructivist perspective that focused on the outcomes of the identity construction process within the Union, drawing parallels between the processes of identity construction and dissemination in nation states and at the European level. This study, by differentiating between the critical and conventional constructivist accounts of identity, offers a discursive analysis of the European Union’s identity that concentrates instead on the building blocks and evolution of the identity construction process within the Union. To this aim, it explores the ways in which the identity of the European Union has been represented in the foreign policy discourse originating from the Union’s various institutions and leaders, based on a particular conception of ‘Europe.’

All Azimuth, Vol. 3, No.2, Jul 2014

By evoking economic turmoil in Europe, the global crisis of 2007-2008 had important impacts on th... more By evoking economic turmoil in Europe, the global crisis of 2007-2008 had important impacts on the economic and political integration of the European Union (EU), leading to a reassessment of the relationship between the core–periphery countries and the model of the ‘democratic European welfare state.’ Most studies that address this problem in the EU focus on the fiscal mismanagement and welfare policies of the non-core or periphery countries (i.e. Greece) as the main culprit. Unlike the mainstream ideas, this paper explains the recent European crisis as a result of the liberalization and deregulation process that started with the second globalization wave in the 1970s. This paper also questions whether the recent radical nationalist trend in the EU countries can be explained as a byproduct of the crisis, using Polanyi’s notion of “double movement”.

All Azimuth, Vol. 3, No.2, Jul 2014

This study surveys the Turkish intelligence community’s (non-) sharing intelligence behavior. The... more This study surveys the Turkish intelligence community’s (non-) sharing intelligence behavior. The factors affecting failures to share intelligence and how to increase intelligence sharing practices are examined based on the views of Turkish intelligence insiders. These insiders’ views reveal that the complexity of bureaucratic structures, lack of trust, compartmentalization, power, egoism, fear, informal groupings, lack of reciprocity and lack of feedback are the causes for non-sharing of intelligence. Policy solutions for shifting from non-sharing towards intelligence sharing behaviors is discussed in a new framework including respective government willingness, enhancing capacity of intelligence collection, building intelligence aquariums, creating rules for establishing new
intelligence sharing, opening up new communication channels, training, and support for sharing culture. This framework argues that policy change should start first at the agency level, then at the community level and finally at the international level.

All Azimuth, Vol. 3, No.2, Jul 2014

In Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict, author Ara Norenzayan tracks the ... more In Big Gods: How Religion Transformed Cooperation and Conflict, author Ara Norenzayan tracks the rise of religion in human communities, from the small deities of hunter-gatherer tribes to the big gods of more-modern societies. He argues that while the development of moral supernatural agents was a large
contributor to our cooperative, mainly anonymous way of living, their influence is now waning in the face of secular institutions. In God’s Century: Resurgent Religion and Global Politics, authors Monica Duffy Toft, Daniel Philpott, and Timothy Samuel Shah maintain that religion is alive and well, especially in politics, where it has enjoyed a resurgence in the last 40 years. This review
compares and contrasts these two books, presenting a discussion of their main points as well as what we should know about religion when formulating conflict resolution strategies and developing international policy.

