Canadian Archaeology Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

These books took a lot of time, effort and energy. If you would like to support the publishing of books on antique Canadian bottles, please buy them. If you bought a CD-ROM copy of our book, feel free to print a copy for your own use, but... more

These books took a lot of time, effort and energy. If you would like to support the publishing of books on antique Canadian bottles, please buy them. If you bought a CD-ROM copy of our book, feel free to print a copy for your own use, but please don't burn or print them for your friends. Thanks.

In this chapter, the Hul’qumi’num Treaty Group (of southwest coastal British Columbia, Canada) addresses a unique question set to address three specific objectives: 1) to articulate Hul’qumi’num customary laws relating to historically... more

In this chapter, the Hul’qumi’num Treaty Group (of southwest coastal British Columbia, Canada) addresses a unique question set to address three specific objectives: 1) to articulate Hul’qumi’num customary laws relating to historically significant places, artifacts, and human remains; 2) to examine current problems relating to respect and enforcement of Hul’qumi’num customary laws; and 3) to explore how the legal environment might be changed.

Blackduck pottery is uncommon in Saskatchewan, has ing been recovered from 10 sites, almost all in the northern boreal forest zone. In most cases only one or two vessels are represented. The recos cry of sherds representing five Blackduck... more

Blackduck pottery is uncommon in Saskatchewan, has ing been recovered from 10 sites, almost all in the northern boreal forest zone. In most cases only one or two vessels are represented. The recos cry of sherds representing five Blackduck vessels from the Hanson and Hokness sites, two adjacent sites in the aspen parklands of central Saskatchewan. must therefore be considered significant. The Hanson and Hokness vessels are thicker and have less consolidated paste than is usual in Blackduck found farther to the east, although the decorative motifs are generally the same. Ross ever, their coarser features are consistent with Saskatchewan Blackduck pottery in general. This consistency is taken as es idence that this pottery ss as produced in the context of an established cultural tradition in this region and is not simply a result of trade or the occasional in-movement of outsid ers.

The Boreal Forest is a vast region. Therefore, the archaeological record like anywhere else in the globe is subject to revision as additional evidence is gathered. By conducting research in the same location over a long period of time,... more

The Boreal Forest is a vast region. Therefore, the archaeological record like anywhere else in the globe is subject to revision as additional evidence is gathered. By conducting research in the same location over a long period of time, Hyslop was able to alter the methodological approach that he utilised whilst surveying the shorelines of Lac Seul. His new approach revealed that cultural material existed well into the forested interior away from the water’s edge within the Lac Seul basin in central Canada. This development requires a detailed discussion of the nature of the Boreal Forest, the manner in which these discoveries were made, and the possible implications for the geographical region. It is important to recognise that this discussion is concerned with the surveying techniques utilised, not the excavation techniques.

While it is difficult to be precise, the commercial archaeology industry in Canada is likely at least an 80- to 100-million-dollar annual enterprise not including Indigenous monitoring costs (Heritage Business International/Dore 2015)... more

While it is difficult to be precise, the commercial archaeology industry
in Canada is likely at least an 80- to 100-million-dollar annual enterprise not including Indigenous monitoring costs (Heritage Business International/Dore 2015) and employs thousands of individuals. Well over 90% of all archaeology conducted today in Canada is commercial in origin and results in thousands of archaeological sites being documented annually.

This chapter describes evidence of past Secwépemc plant use derived from archaeological investigations conducted in south-central British Columbia (Canada) by Nicholas and colleagues on the Kamloops Indian Reserve between 1991 and 2004.... more

This chapter describes evidence of past Secwépemc plant use derived from archaeological investigations conducted in south-central British Columbia (Canada) by Nicholas and colleagues on the Kamloops Indian Reserve between 1991 and 2004. The sites tested represent open-air locations not directly associated with pithouse villages or roasting pit areas, and thus provide new information on past Secwépemc land use derived from limited testing at many sites and from extensive excavation of two terrace sites, EeRb 144 and EeRb 140, and one floodplain site, EeRb 77. Here we summarize the archaeological investigations conducted at these and other sites in the project area, and also discuss various archaeobotanical data recovered. The latter includes a summary of research on the plant remains from EeRb 140 by Michèle Wollstonecroft and Gladys Baptiste (2000; also Chapter 4 of this volume), and the preliminary results of studies on the birch bark recovered at EeRb-144 by Leisl Westfall and at EeRb 140 by Nancy Jules.

