Francis C . Domingo | University of the Philippines Diliman (original) (raw)
Books by Francis C . Domingo
Studies on cyber conflict and strategy have substantially increased in the past decade but most h... more Studies on cyber conflict and strategy have substantially increased in the past decade but most have focused on the cyber operations of powerful states. This book moves away from the prominence of powerful states and explores the potential of cyber capabilities for small states in the Asia-Pacific, the most active region for cyber conflict. It develops a systematic explanation of why Brunei, New Zealand, and Singapore have developed or are developing cyber capabilities despite its obscure strategic value. The book argues that the distribution of power in the region and a "technology-oriented" strategic culture are two necessary conditions that influence the development of cyber capabilities in small states. Following this argument, the book draws on neoclassical realism as a theoretical framework to account for the interaction between these two conditions. The book also pursues three secondary objectives. First, it aims to determine the constraints and incentives that affect the utilization of cyber capabilities as foreign policy instruments. Second, the book evaluates the functionality of these cyber capabilities for small states. Lastly, it assesses the implications of employing cyber capabilities as foreign policy tools of small states.
Journal Articles by Francis C . Domingo
Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs, 2016
Comparative Strategy, 2016
This article explains why powerful states develop capabilities for warfare in cyberspace. It argu... more This article explains why powerful states develop capabilities for warfare in cyberspace. It argues that despite the apparent limited strategic utility of cyberspace, powerful states develop cyber capabilities to compete for military dominance in the international system. This argument is best explored using a neorealist framework because it provides the most compelling explanation for the competitive behavior of states in cyberspace. Three key implications can be derived from the study: the proliferation of capabilities for warfare in cyberspace is inevitable; powerful states will still dominate cyberspace; and cyberattacks may escalate to kinetic attacks due to the uncertainties regarding existing cyber capabilities.
Defense & Security Analysis, 2015
Efforts toward developing an independent and credible Philippine defense policy were revived when... more Efforts toward developing an independent and credible Philippine defense policy were revived when Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III was elected President of the Philippines in 2010. President Aquino renewed the military modernization program in 2012 and emphasized the necessity of a "minimum credible defense posture." Given the modernization efforts of the government, this article aims to contribute to the development of the concept of minimum credible defense posture by exploring how theory contributes to defense planning. It argues that the contexts of strategy are useful in planning for national defense because these contexts can provide a conceptual framework for defense planners. It proceeds in three parts: the opening section reviews the literature on defense planning; the second surveys the context of developing strategies as discussed in the General Theory of Strategy; and the last provides a definition of minimum credible defense and applies the context of developing strategies to the case of the Philippines.
Military and Strategic Affairs , 2014
Book Chapters by Francis C . Domingo
Book chapter in Brian C. H. Fong, Chong Ja Ian (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Great Power Competition. Milton, Abingdon: Routledge, 2024
Cyberspace has evolved into a domain for hostile action, thereby amplifying the intensity of grea... more Cyberspace has evolved into a domain for hostile action, thereby amplifying the intensity of great power competition in the twenty-first century. While cyberspace was not intended to be a warfighting domain, great powers such as the People’s Republic of China (China), the Russian Federation (Russia), and the United States of America (USA) have created strategies and developed capabilities with the objective of harnessing the strategic advantages of cyber power. This chapter contributes to the existing literature on great power competition by exploring the historical context and dynamics of strategic competition in cyberspace. The author argues that cyberspace has become a prominent domain for strategic competition because it has expanded the opportunities for great powers to advance their national interests. The chapter first traces the history of great power competition in cyberspace in the twenty-first century and then examines the contemporary dynamics of this competition by looking into the strategies that states use for strategic competition. The last section discusses the implications of great power competition in cyberspace.
Book chapter in J. Oreta and K. Tolosa (eds.) Security Sector Reform: Modern Defense Force Philippines (Quezon City:, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press), Apr 2014
Book Reviews by Francis C . Domingo
Journal of Information Technology & Politics Vol. 12 No. 4 (2015), 399-401
Policy Papers by Francis C . Domingo
Meeting China's Emerging Capabilities, 2022
The PRC’s efforts to harness the advantages of established and emerging technologies pose a serio... more The PRC’s efforts to harness the advantages of established and emerging technologies pose a serious threat to the national security of the Philippines. The PRC’s autonomous weapons systems, while still underdeveloped, can enhance the scope and effectiveness of air and maritime operations in the South China Sea. Its cyber capabilities have been instrumental in collecting national security secrets of different states in the region. Finally, the PRC’s evolving space and counterspace weapons signal the country’s technological superiority over weaker states. Given the security implications of the PRC’s use of autonomous, cyber, and counterspace weapons, the Philippines needs to leverage its alliance with the U.S. if it intends to increase its capacity to defend against complex Chinese threats.
