Archaeozoology Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Le cuir était omniprésent dans la vie quotidienne des populations antiques. Son invention a permis aux hommes de se vêtir, de se protéger, de se ravitaillement. Les objets en cuir étaient également le reflet des goûts, des modes et des... more

Le cuir était omniprésent dans la vie quotidienne des populations antiques. Son invention a permis aux hommes de se vêtir, de se protéger, de se ravitaillement. Les objets en cuir étaient également le reflet des goûts, des modes et des niveaux socio économiques. L’ouvrage est une synthèse sur le cuir, son histoire, sa fabrication et les objets en cuir en usage à l’époque gréco romaine à travers des découvertes archéologiques, des sources écrites et iconographiques.

The domestication of plants and animals over the past 11,500 years has had a significant effect not just on the domesticated taxa but also on human evolution and on the biosphere as a whole. Decades of research into the geographical and... more

The domestication of plants and animals over the past 11,500 years has had a significant effect not just on the domesticated taxa but also on human evolution and on the biosphere as a whole. Decades of research into the geographical and chronological origins of domestic animals have led to a general understanding of the pattern and process of domestication, though a number of significant questions remain unresolved. Here, building upon recent theoretical advances regarding the different pathways animals followed to become domesticated, we present a large-scale synthesis that addresses the global pattern of animal domestication alongside a discussion of the differential evolutionary processes that have shaped domestic animal populations. More specifically, we present a framework for understanding how unconscious selection characterized the earliest steps of animal domestication and the role of introgression and the importance of relaxed and positive selection in shaping modern domestic phenotypes and genomes.

This dissertation examines multiple scales of Indigenous history on the Northwest Coast from the disciplinary perspective of archaeology. I focus on cultural lifeways archaeologically represented in two key domains of human existence:... more

This dissertation examines multiple scales of Indigenous history on the Northwest Coast from the disciplinary perspective of archaeology. I focus on cultural lifeways archaeologically represented in two key domains of human existence: food and settlement. The dissertation consists of six individual case studies that demonstrate the utility of applying multiple spatial and temporal scales to refine archaeological understanding of cultural and historical variability on the Northwest Coast over the Mid-to-Late Holocene (ca. 5,000-200 BP). The first of three regionally scaled analyses presents a coast-wide examination of fisheries data indicating that Pacific herring (Clupea pallasii) exhibit a pervasive and previously under-recognized importance in Northwest Coast Indigenous subsistence practices. Next, I use zooarchaeological data from the southern British Columbia coast to identify a pattern of regional coherence in Coast Salish and Nuu-chah-nulth hunting traditions reflecting the scale of intergenerational cultural practice. The third study re-calibrates the settlement history of a small and historically significant locality in Coast Tsimshian territory (Prince Rupert Harbour) to clarify the temporal resolution of existing radiocarbon datasets and test inferences about social and political change. Following this regional exploration of scale, I document site-specific temporal variability in archaeological fisheries data from a Nuu-chah-nulth ‘big-house’ reflecting climatic and socio-economic change. I examine Indigenous oral histories and archaeological datasets to evaluate these parallel records of settlement in the neighbouring territory of an autonomous Nuu-chah-nulth polity before and during the occupation of a large defensive fortress. Finally, I demonstrate how everyday foodways are archaeologically expressed and reflect ecological differences and active management strategies within several spatially associated sites over millennial timescales. These linked case studies offer new clarity into long-standing debates concerning archaeologically relevant scales of cultural-historical variability on the NWC. They collectively demonstrate an enduring regional and temporal coherence for key aspects of Indigenous resource use and settlement and a historical dynamism at finer scales. I argue this has cultural, historical, and archaeological significance as well as relevance for contemporary understandings of the Northwest Coast environment. I conclude that a focus on the pervasive aspects of the everyday over millennia offers insight into individual actions across broader patterns of history.