The Wendat (Huron) and Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) confederacies of northeastern North America are often presented as functionally equivalent political formations despite their having distinct cultural traits and unique geopolitical and... more

The Wendat (Huron) and Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) confederacies of northeastern North America are often presented as functionally equivalent political formations despite their having distinct cultural traits and unique geopolitical and developmental histories. In this article we employ social network analysis of collar decoration on ceramic vessels both to examine organizational differences in the social network that composed each group and to evaluate women’s participation in political activities as potters who produced and transmitted social and political signals. The concept of social capital and the dimensions along which it varies are employed to understand variability in network statistics and topologies. Our results indicate that the Wendat confederacy formed a “complete” network characterized by bonding ties of social capital, whereas the Haudenosaunee confederacy was a “coalitional” network characterized by bridging ties. The results suggest that women’s signaling networks were integral to how each confederacy functioned and the norms of reciprocity, trust, and information-sharing that defined each political formation.

The 20 papers in this volume written by both Indigenous and non-Indigenous authors, examine the complex interactions between archaeologists and contemporary Indigenous peoples of Canada in regard to working together, interpretation of the... more

The 20 papers in this volume written by both Indigenous and non-Indigenous authors, examine the complex interactions between archaeologists and contemporary Indigenous peoples of Canada in regard to working together, interpretation of the past, ownership of the past, and the relationships between traditional knowledge and archaeological fact.

Archaeology is a form of disaster capitalism, characterized by specialist managers whose function is the clearance of Indigenous heritage from the landscape, making way for economic development. When presented with this critique,... more

Archaeology is a form of disaster capitalism, characterized by specialist managers whose function is the clearance of Indigenous heritage from the landscape, making way for economic development. When presented with this critique, archaeologists respond strongly and emotionally, defending archaeology. Anger emanates from and revolves around the assertion that archaeologists are not just complicit in but integral to the destruction of the very heritage they claim to protect. In what we believe is an act of philosophical and economic self-preservation, mainstream archaeologists actively forget the relationship between archaeology, violence, and the global heritage crisis. Securely defended by its practitioners, archaeology therefore remains an imperial force grounded in the ideology of growth, development, and progress. // A arqueologia é uma forma de capitalismo do desastre, caracterizado por gestores especializados cuja função é a “liberação” da herança indígena da paisagem, abrindo o caminho para o desenvolvimento econômico. Quando confrontados com esta crítica, os arqueológicos respondem de maneira forte e emocional, negando e defendendo a indústria da arqueologia comercial. Sua fúria provém e gira em torno da ideia de que os arqueólogos não são apenas cúmplices, mas tomam parte da destruição do mesmo patrimônio que clamam proteger. No que acreditamos ser um ato de autopreservação filosófica e econômica, a maioria dos arqueólogos propositalmente “esquece” a relação entre arqueologia, violência e a crise do patrimônio global. Seguramente defendida por seus praticantes, a arqueologia permanece por este motivo uma força imperial, fundada na ideologia do crescimento, desenvolvimento e progresso.

Native Americans’ relationship with the discipline of archaeology has been shaped by centuries of historical circumstances, political engagement, and changing research agendas, in connection with Indigenous efforts to maintain or regain... more

Native Americans’ relationship with the discipline of archaeology has been shaped by centuries of historical circumstances, political engagement, and changing research agendas, in connection with Indigenous efforts to maintain or regain control over their affairs. At different times, archaeologists were seen (and often acted) as agents of colonialism or grave robbers, but also as allies or even employees of tribes. With the increasing number of Native American archaeologists, the terms “archaeologist” and “Indigenous” are no longer mutually exclusive.
There is no one attitude toward archaeology among Indigenous people. While some do not find it a meaningful way of relating to the past, others have embraced it as a tool that can be reconstructed and used in culturally appropriate ways. Nonetheless, professional archaeology still presents an artificial boundary that has often served to separate peoples and communities from their heritage and history.
This chapter focuses on Indigenous North Americans’ engagement with archaeology—its historical development, contemporary practice, and future prospects and challenges. A rich, sometimes contentious discourse has developed since the 1970s on Indigeneity, ethnicity, and ethnogenesis; alternative modes of stewardship and heritage management; the protection of sacred places and cultural landscapes; bioarchaeology and genetics; intellectual property and intangible heritage; the role of oral history and traditional knowledge; and social justice and human rights. These reflect new opportunities for archaeology in response to technological advancements, changing theoretical regimes and interpretive methods, or political issues and ethical concerns relating to issues of sovereignty, repatriation, tribal recognition, and decolonization.