ADRi Special Study November , 2020
Co-authored with Dr. Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby This paper explores the advantages of a st... more Co-authored with Dr. Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby
This paper explores the advantages of a strategic partnership as a guiding framework to expand the security cooperation between Japan and the Philippines. It argues that the strategic partnership needs to integrate new areas of mutual interest to become more durable in the twenty-first century.
The Japan-Philippines strategic partnership is an instructive example of an arrangement that adapts to the changing environment by updating its methods of addressing emerging security threats. Formally established in 2011 and upgraded in 2015, this paper makes the case that the partnership can be further strengthened by exploring new areas of mutual interest: cybersecurity, biosecurity, and food security.
In developing this argument, this study uses a conceptual framework that enables the systematic exploration of new areas of security cooperation between Japan and the Philippines. Due to the significance of networked technologies in society and the emergence of sophisticated cyber threats, it contends that the strategic partners should integrate cybersecurity as an area of cooperation.
Biological threats such as the coronavirus have grave implications to all facets of life, so both states must include biosecurity as an area of cooperation. Lastly, attacks against critical infrastructure and the spread of deadly pathogens constrain the production and distribution of food across populations thereby necessitating more extensive cooperation in the area of food security.
Given that Japan and the Philippines already have a strategic partnership, the integration of new areas of security cooperation can lead to a deeper and more sustainable bilateral relationship for the twenty-first century.
National Cybersecurity and Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots, 2019
This volume examines the cybersecurity policies and architecture of Austria, Finland, France, Ger... more This volume examines the cybersecurity policies and architecture of Austria, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Singapore and the United Kingdom. By doing so, it sheds light on how cyberdefense is embedded in these states’ cybersecurity postures. The authors find that these countries’ approaches have notable differences, including in their understanding of cybersecurity. However, the text also highlights common trends, including a move toward civilian leadership and oversight as well as the centralization of control and implementation responsibilities for cybersecurity and cyberdefense.
Studies on cyber conflict and strategy have substantially increased in the past decade but most h... more Studies on cyber conflict and strategy have substantially increased in the past decade but most have focused on the cyber operations of powerful states. This book moves away from the prominence of powerful states and explores the potential of cyber capabilities for small states in the Asia-Pacific, the most active region for cyber conflict. It develops a systematic explanation of why Brunei, New Zealand, and Singapore have developed or are developing cyber capabilities despite its obscure strategic value. The book argues that the distribution of power in the region and a "technology-oriented" strategic culture are two necessary conditions that influence the development of cyber capabilities in small states. Following this argument, the book draws on neoclassical realism as a theoretical framework to account for the interaction between these two conditions. The book also pursues three secondary objectives. First, it aims to determine the constraints and incentives that affect the utilization of cyber capabilities as foreign policy instruments. Second, the book evaluates the functionality of these cyber capabilities for small states. Lastly, it assesses the implications of employing cyber capabilities as foreign policy tools of small states.
Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs, 2016
Comparative Strategy, 2016
This article explains why powerful states develop capabilities for warfare in cyberspace. It argu... more This article explains why powerful states develop capabilities for warfare in cyberspace. It argues that despite the apparent limited strategic utility of cyberspace, powerful states develop cyber capabilities to compete for military dominance in the international system. This argument is best explored using a neorealist framework because it provides the most compelling explanation for the competitive behavior of states in cyberspace. Three key implications can be derived from the study: the proliferation of capabilities for warfare in cyberspace is inevitable; powerful states will still dominate cyberspace; and cyberattacks may escalate to kinetic attacks due to the uncertainties regarding existing cyber capabilities.