All Azimuth Vol. 3, No.1, Jan 2014

Despite its present reputation as weak, inefficient, and discreditable, the United Nations is on... more Despite its present reputation as weak, inefficient, and discreditable, the
United Nations is one of humanity’s most noble endeavors. Although the
structure of the Security Council prevents its decision-making procedures
from being more democratic, the UN still seeks to suppress aggression, respect
self-determination, and promote human rights and well-being. Furthermore,
political cosmopolitans’ proposals for comprehensive UN reform, which goes
far beyond increasing the number of permanent members of the Security
Council, give us hope for substantial improvement. Nevertheless, the UN is still
the sum of the states it is comprised of and UN reform depends on the broader
and ambitious project of state reform as both concept and practice. Within this
context, this paper argues that focusing exclusively on the Security Council
and the geographical distribution of permanent membership only harms the
comprehensiveness of the analyses seeking to reform the UN from a larger
perspective. The fact that the success of a UN reform is closely related with
the enhancement of member states’ ethical capacities should also be taken into
consideration.
The next round of debates for a proper solution to the UN impasse takes place
in 2015, and Turkey is emerging as an enthusiastic voice for further reform and
for its own potential permanent membership in the Security Council. However,
Turkey has also developed a significantly anti-UN discourse unprecedented in
its foreign policy, which now runs the risk of curtailing the country’s capacity
to partake in substantial change in UN decision-making procedures. Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu currently acts as a statesman, insisting
on a statist reform (which focuses more on states’ individual interests) of the
Security Council. Interestingly, in the 1990s, when Davutoğlu was a university
professor, his views of the UN tended to be more cosmopolitan and suggested
a civilization-based solution. This paper, while elaborating on the discussions
of reforming the UN from a cosmopolitan perspective, also probes Davutoğlu’s
conflicting approaches to the issue. It thus seeks to argue that Turkey, instead of
pushing for a purely statist model, should consider supporting pluralistic, multilevel,
and more-complex participation in the UN’s decision-making procedures.

All Azimuth Vol.3, No.1, Jan 2014

Critical geopolitics provides ways of looking at the world and questioning the role of geopoliti... more Critical geopolitics provides ways of looking at the world and questioning the
role of geopolitics in foreign policymaking processes, as opposed to accepting
them as objective and natural. From this theoretical perspective, this article
aims to apply critical geopolitics to the case of Turkish-American relations with
respect to how the United States (US) viewed Turkey’s geography and how the
Turkey-US alliance has been shaped by the foreign and security policies of the
latter. The article argues that the alliance was a product of the US’ Cold War
geopolitical discourse, wherein the US considered Turkey to be a strategic ally
against Soviet expansion. Thereafter, the declaration of the Truman Doctrine
on March 12, 1947, led to increased US military ties with Turkey and became
the basis for Turkey’s inclusion in NATO in 1952. As a consequence, Turkey
began to be defined as the anchor of NATO’s strategic southern flank and a
barrier against the communist threat in the Middle East and the Mediterranean
throughout the Cold War. Turkey has also been a major recipient of American
military equipment and was a supplier of important military facilities for
monitoring the Soviet Union. The paper also argues that while Turkey generally
fits within the US’ geopolitical designs and that these two countries cooperated
on numerous efforts during the Cold War, the Cyprus problem in that period
revealed the limits of US geopolitical discourse.

All Azimuth Vol.3, No.1, Jan 2014

States provide foreign assistance for many reasons, including their achievement of strategic goa... more States provide foreign assistance for many reasons, including their achievement
of strategic goals. Previous research suggests that rivalries exert a meaningful
impact on foreign aid allocations, not only in direct rivalry situations (i.e.,
rivals are less like to receive aid), but also in indirect rivalry situations (i.e.,
potential recipients located near rivals or with rivalries in common with the
donor are more likely to receive aid). What happens as a consequence of such
strategic aid allocations? In this paper, we examine the effect of foreign aid on
conflict within direct and indirect rivalry situations. Specifically, we identify and
develop two contending arguments about the likely consequences of foreign aid
and conflict in indirect rivalry situations. To test these arguments, we examine
foreign assistance by the United States and the conflict history of recipient
states from 1962 to 2000. Our results indicate that when foreign aid recipients
and donors are rivals with a third state, increased foreign aid to the recipient
leads to increased conflict between the recipient and the third-party rival

All Azimuth, Vol. 3, No.1, Jan 2014

2013 was a year of social unrest in the regions of the Mediterranean and southeastern Europe. Fr... more 2013 was a year of social unrest in the regions of the Mediterranean and
southeastern Europe. From Bulgaria to Slovenia, and from Egypt to Syria, there
were new waves of citizen unrest, violent clashes, and civil-war-like escalations.
This paper looks at the social protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Turkey.
The protests in the two countries started because of concrete examples of public
mismanagement: In the case of Bosnia because of the failure to pass a new law
on identity numbers, which resulted in the inability of a baby to receive medical
support abroad, and in the case of Turkey because of the decision to replace
Gezi Park with a new shopping centre in Istanbul. However, both protests are
also symbolic of deeper sentiments of citizen dissatisfaction. What started out
as protests to save a park in Turkey, and change the law on identity numbers in
Bosnia, became a wider movement to demand substantial reforms and changes
to the current style of politics in both countries. This paper will look at the
long-term effects of these protests. While in the short-term they have resulted
in relatively few changes, it will be demonstrated that there might be long-term
effects that will significantly impact the social contract in Bosnia and Turkey.