This article not only surveys but critically comments on the publications of those researchers who have worked on the Lake of the Woods. It also refers to studies in other regions on the Canadian Shield. Previous studies have utilised... more

This article not only surveys but critically comments on the publications of those researchers who have worked on the Lake of the Woods. It also refers to studies in other regions on the Canadian Shield. Previous studies have utilised different paradigms and had their own opinions as to the value of
particular approaches, methods, and framework of different approaches adopted by previous work. For the frontiers of research can only be pushed forward if every generation of researchers challenges and re-examines the work of its predecessors. Such surveys of previous work should form part of
a base which is founded on a solid understanding of the fundamental issues and problems of the field at hand. Each investigator must conduct a detailed survey and analysis of their predecessor’s work. This to enable them to establish which approach has been the most popular, what have been the
previous findings, what were their premises, what have been the methods and the frameworks that have been utilized. The studies reviewed have been categorized according to the theoretical approach taken by the principal investigator of the study. The author concludes with a short discussion of her rationale in choosing and establishing the sequence of several theoretical
approaches for use in path breaking research."

The adoption of maize in northeastern North America is often seen as a catalyst for the development of settled village life. In this review we develop a theoretical framework centered on shifting-balance theory (SBT) and domesticated... more

The adoption of maize in northeastern North America is often seen as a catalyst for the development of settled village life. In this review we develop a theoretical framework centered on shifting-balance theory (SBT) and domesticated landscapes through which to understand the context for the adoption of maize agriculture in the Northeast. We review micro- and macrobotanical evidence and stable carbon isotope data from various sources to reevaluate maize histories and adoption trajectories. These data are coupled with contributions of subregionally significant predecessor plants, such as those constituting the Eastern Agricultural Complex, and wild rice. We find no evidence for rapid transitions to settled village life as a result of maize adoption. Maize was grown for centuries before settled village agricultural systems evolved. It was grown for a sufficiently long time that the potential for local selection leading to Northern Flint is a viable working hypothesis. We call for a refocusing of research questions and a systematic application of contemporary techniques as a means by which to strengthen future inferences based on comparative information sets.

Nous remercions également les organismes suivants pour leur soutien financier : le centre Michel de Boüard (Craham), l'Université de Caen Normandie, la communauté urbaine de Caen la mer Normandie, l'Inrap et le laboratoire LandArc. 12h... more

Nous remercions également les organismes suivants pour leur soutien financier : le centre Michel de Boüard (Craham), l'Université de Caen Normandie, la communauté urbaine de Caen la mer Normandie, l'Inrap et le laboratoire LandArc. 12h -Laurence Serra (La3M UMR 7298 -Université Aix-Marseille) Verre des îles françaises d'Amérique (XVIIe-XIXe) à la lumière des dernières découvertes archéologiques, terrestres et subaquatiques 12h30 -Discussion générale 13h -clôture du colloque Guadeloupe (d'après Henry 2009).

Most researchers who study rock image sites tend to be interested in the meaning of images, even though they could obtain more empirical information about these images and their physical location. Furthermore, very little of the work done... more

Most researchers who study rock image sites tend to be interested in the meaning of images, even though they could obtain more empirical information about these images and their physical location. Furthermore, very little of the work done in the past on rock image sites has been systematic. In this thesis I address the dearth of detailed information on the images and their context. This thesis presents a thorough examination of the images of the twenty-seven pictograph sites in the Lake of the Woods, in the Canadian Shield. These pictograph sites were selected because they exhibit traits evident in rock image studies in other parts of the world. This study is based on data collected during three months of fieldwork conducted in 2001. Images were found on cliff faces and inside caves. New images and new sites were found and identified. Here, as elsewhere, the choice of theoretical approach influences the fieldwork, analysis, and search for meaning. Each prescribes the types of questions asked and determines the levels of understanding obtained about whichever form of archaeological evidence is being considered. The different but complementary theoretical approaches should be employed in a definite order. The same data must be examined in sequential order using these different approaches to increase the potential quantity and quality of information gained. Archaeologists should use the following sequence of approaches: culture-historical, contextual, followed by either the homological, or analogical approaches, or a combination of the latter two. Classifying and describing any image is very difficult, since the level of description given to an image affects the way in which it can be analysed, and heavily influences the possible outcome of any discussion of perceived meaning. A rigorous examination of the images of these sites was conducted to (a) identify the possible vocabulary of images, (b) determine whether combinatory, rules exist, (c) reconstitute the life history of each site, and (d) ascertain whether the images can be related to other indigenous images to determine if this can provide information about the meaning(s) of the rock images. In assessing the meaning of the rock images, the images of a few birch bark scrolls were considered, since it was posited that a detailed investigation of the scrolls, the ethnographic record, and their pictographs might provide some answers regarding the meanings of the images found on the rock faces.