Until the 1970s, it was widely believed that real lions did not exist in Greece in the Bronze Age. However, archaeozoologists have found the remains of Panthera leo at thirty-eight sites in Greece and Southeastern Europe, establishing... more

Until the 1970s, it was widely believed that real lions did not exist in Greece in the Bronze Age. However, archaeozoologists have found the remains of Panthera leo at thirty-eight
sites in Greece and Southeastern Europe, establishing that the large-maned lion roamed freely during
the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages and even into the Archaic period in Greece and the Balkan
peninsula. This osteological evidence has not yet been integrated into Mycenaean studies. My
paper explores specific ways in which real lion bones do, and do not, overturn our previous
understandings of the relationship of people and predators, and of nature and convention, in
Mycenaean art.
Lion bones not only illustrate instances of people/predator interaction, they also offer
new options for explaining what the bones themselves mean. For example, at Durankulak in
Bulgaria, excavators found a Neolithic family of three lions—a youth and two adults—one of
whom, according to the publisher, was “plus grand, mâle probablement.” The crania and
claws of all three of these animals were missing, suggesting that the lions were probably killed,
skinned, and butchered at the hunting site and that their heads and claws were taken back to
the village as trophies. This find demonstrates that, contrary to past opinion, teeth and claws
could indicate the presence of local, wild lions, rather than simply being the residue of
imported pelts or amulets, as was said about the first lion bone found at LH Tiryns. As
archaeologists continue to turn their attention to hunting sites as well as to habitations and
graves, more evidence will accrue on the relationships of people and predators.
Real lion bones also force us to reassess the impact of nature on convention in
Mycenaean art. For the first time we can now ask: how many of the scenarios and encounters
depicted in Mycenaean art could actually have been experienced by a lion? Apparently
Mycenaeans could have trussed a lion, butchered it, and carved a seal depicting the ritual.
Were wild lion cubs captured and tamed to serve a priestess and then depicted in an orientalizing,
heraldic format? Did real lions battle Mycenaean elites as the men tested—and illustrated—
their mettle? As a corrective to overly optimistic answers, we must also remember that griffins
were depicted in many of these same scenarios, as were leopards, though as yet no leopard (or
griffin) bones have been found in Bronze Age Greece. Furthermore, Mycenaean art presents
many unreal images of lions, such as male lions with teats nursing their young. What should
we conclude when wild nature was available but not used?
A lion’s eye view of Bronze Age Greece provides a lens for recognizing the ways in
which wild nature could have impacted Mycenaean social and religious experience as
expressed in Mycenaean art. The art itself demonstrates that, with rare exception, convention,
not wild nature, triumphed in Mycenaean imagery. This paper investigates the implications of
these contrasting outcomes. Lion bones give us real vignettes of the interactions of people and
predators in Mycenaean Greece. Bones and imagery together affirm, and contradict, our
earlier explanations of the imprint of natural lions on conventional lion art. A catalogue of lion bones found in Greece and Southeastern Europe accompanies this article.

Until the 1970s, it was widely believed that real lions did not exist in Greece in the Bronze Age. However, archaeozoologists have found the remains of Panthera leo at thirty-eight sites in Greece and Southeastern Europe, establishing... more