All Azimuth, Vol. 3, No.1, Jan 2014

The relationship between theory and practice in international relations and foreign policy has b... more The relationship between theory and practice in international relations and
foreign policy has been addressed by many on both sides. Despite helpful
observations, the exploration has not produced much in the way of conclusive
outcomes. This result is not surprising given the fact the theory-practice debate
in foreign affairs is inevitably associated with the broader debate about how
to properly study organized political/social life when focusing on the role of
culture, structure, and choice in international relations. Although juxtaposing
the theoretical study of international relations and foreign policy against the
practice of foreign/international policy has its discipline-specific traits, it
cannot be divorced from the larger ontological and epistemological debates.
This essay reminds the reader of several facets of the narrower debate as it
relates to the broader one and offers a perspective and ensuing observations
from a ‘part taker’ in foreign policy. The essay also includes an idea for a
research project that could be used to help overcome some of the putative
shortcomings of the field.

All Azimuth, Vol. 3, No.1, Jan 2014

Review article of three books: 1. Adam Hanieh, Capitalism and Class in the Gulf Arab States (New... more Review article of three books:
1. Adam Hanieh, Capitalism and Class in the Gulf Arab States (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2011, 266pp., USD 90, hardcover)
2. John Bellamy Foster and Robert W. McChesney, The Endless Crisis: How Monopoly –
Finance Capital Produces Stagnation and Upheaval from the USA to China (New York:
Monthly Review Press, 2012, 227pp., USD 18.08, hardcover)
3. Samir Amin, Ending the Crisis of Capitalism or Ending Capitalism? (New York:
Pambazuka Press, 2011, 208pp., USD 25.16, paperback)

All Azimuth Vol.2, No.2, Jul 2013

The goal of this paper is to provide a general overview of event data and its importance in the ... more The goal of this paper is to provide a general overview of event data and its
importance in the study of political conflict. In doing so, we illustrate how
the level of methodological sophistication in the data collection, coding, and
analyzing process has progressed from the earliest event-data projects in
the 1970s to the most current ones today. Additionally, we highlight ongoing
debates in the discipline as well as address key challenges that practitioners
of event data will have to overcome to generate increasingly accurate and
nuanced analyses in the future.

All Azimuth Vol.2, No.2, Jul 2013

For analyzing protest and government change, data need to be both reliably measured and valid fo... more For analyzing protest and government change, data need to be both reliably
measured and valid for the task at hand. Data fundamentalists insist that
nothing less than total capture of every event that has taken place is sufficient
for analysis. That scenario is, of course, an impossibility. Rather, methods to
measure the statistical probability that a sample is appropriate for its targeted
universe allow empirical analysis to proceed.

All Azimuth Vol.2, No.2, Jul 2013

Automated event data extraction techniques have revolutionized the study of conflict dynamics th... more Automated event data extraction techniques have revolutionized the study of
conflict dynamics through the ability of these techniques to generate large
volumes of timely data measuring dynamic interactions among actors around
the world. In this paper, we describe our approach for adapting these techniques
to extract data on sentiments and emotions, which are theorized to crucially
contribute to escalating and de-escalating conflict. Political scientists view
political conflict as resulting from a series of strategic interactions between
groups and individuals. Psychologists highlight additional factors in political
conflict, such as endorsements and condemnations, the public’s attitude
toward its leaders, the impact of public attitudes on policy, and decisions
to engage in armed conflict. This project combines these two approaches to
examine hypotheses regarding the effects that different emotional impulses
have on government and dissident decisions to escalate or de-escalate their
use of hostility and violence. Across the two cases examined—the democratic
Philippines and authoritative Egypt between 2001 and 2012—we found
consistent evidence that intense societal fear of dissidents and societal disgust
toward the government were associated with increases in dissident hostility.
Conversely, societal anger toward dissidents was associated with a reduction
in dissident hostility. However, we also found noticeable differences between
the two regimes. We close the article with a summary of these similarities and
differences, along with an assessment of their implications for future conflict
studies.