We provide a critical response to Andrew Martindale and Natasha Lyons’ 2014 special section on Community-Oriented Archaeology (Canadian Journal of Archaeology Volume 38, Issue 2), discussing the authors’ definitions, interpretations, and... more

We provide a critical response to Andrew Martindale and Natasha Lyons’ 2014 special section on Community-Oriented Archaeology (Canadian Journal of Archaeology Volume 38, Issue 2), discussing the authors’ definitions, interpretations, and motivations around archaeology and community. By not defining archaeology in terms of how it is most commonly practiced, we argue the collective work misses the mark, with serious consequences for descendent communities. We show how Community-Oriented Archaeology appropriates the challenge posed to archaeologists to make their discipline relevant and responsive to Indigenous communities; instead, the authors foreground archaeology itself and reaffirm the privilege of non-Indigenous archaeologists, especially academic archaeologists. By considering what is excluded and taken-for-granted, we examine the special section in terms of selection bias and revisionist history. We suggest Community-Oriented Archaeology coopts aspects of Indigenous, critical, and radical discourses to legitimize the institution and practice, in the process forgetting what is at stake for Indigenous peoples. Rather than focusing on the needs of archaeology and archaeologists, we emphasize the interests of Indigenous communities and address uncomfortable truths about institutional racism and systemic inequality. As the editors had hoped, Community-Oriented Archaeology makes us “squirm,” but not for the reasons they intended. // Nous offrons une réponse critique à Andrew Martindale et Natasha Lyons sur leur section spéciale de 2014 concernant l’archéologie axée sur la communauté (Journal canadien d’archéologie volume 38, numéro 2) en évaluant les définitions, interprétations et motivations des auteurs à propos de l’archéologie et la notion de communauté. En évitant de définir l’archéologie par la façon dont elle est la plus souvent pratiquée, nous soutenons que le travail collectif manque la cible, non sans conséquences pour les communautés descendantes autochtones. Nous démontrons comment l’archéologie axée sur la communauté s’approprie le défi lancé aux archéologues de rendre leur discipline pertinente et sensible aux communautés autochtones; à la place, les auteurs mettent à l’avant-plan l’archéologie elle-même et réaffirme le privilège des archéologues non-autochtones, particulièrement des archéologues académiques. En considérant ce qui est exclus et pris pour acquis, nous examinons cette section spéciale sous les plans du biais en sélection et d’histoire révisionniste. Nous suggérons que l’archéologie axée sur la communauté combine des éléments de discours autochtones, critiques et radicaux pour légitimer l’institution et sa pratique, en oubliant dans le processus ce qui est en jeu pour les peuples autochtones. Plutôt que de se concentrer sur les besoins de l’archéologie et des archéologues, nous mettons l’emphase sur les communautés autochtones et adressons les inconfortables vérités sur le racisme institutionnel et l’inégalité systémique. Comme les éditeurs l’avaient espéré, l’archéologie axée sur la communauté nous met dans l’embarras, mais pas pour les raisons dont ils en avaient l’intention.

One way we know about how way things came to be in Secwepemc Territory is through the travels of Sk’lep, the Coyote, and other transformers and tricksters. During their travels these beings went about not only creating features on the... more

One way we know about how way things came to be in Secwepemc Territory is through the travels of Sk’lep, the Coyote, and other transformers and tricksters. During their travels these beings went about not only creating features on the landscape, but helping to establish the forms of plants and animals, and shaping human behavior (e.g., why women menstruate, not men) and social mores. ... There are other ways too, other stories about how things came to be, that we know through other means, foremost of which is archaeology. Most simply put, archaeology is the study of past human behavior through material culture, that is, the artifacts and other remains that represent peoples’ lives in ancient times. By observing patterns in the geographic distribution of artifact styles, and then situating those patterns in time, archaeologists are able to develop what are essentially histories of pre-contact times. ... Each of these approaches to knowing the past tells us different things, but each too has its limitations, both in terms of the kind of information each may convey, and in how that information is viewed....

This work sheds new light on the problems of interpreting the historical and cultural aspects of Iroquoian-like pottery in the Canadian Shield. Within this region, the Lake Abitibi case is unusual because the archaeological sites of the... more

This work sheds new light on the problems of interpreting the historical and cultural aspects of Iroquoian-like pottery in the Canadian Shield. Within this region, the Lake Abitibi case is unusual because the archaeological sites of the area exhibit an unusually high frequency of Iroquoian-like ceramic vessels compared to other areas of the Shield. For this reason, it has attracted the attention of archaeologists since research began in the Abitibi area in the 1950s. A corpus of 143 vessel equivalents, all relating to the Ontario Iroquois Tradition and coming from six sites plus one private collection from Lake Abitibi were analysed in the course of this research. The main result of this work as well as its implication for the understanding of the nature of this ceramic manifestation at Lake Abitibi, and the development of the possible relationship between the Algonkians of the area and the Iroquoians of southern Ontario are presented in this paper.