Defense & Security Analysis, 2015
Efforts toward developing an independent and credible Philippine defense policy were revived when... more Efforts toward developing an independent and credible Philippine defense policy were revived when Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III was elected President of the Philippines in 2010. President Aquino renewed the military modernization program in 2012 and emphasized the necessity of a "minimum credible defense posture." Given the modernization efforts of the government, this article aims to contribute to the development of the concept of minimum credible defense posture by exploring how theory contributes to defense planning. It argues that the contexts of strategy are useful in planning for national defense because these contexts can provide a conceptual framework for defense planners. It proceeds in three parts: the opening section reviews the literature on defense planning; the second surveys the context of developing strategies as discussed in the General Theory of Strategy; and the last provides a definition of minimum credible defense and applies the context of developing strategies to the case of the Philippines.
Military and Strategic Affairs , 2014
Book chapter in Brian C. H. Fong, Chong Ja Ian (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Great Power Competition. Milton, Abingdon: Routledge, 2024
Cyberspace has evolved into a domain for hostile action, thereby amplifying the intensity of grea... more Cyberspace has evolved into a domain for hostile action, thereby amplifying the intensity of great power competition in the twenty-first century. While cyberspace was not intended to be a warfighting domain, great powers such as the People’s Republic of China (China), the Russian Federation (Russia), and the United States of America (USA) have created strategies and developed capabilities with the objective of harnessing the strategic advantages of cyber power. This chapter contributes to the existing literature on great power competition by exploring the historical context and dynamics of strategic competition in cyberspace. The author argues that cyberspace has become a prominent domain for strategic competition because it has expanded the opportunities for great powers to advance their national interests. The chapter first traces the history of great power competition in cyberspace in the twenty-first century and then examines the contemporary dynamics of this competition by looking into the strategies that states use for strategic competition. The last section discusses the implications of great power competition in cyberspace.
Book chapter in J. Oreta and K. Tolosa (eds.) Security Sector Reform: Modern Defense Force Philippines (Quezon City:, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press), Apr 2014
Journal of Information Technology & Politics Vol. 12 No. 4 (2015), 399-401
Meeting China's Emerging Capabilities, 2022
The PRC’s efforts to harness the advantages of established and emerging technologies pose a serio... more The PRC’s efforts to harness the advantages of established and emerging technologies pose a serious threat to the national security of the Philippines. The PRC’s autonomous weapons systems, while still underdeveloped, can enhance the scope and effectiveness of air and maritime operations in the South China Sea. Its cyber capabilities have been instrumental in collecting national security secrets of different states in the region. Finally, the PRC’s evolving space and counterspace weapons signal the country’s technological superiority over weaker states. Given the security implications of the PRC’s use of autonomous, cyber, and counterspace weapons, the Philippines needs to leverage its alliance with the U.S. if it intends to increase its capacity to defend against complex Chinese threats.
ADRi Special Study November , 2020
Co-authored with Dr. Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby This paper explores the advantages of a st... more Co-authored with Dr. Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby
This paper explores the advantages of a strategic partnership as a guiding framework to expand the security cooperation between Japan and the Philippines. It argues that the strategic partnership needs to integrate new areas of mutual interest to become more durable in the twenty-first century.
The Japan-Philippines strategic partnership is an instructive example of an arrangement that adapts to the changing environment by updating its methods of addressing emerging security threats. Formally established in 2011 and upgraded in 2015, this paper makes the case that the partnership can be further strengthened by exploring new areas of mutual interest: cybersecurity, biosecurity, and food security.
In developing this argument, this study uses a conceptual framework that enables the systematic exploration of new areas of security cooperation between Japan and the Philippines. Due to the significance of networked technologies in society and the emergence of sophisticated cyber threats, it contends that the strategic partners should integrate cybersecurity as an area of cooperation.
Biological threats such as the coronavirus have grave implications to all facets of life, so both states must include biosecurity as an area of cooperation. Lastly, attacks against critical infrastructure and the spread of deadly pathogens constrain the production and distribution of food across populations thereby necessitating more extensive cooperation in the area of food security.
Given that Japan and the Philippines already have a strategic partnership, the integration of new areas of security cooperation can lead to a deeper and more sustainable bilateral relationship for the twenty-first century.
National Cybersecurity and Cyberdefense Policy Snapshots, 2019
This volume examines the cybersecurity policies and architecture of Austria, Finland, France, Ger... more This volume examines the cybersecurity policies and architecture of Austria, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Singapore and the United Kingdom. By doing so, it sheds light on how cyberdefense is embedded in these states’ cybersecurity postures. The authors find that these countries’ approaches have notable differences, including in their understanding of cybersecurity. However, the text also highlights common trends, including a move toward civilian leadership and oversight as well as the centralization of control and implementation responsibilities for cybersecurity and cyberdefense.