Until the 1970s, it was widely believed that real lions did not exist in Greece in the Bronze Age. However, archaeozoologists have found the remains of Panthera leo at thirty-eight
sites in Greece and Southeastern Europe, establishing that the large-maned lion roamed freely during
the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages and even into the Archaic period in Greece and the Balkan
peninsula. This osteological evidence has not yet been integrated into Mycenaean studies. My
paper explores specific ways in which real lion bones do, and do not, overturn our previous
understandings of the relationship of people and predators, and of nature and convention, in
Mycenaean art.
Lion bones not only illustrate instances of people/predator interaction, they also offer
new options for explaining what the bones themselves mean. For example, at Durankulak in
Bulgaria, excavators found a Neolithic family of three lions—a youth and two adults—one of
whom, according to the publisher, was “plus grand, mâle probablement.” The crania and
claws of all three of these animals were missing, suggesting that the lions were probably killed,
skinned, and butchered at the hunting site and that their heads and claws were taken back to
the village as trophies. This find demonstrates that, contrary to past opinion, teeth and claws
could indicate the presence of local, wild lions, rather than simply being the residue of
imported pelts or amulets, as was said about the first lion bone found at LH Tiryns. As
archaeologists continue to turn their attention to hunting sites as well as to habitations and
graves, more evidence will accrue on the relationships of people and predators.
Real lion bones also force us to reassess the impact of nature on convention in
Mycenaean art. For the first time we can now ask: how many of the scenarios and encounters
depicted in Mycenaean art could actually have been experienced by a lion? Apparently
Mycenaeans could have trussed a lion, butchered it, and carved a seal depicting the ritual.
Were wild lion cubs captured and tamed to serve a priestess and then depicted in an orientalizing,
heraldic format? Did real lions battle Mycenaean elites as the men tested—and illustrated—
their mettle? As a corrective to overly optimistic answers, we must also remember that griffins
were depicted in many of these same scenarios, as were leopards, though as yet no leopard (or
griffin) bones have been found in Bronze Age Greece. Furthermore, Mycenaean art presents
many unreal images of lions, such as male lions with teats nursing their young. What should
we conclude when wild nature was available but not used?
A lion’s eye view of Bronze Age Greece provides a lens for recognizing the ways in
which wild nature could have impacted Mycenaean social and religious experience as
expressed in Mycenaean art. The art itself demonstrates that, with rare exception, convention,
not wild nature, triumphed in Mycenaean imagery. This paper investigates the implications of
these contrasting outcomes. Lion bones give us real vignettes of the interactions of people and
predators in Mycenaean Greece. Bones and imagery together affirm, and contradict, our
earlier explanations of the imprint of natural lions on conventional lion art. A catalogue of lion bones found in Greece and Southeastern Europe accompanies this article.

Fishing in Phoenician and Punic period in Sardinia. Poster for the Museo della Tonnara, Stintino

geopark naturtejo Meseta Meridional, geology and Paleontology office, centro cultural raiano. Av. Joaquim Morao 6060-101 idanha-a-nova, Portugal 2 Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichita, universita di trieste, via lazzaretto vecchio 6,... more

geopark naturtejo Meseta Meridional, geology and Paleontology office, centro cultural raiano. Av. Joaquim Morao 6060-101 idanha-a-nova, Portugal 2 Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichita, universita di trieste, via lazzaretto vecchio 6, 34123, trieste, italy universita di udine, via Palladio 8, Palazzo Florio, 33100 udine, italy natural history Museum of the lesvos Petrified Forest, Sigri, lesvos island, greece cnrS, cerege, universite Aix-Marseille, europole de l’Arbois, BP 80, 13545, Aix-en-Provence, France corresponding author e-mail: andrea@tracemaker.com

Ever since the discovery of the site of Lepenski Vir, it was recognized that fishing had an important role in the settling of the Danube Gorges in the Mesolithic. The importance of wild game hunting has also been confirmed by the analyses... more