In the period ca. A.D. 1400-1700 the Selkirk composite was present in the boreal forest of central Saskatchewan, with the Mortlach phase in the aspen parklands and grasslands to the immediate south, and the Rainy River composite (Duck Bay... more

In the period ca. A.D. 1400-1700 the Selkirk composite was present in the boreal forest of central Saskatchewan, with the Mortlach phase in the aspen parklands and grasslands to the immediate south, and the Rainy River composite (Duck Bay complex) in the forests of east central Saskatchewan (and adjacent Manitoba). While there is almost certainly no exact correlation between these late precontact archaeological expressions and historically known ethnic groups, it is proposed that the Selkirk materials are largely the product of ancestral Crees, the Rainy River of ancestral Nakota, and the Mortlach of ancestral Gros Ventre.
In the mid-eighteenth century, the employees of the Hudson s Bay Company (HBC) recognized by name several named Cree groups in the western Canadian interior. Among these were the Pegogamaw
Crees who were centered on a region extending through the upper Saskatchewan River and the adjacent lower South and North Saskatchewan Rivers. In the upper Saskatchewan River valley a variation of the Selkirk composite - the Pehonan complex - has been recognized. It is likely, therefore,that the Pehonan complex was the product of ancestral Pegogamaw Crees.

Yarn and textiles recovered from prehistoric Dorset and Thule culture sites in the Eastern Canadian Arctic have raised questions about the extent and timing of indigenous and Norse interaction in the New World, whether the yarn represents... more

Yarn and textiles recovered from prehistoric Dorset and Thule culture sites in the Eastern Canadian Arctic have raised questions about the extent and timing of indigenous and Norse interaction in the New World, whether the yarn represents technological transfers between Greenland's Norse settlers and the Dorset, or whether these Indigenous Arctic groups had independent fiber technologies before contact with Europeans. However, the extensive use of marine mammals in northern cultural contexts, and the penetration of oils from these animals' tissues into datable terrestrial materials, has posed general problems for reliably dating sites in the Arctic and has raised questions specifically about previous efforts to date these fiber objects. In this paper, we use a recently developed protocol for removing marine mammal organic contaminants entirely from radiocarbon samples, making AMS dating possible and reliable for Arctic research. This study uses those protocols to directly date a suite of woven and spun animal fiber artifacts from five Dorset and Thule archaeological sites in the eastern Canadian Arctic. Directly dating these artifacts with marine mammal oils removed helps to answer questions about Norse contact with Dorset and Thule communities, sheds new light on the topic of indigenous fiber technologies in the North, and raises new questions about European contacts with the people of the North American Arctic prior to sustained efforts at colonization after the 18th century.

Dogs were an important component of lifeways on the Northern Plains until the reintroduction of the horse following European contact. There has been little investigation into the variability of domestic canids on the Prairies and the... more

Dogs were an important component of lifeways on the Northern Plains until the reintroduction of the horse following European contact. There has been little investigation into the variability of domestic canids on the Prairies and the potential of that variability as a proxy for identifying relationships between culture-historic entities. Distinguishing between sympatric canids using morphological characteristics can be challenging with degraded specimens that have high intra-specific variability, and where wolf-dog hybridization can result in transitional morphologies. Here, we present preliminary ancient DNA data on archaeological canids recovered from FM Ranch (EfPk-1) and Cluny (EePf-1) in Alberta, as well as from Lake Midden (EfNg-1) in Saskatchewan. Using the mitochondrial control region, we taxonomically reclassify zooarchaeological remains, find potential evidence of European dogs in a protocontact component, and identify preliminary indications of a distinct dog population at the Cluny site that may be of interest for determining the origin of the One Gun phase.