ADRi Special Study July , 2019
Co-authored with Dr. Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby The Australia-Philippine relationship prides... more Co-authored with Dr. Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby
The Australia-Philippine relationship prides itself in having a long history of bilateral cooperation. Since establishing diplomatic relations in 1946, the two countries have strong people-to-people links, sustained development assistance, deep economic ties, and robust security cooperation. Growing people-to-people links are sustained through trade, investment, cultural exchange, education, tourism, and migration. The relationship, which embodies their shared interests and values, was upgraded to a comprehensive partnership in 2015. With this new arrangement, the two sides reaffirmed their commitment in the areas of politics, economics, defense, law and justice cooperation, education, and development cooperation. Despite the sound foundations, Australia-Philippine relations are hampered by domestic factors, which then begs the question of how to sustain the upward trajectory of the partnership. We argue that Australia-Philippines cooperation can be enhanced by leveraging transnational communities: professional networks with authoritative and policy-relevant expertise. We focus on the critical role that these transnational communities can play in influencing the existing mechanisms of Australia-Philippine security relations, specifically in the areas of maritime security, counter-terrorism, and the emerging field of cybersecurity. We posit that tapping the crucial role of transnational communities can be the key to the diversification of strategic options for Australia and the Philippines, given the unique dynamics in the Indo-Pacific’s security architecture.
ADRi Occasional Paper Vol. 9 No. 1 (2016)
Cyberspace has become an indispensable domain for state interaction. Governments have, therefore,... more Cyberspace has become an indispensable domain for state interaction. Governments have, therefore, made use of cyberspace for power projection, the protection of critical national infrastructure, and the exertion of political influence over other actors in the international system. This domain, however, has also become a prominent source of insecurity between states because of its particularly strong potential for espionage, sabotage, and subversion. 1 While cyber security continues to be a contentious policy issue, the promise of a "cyber revolution" has influenced numerous states to develop capabilities for military cyber operations. More than 40 states have now developed military cyber organizations and policies and nearly 70 states have crafted nonmilitary policies and organizations. 2
Fulcrum, 2024
Small and vulnerable states like the Philippines have become a target of cyberattacks for quite s... more Small and vulnerable states like the Philippines have become a target of cyberattacks for quite some time. In the past decade, countering cybercrimes has main priority of the government, since most of the cybersecurity issuesin the country relate to criminal activities. Given that there has been appreciation in the role of cyberspace to advance state interests, the Philippines need to up its game and readjust its focus and efforts on state-sponsored cyber actors.
East Asia Forum, 2022
The emergence of cyberspace as a domain of strategic competition has made it more complicated for... more The emergence of cyberspace as a domain of strategic competition has made it more complicated for the Philippines to leverage the advantages of the information revolution.
9DashLine, 2020
Cyberspace has emerged as a strategic domain for state interactions but its strong potential for ... more Cyberspace has emerged as a strategic domain for state interactions but its strong potential for espionage, sabotage and subversion, has also made it a predominant source of insecurity. While the Philippines are still trying to make strategic sense of cyberspace, the idea of a "cyber revolution" has militarized the responses of powerful states, advancing the development of capabilities for computer network operations. The cyber revolution is based on three widely held assumptions by Western military forces: cyberspace enables asymmetric advantages; cyberspace is offense-dominant; and deterrence is ultimately difficult. Following this trend, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) developed a "Cyber Group" with the support of the United States, to strengthen the capacity of the military to protect state interests in cyberspace. While securing cyberspace is an inescapable task for any government, the AFP cannot exploit the advantages of networked technologies
Security Sector Reform, 2016