All Azimuth Vol.2, No.2, Jul 2013

This paper provides a simple introduction to event data analysis, a quantitative data collection... more This paper provides a simple introduction to event data analysis, a quantitative
data collection and analysis approach that has been used extensively for
compiling broad datasets of foreign policy and other international behaviors.
The authors define the steps undertaken in creating the Turkish Foreign Affairs
Event Dataset (TFAED). This pilot study, which uses a single news source
and covers a 23-year period (1990-2013) of foreign affairs in Turkey, was
completed to evaluate the feasibility, time, cost, and possible problems that
might be encountered with a full-scope study. The paper describes the obstacles
encountered during the pilot study’s initial phases and discusses a sample of the
preliminary findings. The paper concludes with potential uses of the dataset.

All Azimuth, Vol.2, No.2, Jul 2013

The participants of the event data workshop held on 2-4 December 2011, discuss the question: "Ho... more The participants of the event data workshop held on 2-4 December 2011, discuss the question: "How do we really apply event data to Turkish foreign affairs and foreign policy, security affairs and Turkish IR? "

All Azimuth, Vo.2, No.1, PP.5-20, Jan 2013

The authors conducted interviews with opinion-makers in Turkey in 2012 to explore the feasibilit... more The authors conducted interviews with opinion-makers in Turkey in 2012 to
explore the feasibility of cooperation between Turkey and Norway on issues
of peacebuilding. Norway was viewed by respondents as a country with softpower
capabilities and a focus on human rights, democratic values, and the
rule of law. Some opinion-makers also emphasized that both countries have
a similar position on Palestine, a pivotal issue in the Middle East. Obstacles
to cooperation include the geographical distance between the two countries,
the lack of common institutions, Norway’s lack of experience with different
ethnicities and faiths, Norway’s failure to object to the 2005-2006 Danish
cartoon scandal regarding Mohammed, Norwegian criticism of Turkey’s
policies toward the Kurds, and its imprisonment of dissidents without due
process of law. Despite these issues, respondents expressed enthusiasm about
future cooperation, and view Norway as a far better potential collaborator than
any other European country, in part because it, like Turkey, is outside the EU
but a member of NATO. The issue of trade-offs between Norway’s use of soft
power and its economic aspirations, namely oil investments in other countries,
was also explored. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibility
that increased cooperation between Turkey and Norway may give rise to
“Turkophobia”, an extension of “Islamophobia”, a simplistic interpretative
framework that rests on cultural misunderstanding and miscommunication.

All-Azimuth, Vol.2, No.1, pp.21-38, Jan 2013

This article proposes to explain the post-Cold War practice of humanitarian intervention by draw... more This article proposes to explain the post-Cold War practice of humanitarian
intervention by drawing on the English School’s international society
approach. It argues that although the sovereignty versus human rights debate
traditionally was framed in dichotomized terms, the post-Cold War practice of
humanitarian intervention illustrated the possibility of a via media approach
to these competing normative claims. Post-Cold War developments regarding
the place of the conventional norms of sovereignty and non-intervention on the
one hand and the growing space for the protection of human rights on the other,
have eased worries about the prospect for order in the international system
and created a suitable environment for including of humanitarian intervention
without jeopardizing that order. To contextualize this development, the article
will argue that Hedley Bull’s discussion of such key terms as the international
society, the centrality of states, the importance of norms, and normative change
helps explain intervention in today’s world. By building on that framework, the
article draws attention to the enabling and constraining factors highlighted
by the international society approach, and as such, concludes that the
English school suggests both promise and caution regarding the prospects for
humanitarian intervention in modern international relations.