Mise en bière et mise en terre : menus objets et vitre de regard, l'exemple du cimetière de Saint-Philippe (BiFi-65) Agnès Gelé Entrevue croisée avec Michelle Courtemanche et David Denton Propos recueillis par Christian Gates St-Pierre... more

Mise en bière et mise en terre : menus objets et vitre de regard, l'exemple du cimetière de Saint-Philippe (BiFi-65) Agnès Gelé Entrevue croisée avec Michelle Courtemanche et David Denton Propos recueillis par Christian Gates St-Pierre Comptes rendus R. Viau, Gens du fleuve, gens de l'île : Hochelaga en Laurentie au xvi e siècle Revu par Marcel Moussette R. Viau, Gens du fleuve, gens de l'île : Hochelaga en Laurentie au xvi e siècle Revu par Jean-Christophe Ouellet L. Pothier (dir.), Montréal, capitale : l'exceptionnelle histoire du site archéologique du marché Sainte-Anne et du parlement de la province du Canada Revu par Marie

Thirty-five years ago Thelma Habgood described a faint pictograph at the Grotto Canyon site in southwestern Alberta as a possible "Kokopelli" image. Polarized light photography undertaken in 2001 has greatly enhanced the pictograph panel,... more

Thirty-five years ago Thelma Habgood described a faint pictograph at the Grotto Canyon site in southwestern Alberta as a possible "Kokopelli" image. Polarized light photography undertaken in 2001 has greatly enhanced the pictograph panel, clearly revealing a possible fluteplayer motif and anthropomorphs that resemble the southwestern Fremont style. Even though certain elements of the panel may have been created at different times, we conclude that the site may be related to Hopi traditions concerning northward travels of the Flute Clan, although other explanations certainly cannot be discounted.

This preliminary background study explores coastal First Nations’ food security, emphasizing Pacific Northwest Coast and Salish Sea food systems broadly and Snuneymuxw (Nanaimo) territory, Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada, in... more

This preliminary background study explores coastal First Nations’ food security, emphasizing Pacific Northwest Coast and Salish Sea food systems broadly and Snuneymuxw (Nanaimo) territory, Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada, in particular. The report has three parts: (a) an introduction to (sea)food security discourse, where Aboriginal food insecurity is connected to issues of sovereignty and colonization; (b) an overview of Snuneymuxw (Nanaimo) traditional economy, highlighting post-1800 settler population growth and concomitant Snuneymuxw maritime heritage landscape destruction; and (c) an extensive bibliography of coastal food security and sovereignty resources emphasizing Canada, British Columbia, Vancouver Island, and the Nanaimo region. Food insecurity is a serious problem for all Salish Sea Nations, including the Snuneymuxw. A highly complex issue with major implications for Aboriginal health and wellbeing, there is no single “solution.” Rather, radical change is necessary. Minimally, this involves confronting and overcoming colonialism, capitalism, and the ideology of growth, development, and progress.

As a case study of the Project for the Repatriation and Protection of First Nation Cultural Heritage In Canada, this report examines Central Coast Salish Hul’qumi’num customary laws about the protection of their archaeological heritage in... more

As a case study of the Project for the Repatriation and Protection of First Nation Cultural Heritage In Canada, this report examines Central Coast Salish Hul’qumi’num customary laws about the protection of their archaeological heritage in British Columbia. The research is based primarily on interviews with Hul’qumi’num Elders and knowledgeable community members. The main research goals were to: 1) define Hul’qumi’num customary laws about their archaeological heritage; 2) identify perceived problems in respect for Hul’qumi’num heritage laws; and 3) recommend directions to reform Canadian law to address Hul’qumi’num interests in the protection of their archaeological heritage.
This report provides a narrative rather than an analysis of Hul’qumi’num Elders and community members’ cultural perceptions, customary laws and concerns about the protection of their archaeological heritage. It reveals that protection of Hul’qumi’num people’s archaeological heritage is integral to their distinctive cultural identity.

This thesis is about the relationship between Aboriginal People and archaeology in Canada. Aboriginal involvement in Canadian archaeology has been limited by the failure of archaeology to include Aboriginal interests within its research... more

This thesis is about the relationship between Aboriginal People and archaeology in Canada. Aboriginal involvement in Canadian archaeology has been limited by the failure of archaeology to include Aboriginal interests within its research agenda. This failure has been due in part to a colonial bias embedded in the discipline. In order to disrupt this bias, a process of "decolonization" must be undertaken. Many academic disciplines have begun to assess the value of research done "on" Indigenous communities and have suggested ways that research can be done "by" and "for" these communities with benefits to both the academic and social causes. Community-based methods have been and are being used in Canada, yet without much formal discussion or sense of shared goals. This thesis suggests that the problem of limited Aboriginal involvement in archaeological undertakings can be addressed by applying community-based methods to archaeology. These types of projects also bring many added benefits to both archaeology and Aboriginal communities as a whole. The examination of community-based archaeology in Canada in this thesis is done through theorizing, examining practical examples and presenting common themes.