Recent studies by academics and policy analysts have established that cyber conflict is most prev... more Recent studies by academics and policy analysts have established that cyber conflict is most prevalent in the Asia-Pacific. State aggression in cyberspace is driven by a confluence of factors that are intrinsic to the region such as territorial disputes, great power rivalry, and historical animosities. Moreover, powerful states with considerable cyber capabilities such as China, Russia, North Korea, and the United States have specific interests in the region, making cyber conflict a useful foreign policy instrument to shape preferences of other states. The Philippines therefore, is in a vulnerable position since it is directly affected by geopolitical constraints and is in the early stages of building critical information infrastructure (CII) and developing capabilities for computer network defence. In this context, the release of an official cyber strategy is a crucial first step in strengthening the state's cybersecurity posture. The National Cybersecurity Plan 2022 (NCSP) is significant for the Philippines because of two reasons. First, it signals that cybersecurity is a priority for government. Second, it clarifies the government's intentions in terms of protecting the state's national interests in cyberspace. Prioritising cybersecurity The NCSP is significant because it signals that cybersecurity is also important for the government. Although the national security priorities of current government are counternarcotics, counterterrorism, and maritime security, these efforts are all facilitated by information and communications and technology (ICT). While the Internet is the basic platform for business and social interaction, it also supports drug trafficking, the recruitment of violent extremists as well as satellite-based navigation systems that are crucial for maritime security operations. Capabilities for computer network operations are therefore necessary for the government to pursue its main priorities. Furthermore, the NCSP signifies the commitment of the government to protect four areas of national interest: CII, government computer networks, supply chain of goods and services, and individuals. Since the scope of cybersecurity is extensive, these four priorities are essential to narrow the focus of the government and assess the feasibility of an ambitious plan to secure Philippines interests in cyberspace. Given these priorities, two issues standout. First, based on the NCSP, considerable capability upgrades are necessary for both law enforcement agencies and military forces. It is not clear how the current government will complete these upgrades within five years. Second, protecting CII involves close coordination between private firms and government agencies. It is unclear how much information government agencies can access given that private firms mostly own CII.
As states seek to strengthen their national security and expand their political influence in the ... more As states seek to strengthen their national security and expand their political influence in the information age, cyber capabilities are rapidly becoming an instrument of state power. Computer network operations have been integrated as part of conventional military capabilities to strengthen network defences as well as to align with the cyber capabilities of powerful states. The persistence of hostile interactions in cyberspace is more pronounced in the Asia-Pacific region, where the highest number of interstate cyber incidents has been observed in the past fifteen years. Existing studies suggest that these cyber conflicts are linked to geopolitical tension such as territorial disputes, great power rivalry, and historical animosities between states in the region.
In late 2015 we started musing over the idea of running a series of articles about the Philippine... more In late 2015 we started musing over the idea of running a series of articles about the Philippine Elections in 2016 for Ballots and Bullets, a blog run by the School of Politics and International Relations at The University of Nottingham. We knew that the official campaign would be three months long and that this task would be a big commitment. After canvassing a number of friends and colleagues on whether they would write for us we decided to go ahead. When the election campaign started on 9 February so did our blog.
The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is gradually regaining its prestige after decades of in... more The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is gradually regaining its prestige after decades of incapacity. However, these efforts may be diminished if the next president is unable to provide a clear direction and follow through in terms of military capability management.
The effort to develop cyber security capabilities has revealed a gap in the government’s Nationa... more The effort to develop cyber security capabilities has revealed a gap in the government’s National Security Policy 2011 – 2016 since it does not provide any general direction on how cyber threats will be addressed and does not set any objectives that relate to cyber security. This gap is crucial because it indicates that cyber security was not a key priority of the government despite the increasing pattern of cyberattacks in the region.
The School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Nottingham and the Depart... more The School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Nottingham and the Department of Political Science at the University of the Philippines, Diliman and invited bloggers from around the world will be running a non-partisan joint election blog over the three month election period.