All-Azimuth, Vol.2, No.1, pp.39-42

In recent years, we have seen a growing interest in and support for mediation as a means of prev... more In recent years, we have seen a growing interest in and support for mediation as a means of
preventing conflicts and resolving disputes, not only at the United Nations (UN) headquarters,
but also at regional and national levels. As the Permanent Representative of Turkey to the
United Nations since 2009, I have witnessed the momentum built around the concept of
mediation. Turkey, as the co-chair of the Group of Friends of Mediation, played a leading role
in this process. Its membership in the UN Security Council in 2009-2010 also helped Turkey
pursue and contribute to this matter within the Council.

All-Azimuth, Vol.2, No.1, pp. 47-52, Jan 2013

In this age of instant global media coverage, it is easy to lose perspective as well as one’s vi... more In this age of instant global media coverage, it is easy to lose perspective as well as one’s
view of the horizon. A week is a long time in politics, as the saying goes. A week of media
coverage may be even longer, one might add. And after months of coverage, a single issue
may have turned from fact to fiction or from fiction to fact. An event can become a process,
a challenge can become a problem, a difficulty can become a crisis. Cause and effect may
become blurred by the subtle power of media and the shorthand that is inevitably used to
frame a phenomenon. Explanations can give way to labels, for better or worse.

A Turkey-Norway collaboration may sound like an unusual partnership, but a common agenda for pea... more A Turkey-Norway collaboration may sound like
an unusual partnership, but a common agenda for peacebuilding and conflict resolution led
two organizations, the Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Center (NOREF) and the İhsan
Doğramacı Peace Foundation’s Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research at Bilkent
University in Ankara, to explore the potential of this partnership in relation to the Arab
uprisings. The two groups collaborated in a workshop held with Turkish and Norwegian
academics under the co-sponsorship of the Strategic Research Center (SAM) of the Turkish
Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 1 and 2 November 2012 in Ankara. The workshop focused
on the Arab uprisings from a peacebuilding and conflict resolution perspective. Presenting
the views anonymously, this article summarizes and reflects on some of the discussions held
during the workshop.

All-Azimuth, Vol.2, No.1, pp. 43-46, Jan 2013

The Centre for European Security Studies (CESS or the Centre) in the Netherlands has conducted t... more The Centre for European Security Studies (CESS or the Centre) in the Netherlands has
conducted three consecutive capacity-building programmes on civil-military relations
and good governance of the security sector in Turkey since 2004. This was done in close
cooperation with local partners from Ankara and Istanbul and financially supported by the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. As the last programme, which commenced
in 2010, draws to a close, the time has come to reflect on the outcomes of the work of CESS
in Turkey

All Azimuth Vol.1, no.2, pp.5-18, Jul 2012

This article examines whether theories previously developed to explain variations in individual ... more This article examines whether theories previously developed to explain
variations in individual attitudes toward European Union (EU) membership
in post-communist Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) also
explain attitudes in Turkey. In CEECs, attitudes reflect whether individuals feel
they win or lose in economic and democratic transitions. Although Turkey did
not experience a transition from communism to liberal democracy, its political
and economic spheres have nevertheless changed to meet EU membership
conditions. Using 2002.2 and 2003.2 Eurobarometers, I found that, while
satisfaction with economic circumstances significantly increased pro-EU
attitudes, satisfaction with the democratic system did not increase pro-EU
attitudes in Turkey and many CEECs.