The statement “we are all archaeologists now” is an assertion of archaeology’s democratization thus goodness. It is also a gross misrepresentation of how archaeology is practiced daily, especially in colonized settings like the United... more

The statement “we are all archaeologists now” is an assertion of archaeology’s democratization thus goodness. It is also a gross misrepresentation of how archaeology is practiced daily, especially in colonized settings like the United States and Canada. Archaeology is today—as it has always been—an elite undertaking that serves elite class interests. Since 1950, archaeology has become increasingly bureaucratized and corporatized, and today the vast majority of archaeology is state-sanctioned but highly privatized cultural resource management. As a technology of government designed to control living Indigenous people and their resources, we suggest archaeology is becoming radically less democratic, not more, and ask why archaeologists so routinely misrepresent their profession.

Much of the meat consumed in 19th-century southern Ontario (Upper Canada) came in the form of preserved barreled products. The specific ways of obtaining, preparing and consuming these products resulted in unique regional foodways.... more

Much of the meat consumed in 19th-century southern Ontario (Upper Canada) came in the form of preserved barreled products. The specific ways of obtaining, preparing and consuming these products resulted in unique regional foodways. Through analyses of historical and archaeological evidence, this paper investigates how barreled meat was packed, shipped and purchased in Upper Canada and discusses the various ways its consumption impacted the lives of its residents and contributed to the formation of local identities. An investigation of butchery marks and body portion distributions lead to a possible method for archaeologically distinguishing between barreled and non-barreled meat assemblages.

An overview of faunal assemblages from Euro-Canadian historic period sites located across southern and eastern Ontario challenges the validity of faunal analyses that strictly adhere to the Ontario Standards and Guidelines for Consultant... more

An overview of faunal assemblages from Euro-Canadian historic period sites located across southern and eastern Ontario challenges the validity of faunal analyses that strictly adhere to the Ontario Standards and Guidelines for Consultant Archaeologists. Through its requirement to only identify 500 animal bone specimens, the standards and guidelines inadvertently suggest that such a sample size is large enough to be representative of the archaeological deposit. Results indicate that sample sizes under 2,000 are insufficient in order to properly address one of the most fundamental zooarchaeological research questions: which animal species were exploited by past site occupants? Fish are particularly underrepresented in historic faunal assemblages and links are made to excavation strategies and their effects on the data being generated. New standards for minimum sample sizes and excavation strategies are recommended based on analyses examining the extent to which assemblages have been sampled to redundancy. Also discussed are the inconsistent ways faunal reports are currently being presented and a need to update the current standards and guidelines with regards to zooarchaeology requirements.

Indigenous archaeology arose 25 years ago in response to calls from Indigenous peoples to make the discipline more relevant. What emerged is a vibrant, highly nuanced, and often effective coupling of indigenous epistemology, collaborative... more

Indigenous archaeology arose 25 years ago in response to calls from Indigenous peoples to make the discipline more relevant. What emerged is a vibrant, highly nuanced, and often effective coupling of indigenous epistemology, collaborative methodology, and scientific technique. Despite growing recognition and respect, Indigenous archaeology remains on the margins. In “Seeking the End of Indigenous Archaeology” (2003) I proposed both the need for both its continuance as a distinct endeavor and its incorporation into mainstream archaeology to help transform it. In this presentation I re-examine this premise in the context of the changed and charged landscape of British Columbia archaeology.
—Presented at the Society for Applied Anthropology Conference, Vancouver, March 2016

Archaeology is deeply troubled, but students are unlikely to learn about it in their ARCH 100 class. Our experience with ‘World Prehistory’ and ‘Introductory Archaeology’ courses and reviewing common textbooks charts a discipline securely... more