Ballots & Bullets: School of Politics and International Relations, University of Nottingham, Feb 27, 2015
Cyberspace has emerged as a new domain of conflict and cooperation between states. The idea of th... more Cyberspace has emerged as a new domain of conflict and cooperation between states. The idea of the "cyber revolution" has generated interest among powerful states such as China, Russia and the United States, influencing them to exploit the potential of cyberspace for espionage, sabotage, and subversion. Moreover, more than 40 states that have established military cyber organizations and policies and almost 70 states with non-military cyber policies and organizations (United Nations, 2013). Despite the efforts to develop of cyber capabilities, existing studies suggest that these capabilities still cannot empower weaker states to the point that they can challenge more powerful states (Gartzke, 2013; Lindsay, 2013). More specifically, cyber capabilities have limited utility when employed as foreign policy instruments by weak states. In this context, this paper evaluates the implications of cyber revolution on the Philippines. It argues that the Philippines cannot make strategic use of cyberspace without defining a coherent foreign policy direction and strengthening the force projection capabilities of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
As states seek to strengthen their national security and exercise political influence, cyber capa... more As states seek to strengthen their national security and exercise political influence, cyber capabilities are rapidly becoming an instrument of state power. States have started integrating computer network operations in their military forces to defend against cyber intrusions and to align with capabilities of major allies. The increase in cyber skirmishes is more pronounced in Asia, where the highest number of interstate cyber incidents has been observed in the past fifteen years. Despite this predicament, there have been very limited interstate military conflicts in the region, which suggests that the use of cyber capabilities encourages less violence. In this context, this paper aims to explore the prospect of cyber capabilities being a preferred foreign policy instrument by states in the region. It contends that the heightened geopolitical tension in Asia makes cyber capabilities more strategic for interstate security interactions for three reasons. First, cyber capabilities are not violent: computers cannot cause direct physical damage. Second, cyber capabilities are stealthy: complex cyber intrusions are difficult to detect. Third, cyber capabilities are convenient: computers can be utilised to enable or disable military operations.
Cyber security capabilities are rapidly becoming a new instrument of power, as states attempt to ... more Cyber security capabilities are rapidly becoming a new instrument of power, as states attempt to strengthen national security and exercise political influence in international affairs. Military forces and civilian agencies are upgrading their capabilities to allow for constant monitoring of changes in cyber domain and defence against cyber attacks. Advancements include technically capable staff, high-end surveillance technologies, competitive defence innovation, sophisticated doctrines and adaptive strategies for cyber operations. While more states are investing in capabilities for cyber operations, no accepted method of measuring cyber security has been produced therefore creating significant challenges for the international community.
Given this context, this paper argues that measuring cyber capabilities has not been possible due to three critical barriers: information classification, technical complexity, and the absence of international norms. This paper proceeds in three sections. The first section explains the significance of measuring cyber capabilities. The second section examines the main barriers to capability measurement and the last section discusses potential solutions to these barriers by looking into emerging indicators.
As cyberspace transforms into what military strategists and futurists call the “next battlespace,... more As cyberspace transforms into what military strategists and futurists call the “next battlespace,” the world may be witnessing not only the rise of a new zone of strategic competition but, more inevitably, ground zero for the next global arms race. While cyber warfare is still in its early stages, countries like China have initiated the production of a new generation of cyber weapons and have continued to develop a professional corps of cyber warriors that promise reshape how war is fought in the twenty-first century. In recent years, Chinese cyber capabilities have become more disturbing, as it has launched an undefined number of cyber reconnaissance and offensive operations with unknown intent against a variety of countries. This paper examines China’s cyber warfare capabilities and its ramifications on member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The article argues that the superior offensive cyber warfare capabilities of China are a significant threat to member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), leaving it defenceless in the event of a major cyber attack.
The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) is confronted by a persistent communist i... more The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) is confronted by a persistent communist insurgency, the origins of which date back to 1968, when the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) announced its loyalty to the Maoist precept of “people’s war” and mobilized its devoted military wing, the New People’s Army (NPA). The CPP-NPA started with a small group of students and workers convened by Jose Maria Sison, a university lecturer who was profoundly influenced by the theoretical foundations of Marxism-Leninism. The Third World fusion of peasant unrest and nationalism marked by a series of events in the 1960s such as the Vietnam War, the perceived inequities in the relationship between the Philippines and the United States, oppression resulting in social inequalities, the political radicalism that was sweeping university campuses around the world, and the Cultural Revolution in the People’s Republic of China, further influenced the creation of the militant organization.
The CPP-NPA’s principal objective is “to replace the current economic and political order in the Philippines with a socialist system” and its main function is “to wage a protracted people’s war to destroy the reactionary state power and the interventionist “U.S. imperial forces, protect the people and advance their national and democratic interests.” To achieve its objectives, the CPP-NPA utilizes all tactical means at its disposal: military struggle, mass mobilization, political lobbying, political subversion and International Solidarity Work (ISW) with other left-wing organizations.
Estimates provided by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) indicate that the CPP-NPA continues to mobilize around 5,000 cadres, a drastic decrease from its peak of 28,000 cadres in the mid-1980s. Although diminishing in numbers, the AFP still considers the CPP-NPA as the primary security threat due to its capacity to operate nationally and its ability to infiltrate various state and private institutions.