All Azimuth, Vol.1, No.2, pp.19-33, Jul 2012

A young socialist regime with few diplomatic ties in the 1950s and 1960s, the People’s Republic ... more A young socialist regime with few diplomatic ties in the 1950s and 1960s, the
People’s Republic of China (PRC) made significant attempts to reach foreign
audiences through the use of mass media. Shortwave broadcasting was a
particularly significant means of disseminating the PRC’s worldview abroad.
Radio Peking’s Turkish language section, which was established in 1957 along
with Arabic and Persian broadcasts, signaled China’s desire to reach countries
in the Middle East. Predating official Sino-Turkish ties and providing a direct
cultural link between China and Turkey at a time when few such channels
existed, Radio Peking’s Turkish language broadcasts should be regarded as a
significant aspect of Sino-Turkish relations during the Cold War years. Based
on recently available Chinese language sources, as well as interviews with
retired staff, this article examines Radio Peking’s Turkish language section with
regard to its organization, program content and audience from 1957 to 1976.
It is significant that the PRC regime continued its Turkish language broadcasts
amidst various challenges, such as administrative instability, lack of trained
personnel, poor technical equipment and unsatisfactory audience numbers.

All-Azimuth Vol 1, No.2, pp.35-53, Jul 2012

In 1971 it was apparently “too early” for Zhou Enlai to give Henry Kissinger his assessment of t... more In 1971 it was apparently “too early” for Zhou Enlai to give Henry Kissinger his assessment
of the significance of the French Revolution. It is certainly too soon to sum up the importance
of the events in the Arab world since January 2011.1
However, it seems reasonable to attempt
an interim assessment of how the “Arab Spring” fits into the pattern of major revolutions and
waves of upheaval since 1789. Such a review of similarities and contrasts between current
events and past developments should provide some historical foundations for comparative
analysis of the contemporary revolutionary wave in the Middle East.

All-Azimuth Vol.1, No.2, pp.55-68, Jul 2012

This article examines Turkish-Israeli relations from 1948 to 2012 in light of domestic and inter... more This article examines Turkish-Israeli relations from 1948 to 2012 in light
of domestic and international events that have impacted the two countries
throughout the years. The article examines each country’s threat perceptions,
which emanate from developments in the Middle East. The author points out
commonalities and confrontations between the two countries, and discusses
how the latter can be avoided. The article explores how to improve relations in
view of the rapid changes occurring in the region, and discusses how the two
countries are positioning themselves in the current restructuring of the Middle
East and emerging new power balances, some of which are created by these two
major regional players themselves.

All-Azimuth, Vol.1, No.2, pp.69-79, Jul 2012

“Extended deterrence,” or “active deterrence,” as it is sometimes called, threatens a nuclearstra... more “Extended deterrence,” or “active deterrence,” as it is sometimes called, threatens a nuclearstrategic
response in case of a nuclear attack on the territory or troops of one’s allies. This
paper aims to explore the possibilities of extended deterrence in the Middle East in light of an
Iranian nuclear military capability. Two preliminary remarks are necessary in order to frame
the line of reasoning on the issue.

All Azimuth, Vol.1, No.2, pp.81-95, Jul 2012

Review article of 3 books: 1. Andrew Phillips, War, Religion and Empire: The Transformation of I... more Review article of 3 books:
1. Andrew Phillips, War, Religion and Empire: The Transformation of International Orders
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, xii + 364 pp., USD 82.68, hardcover).
2. Timothy Samuel Shah, Alfred Stepan, Monica Duffy Toft, eds., Rethinking Religion and
World Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, x + 319 pp., USD 29.95, paper.).
3. Timothy Fitzgerald, Religion and Politics in International Relations: The Modern Myth
(London: Continuum, 2011, x + 284 pp., USD 39.85, paper.).

All-Azimuth Vol. 1, No.1, pp 10-27, Jan 2012

There has scarcely been a day in the last three years when we have not read depressing headlines ... more There has scarcely been a day in the last three years when we have not read depressing headlines in the newspapers about the global economic crisis. The current turmoil, which many experts concur in seeing as the worst jolt to the world economy since the Great Depression, is pushing the parameters of the established system to its limits. One could say that we see, in the short-term measures taken against the crisis at the time, an effective anti-crisis strategy. But ironically, the promptness with which these short-term measures were enacted prevented adequate questioning of the dominant paradigm which had caused the crisis. As a result, the structural problems leading to the crisis were not reduced. Despite the occurrence of the deepest economic crisis to be experienced since the Great Depression, the present economic emergency did not shake the neoclassical economic paradigm as strongly as was needed. A puzzle that this study aims to solve arises here: Why and how has the conventional wisdom survived and reproduced its intellectual hegemony even after the “most devastating economic crisis” since the Great Depression?