Archaeology is deeply troubled, but students are unlikely to learn about it in their ARCH 100 class. Our experience with ‘World Prehistory’ and ‘Introductory Archaeology’ courses and reviewing common textbooks charts a discipline securely anchored in the 19th century ideological harbour that is science, evolution, imperialism and progress. This includes so-called ‘middle road’ and ‘post-colonial’ approaches, which reinforce the status quo by limiting political action. In our search for an alternative, we discuss here our attempts to teach an anti-colonial archaeology rooted in critical pedagogy, political activism and anti-oppressive practice. At its core are three tenets: archaeology is personal, political and all about the present. While we are gratified by the many students who relish this opportunity for critical enquiry, we are faced with this lingering problem: most people do not want to hear the “negative reality” of archaeology. // L’archéologie est en grande difficulté, mais il est peu probable que les étudiants l’apprennent dans leur classe ARCH 100. Notre expérience des cours de « préhistoire mondiale » et d’ « introduction à l’archéologie » ainsi que l’analyse des manuels courants dessinent une discipline bien enracinée dans le champ idéologique du 19ème siècle entre science, évolution, impérialisme et progrès. Même les approches dites « intermédiaire » et « postcoloniale » sont concernées, car elles renforcent le statu quo en limitant l’action politique. Dans notre recherche d’une alternative, nous exposons ici nos tentatives pour enseigner une archéologie anticoloniale nourrie de pédagogie critique, d’activisme politique et de pratique antioppression. Elle se fonde sur trois principes : l’archéologie est personnelle, politique et centrée sur le présent. Bien que nous félicitant du nombre d’étudiants qui savourent cette opportunité d’étude critique, nous sommes confrontés à un problème persistant : la majorité ne veut pas entendre la « réalité négative » de l’archéologie. // La arqueología está profundamente preocupada, pero no es probable que los estudiantes sepan de esto en su clase ARCH 100. Nuestra experiencia con los cursos sobre "Prehistoria Mundial" e "Introducción a la Arqueología" y la revisión de los libros de texto comunes trazan una disciplina firmemente anclada en el puerto ideológico del siglo XIX que es la ciencia, la evolución, el imperialismo y el progreso. Esto incluye los enfoques denominados "moderados" o "postcoloniales", que refuerzan el statu quo limitando la acción política. En nuestra búsqueda de una alternativa, tratamos aquí nuestros intentos de enseñar una arqueología anticolonial enraizada en la pedagogía crítica, el activismo político y la práctica antiopresiva. En su núcleo encontramos tres premisas: la arqueología es personal, política y tiene que ver con el presente. Aunque nos sentimos gratificados por los muchos estudiantes que disfrutan de esta oportunidad de indagación crítica, nos vemos enfrentados a este problema persistente: la mayoría de las personas no quieren oír hablar de la "realidad negativa" de la arqueología.

The Secwepemc (or Shuswap) are an Interior Salish people of south-central British Columbia, Canada, today comprised of 17 bands. In 1989, the Secwepemc Cultural Education Society (SCES) and Simon Fraser University (SFU) entered into a... more

The Secwepemc (or Shuswap) are an Interior Salish people of south-central British Columbia, Canada, today comprised of 17 bands. In 1989, the Secwepemc Cultural Education Society (SCES) and Simon Fraser University (SFU) entered into a partnership to develop a unique post-secondary education program for First Nations Students on the Kamloops Indian Reserve in Kamloops, British Columbia. These efforts were led by then-Skeetchestn Band chief Ronald Ignace, Marianne Boelscher Ignace (anthropologist, SFU), and Hari Sharma (sociol- ogist, SFU). The goal was to offer university courses on the reserve in order to enhance the quality of life for the Secwepemc peoples and their indigenous neighbors; to preserve and promote their history, language, and culture; and to provide training in research, and developmental opportunities to assist them in controlling more fully their own affairs. Ironically, the program started in several rooms within the former residential school run by the Catholic Church, whose mission it was to “remove the Indian from the child.” ...

Ideally it would be fantastic to reconstitute the life history of a visual artefact, such as a pictograph site in the hope that it may help in establishing the meanings of these images, their role in the mental and physical landscape as... more

Ideally it would be fantastic to reconstitute the life history of a visual artefact, such as a pictograph site in the hope that it may help in establishing the meanings of these images, their role in the mental and physical landscape as well as the likely sensory and soundscape. This is because human beings rely on their senses to understand and comprehend their context, their meaning(s), and physical surroundings. However, the lack of securely dated and detailed contextual information creates problems.

The Plateau culture area of northwestern North America fits the criteria of an interaction sphere. Understanding the general cultural dynamics responsible for the creation of interaction spheres has been poorly developed in archaeological... more

The Plateau culture area of northwestern North America fits the criteria of an interaction sphere. Understanding the general cultural dynamics responsible for the creation of interaction spheres has been poorly developed in archaeological and ethnological theory. Data from the Plateau Interaction Sphere are used to argue that the main factor responsible for the emergence of interaction spheres in transegalitarian societies is the development of an elite class. Elites who seek to maximize their power and wealth at the tribal level do so in part by establishing trading, marriage, ideological, military, and other ties to elites in other communities and regions. They use these ties to monopolize access to desirable regional prestige goods and to enhance their own socioeconomic positions. In conformity with expectations derived from this model, the data from the Plateau demonstrate that interaction sphere goods are predominantly prestige items and that these concentrate in communities that have the greatest potential to produce surplus and to develop socioeconomic inequalities. These same features also seem to characterize well-known interaction spheres elsewhere in the world.