With this background, this paper argues that CPP-NPA has been able to sustain its activities for the past four decades due to the structural conditions in the Philippine society, particularly the prevalence of extreme poverty and lack of governance in the countryside. Moreover, the CPP-NPA’s steady recruitment pools, persistent ideology, resilient operational security, and reliable sources of money have enabled the organization to develop and expand its influence and operations to at least 1,000 barangays nationwide.
Militant organizations, particularly the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has waged a protrac... more Militant organizations, particularly the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has waged a protracted war against the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) for the past several decades. During these years more than one hundred forty thousand militants, soldiers and civilians have been killed and millions of civilians have been displaced due to these seemingly endless militant activities. To understand how and why these militant organizations have survived throughout the past decades, we must understand the factors that impact on the sustainability of the MILF. The MILF is generally considered as a revolutionary organization fighting for the right of the Moro people (Filipino Muslims) to freely determine their political status and pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. While originally armed and supported by the Libyan and Malaysian governments during the 1980s, the MILF had lost much of its state support several years after. To sustain its armed and political struggle, the MILF forged a tentative relationship with Al Qaeda, receiving money through Islamic charities and non-government organizations, as well as limited military training. However, after the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US, these charities and organizations were shut down prompting the MILF to build up its self-reliance by independently raising its owns funds and procuring and manufacturing its own weapons. The MILF’s self-reliance is the key to its sustainability. This paper argues that specific organizational and external factors contribute to the sustainability of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in pursuing its objective of establishing an independent Islamic state. More particularly, the article addresses the following questions: What factors contribute to the sustainability of the MILF? What are the implications of these factors on the activities of the MILF?
J. Edgar Hoover was a man of great clarity of purpose, and his purpose was always focused on the ... more J. Edgar Hoover was a man of great clarity of purpose, and his purpose was always focused on the welfare of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (Bureau). The Bureau had already been in existence for several years when, as a young man, Hoover was appointed as its director and eventually became its embodiment. He transformed it from a barely known federal agency into a national institution, with a respectable reputation for efficiency and achievement; an institution regarded as the most definite assurance that crime in the United States will not pay.
Hoover directed the Bureau so long that he seemed set in the political scene in Washington. There was that bulldog face: those tiny, squinting eyes; the clenched jaws; and squashed-in nose – features so distinctive that any decent cartoonist could produce a familiar likeness with a few strokes of a pen. It was a face of confident power.
When Hoover was appointed Director of the FBI (Bureau), he was relatively unknown and hardly ever noticed. Upon his appointment, Time magazine described him as distinguished by “an unusually accurate and comprehensive memory”. However, most of the press ignored Hoover. It was only almost five years following his appointment to the Bureau that he was written about by the Congressional Record thereby attaining such distinction symbolic of prominent Washington bureaucrats. But before long, once he had consolidated power and genuinely improved the agency, Hoover opted to go public, build a reputation for his Bureau, and nurture what came to be a cult around himself.
Such weird accounts of Hoover conjure an image of a man who regarded himself as infallible and god-like, and who exerted immense influence over thousands of lives. Hoover acquired the degree of authority and prerogatives rarely seen in and possessed by bureaucrats in a democratic, egalitarian polity. The longer Hoover stayed in power, the more pervasive these prerogatives had evolved thereby giving him an aura of indispensability. Indeed, some suggested that in times of trouble the ascension of Hoover to power was just what the country needed. However, in spite of all the institutional, cultural and political changes Hoover initiated, a closer scrutiny of his actions and policies reveals that he utilized his power and influence to pursue his personal ambitions which gave rise to political turf wars, critical intelligence failure, flawed organizational structure, and a maladaptive law enforcement culture. As shall be seen in the ensuing discussion, these problems comprise Hoovers’ contributions to the Bureau’s organizational roots of failure, and impacted on the Bureau’s overall performance as an intelligence and investigative institution during the years following his death.
Competitive Intelligence “the systematic program for gathering and analyzing information abou... more Competitive Intelligence
“the systematic program for gathering and analyzing information about your competitors’ activities…” (Kahaner 1996)
“the use of public sources to locate and develop data that is then transformed into information, generally about competitors…” (McGonagle 1998)