All-Azimuth Vol. 1, No.1, pp.28-48, Jan 2012

This article intends to go beyond the consequentialist utilitarian approaches to forcible regime ... more This article intends to go beyond the consequentialist utilitarian approaches to forcible regime change by addressing the question of forcing democracy-building from an angle of appropriateness. It aims to analyze the admissibility of pro-democratic military interventions in international society by focusing on the UN and state practice. Is military intervention to remove a tyrannical regime permissible in international law? To what extend does international society condone an outside force to impose a democratic regime? Does the practice of the UN Security Council in promotion of democracy by force point to an emerging norm with regards to expansive concept of humanitarian intervention? To analyze such questions, this article first provides for a discussion of the concept of intervention. Second, it overviews the normative framework of the use of force in international relations. It continues with the analysis of unilateral and multilateral pro-democratic military interventions, and the UN Security Council practice of condemning, authorizing or consequently endorsing democratic regime change in the target states. In the conclusion part, the article assesses the legality and legitimacy issue regarding the pro-democratic intervention and regime change in light of main norms enshrined in the UN Charter and in general international law.

All-Azimuth, Vol. 1, No.1, pp.50-63, Jan 2012

Area studies in the international relations discipline have evolved in response to specific needs... more Area studies in the international relations discipline have evolved in response to specific needs of countries and particular conditions of the world affairs at a given time. This article addresses a set of conditions and needs that influenced the development of area studies in international relations with a focus on the emergence and growth of studies on the United States in Turkey. Accordingly, it is argued that Turkey has historically conceptualized external relations as state-to-state relations and not prioritized initially a research program on area studies. However, the shift from import substitution to export-led growth and the end of the Cold War created an environment in which Turkey’s needs to research about other societies have intensified. This has led to the establishment of research programs and centers at universities as well as the opening of think tanks, some funded by the public, others privately. In light of the assessment of the growth of these research and teaching institutions focusing on the United States, it is concluded that American studies are less developed than what might be expected given Turkey’s close relationship with the United States. Some explanations are also offered for such an observation.

All-Azimuth Vol.1, No.1, pp.64-73, Jan 2012

During the past two decades our basic notions of security underwent repeated changes. To account ... more During the past two decades our basic notions of security underwent repeated changes. To account for these changes, this piece deals with the most important historical events that
shaped our understanding of security as well as the new challenges ahead such as the systemic changes, regional security initiatives from the EU, changing roles of militaries in advanced democracies and recent austerity measures’ effects on the security sector.

All Azimuth, Vol. 1, No.1, 74-89, Jan 2012

When one has the opportunity to visit the heart of Anatolia, it is often an eye-opener. While we... more When one has the opportunity to visit the heart of Anatolia, it is often an eye-opener. While
we may read about developments in Turkey, it is quite different to absorb with all of your
senses the numerous signs of a flourishing, vibrant, growing, modernizing Democracy. As
such, Turkey is more important to U.S. foreign and security policy than ever before. Turkey
can act as a strategic bridge along multiple azimuths. Turkey can also become a greater
stakeholder and can act as a stabilizer, persuader, facilitator, mediator, as well as an example,
as the global community struggles to cope with the challenges and opportunities presented
by the new, emerging post-Cold-War strategic landscape

Review article of 3 books: 1. Michale T. Klare, Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet: The New Geopolit... more Review article of 3 books:
1. Michale T. Klare, Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet: The New Geopolitics of Energy (New
York: Metropolitan Books, Henry Holt and Company LLC, 2008, 352pp., USD 7.99, paper.)
2. Sanam S. Haghighi, Energy Security: The External Legal Relations of the European
Union with Major Oil and Gas Supplying Countries (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2007, xvii +
510pp., USD 148.00, hardcover).
3. Robert L. Evans, Fueling our Future: An Introduction to Sustainable Energy (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2008, x+192pp, USD 30.95, paper.)