Ever since the discovery of the site of Lepenski Vir, it was recognized that fishing had an important role in the settling of the Danube Gorges in the Mesolithic. The importance of wild game hunting has also been confirmed by the analyses of animal bones and emphasized ever since the first published archaeozoological reports. The issue of the role of terrestrial vs. aquatic resources in the diet has been addressed from the perspective of stable isotope analysis, with somewhat contrasting results. The analyses of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope ratios have suggested that the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Danube Gorges consumed considerable amounts of fish, with gradual broadening of the dietary spectrum to include terrestrial resources at the onset of the Neolithic (Bonsall et al. 1997; 2000; 2004; Grupe et al. 2003; Borić et al. 2004), whereas the analysis of sulphur (δ34S) isotope ratio has suggested that there have been significant inter- and intra-site variabilities in dietary practices (Nehlich et al. 2010). However, this issue had not so far been addressed in greater detail from an archaeozoological perspective, mainly due to great difficulties and biases in cross-referencing quantified mammal and fish remains, but also due to the fragmentary nature of faunal assemblages from some of the sites. Although the assessment of precise proportion of wild game meat vs. fish in the diet is elusive, particularly due to the differences in mammalian and fish skeletons, and biases affecting their survival and recovery, we attempted to tackle this issue by estimating their dietary contribution and nutritive potential on the basis of the sum of average weight of the minimum number of individuals for both mammals and fish. In addition, we estimated the proportion (size and number) of economically most important fish (cyprinids, Wels catfish and acipenserids) in the assemblages from the sites of Lepenski Vir, Vlasac and Padina. Even with methodological biases concerning recovery techniques employed during the old and new excavations, and different areas of the sites they have encompassed, we found that fish species composition on the three sites varied to some extent. Given the site locations, their short distance from one another and similar landscape and environmental conditions (vicinity of cataracts and large whirlpools), this propensity towards fishing particular kinds of fish could suggest that the sites functioned as specialized fishing centres, and held different species of fish in special regard.

Como surge la mente humana, su funcionamiento y sus particularidades, son preguntas que vienen de tiempos remotos. Gracias a la teoría evolutiva, establecida por Charles Darwin y desarrollada ampliamente como un hecho y como un paradigma... more

Como surge la mente humana, su funcionamiento y sus particularidades, son preguntas que vienen de tiempos remotos. Gracias a la teoría evolutiva, establecida por Charles Darwin y desarrollada ampliamente como un hecho y como un paradigma científico, sabemos de nuestra gran cercanía con los chimpancés, de la que solo nos separa el 1% de la configuración genética, y podemos reconocer nuestros antepasados comunes en un trecho que abarca casi cinco millones de años, desde los primeros intentos de bipedalismo, lo que nos permite afirmar quiénes somos y de dónde venimos, como especie biológica.

Archaeological sites at Affad (Sudan) are the only ones in northeastern Africa providing ostological remains of both African aurochs (Bos primigenius), dated to 50 kya, and domestic cattle, dated to 7–6 kya. The evidence enables studies... more

Archaeological sites at Affad (Sudan) are the only ones in northeastern Africa providing ostological remains of both African aurochs (Bos primigenius), dated to 50 kya, and domestic cattle, dated to 7–6 kya. The evidence enables studies of behavioral diversity between taurids. Strontium isotope analyses of the tooth enamel of both Pleistocene and Holocene ruminants suggest the local origin of these animals. The archaeozoological analysis reveals the temporal variability of environmental conditions was linked to a humid climate during the Marine Isotope Stage 3 (MIS3), which was more humid than the dry fluctuations during the African Humid Period. In addition, changes in the phenotype of cattle indicate that humans influenced domesticated animal behavior in the sub-Saharan region.

This study (as part of our Master thesis) was concerned with the end of the Epipaleolithic of the Near East and particularly with the Natufian culture (13 100-9 600 BC cal.). The early period (13 100-11 000 BC cal.) of this latter marks a... more

This study (as part of our Master thesis) was concerned with the end of the Epipaleolithic of the Near East and particularly with the Natufian culture (13 100-9 600 BC cal.). The early period (13 100-11 000 BC cal.) of this latter marks a major change in human behavior that occurred during the Prehistory of the Southern Levant: the transition for these groups of hunter-gatherers from a nomadic lifestyle to a sedentary life and the emergence of new structures that involve modifications of the social organization, techniques, economic strategies and especially of the symbolic domain. The main objective of our study was to approach the technical system of these populations through one of the means of their symbolic expression: personal ornaments. For this approach to be as relevant as possible, we interested ourselves in a particular context, whose boundaries in time and space are determined: the burials. We indeed wanted to know what materials were chosen? According to what criteria? How and by whom were they obtained? How and by whom were they transformed? How were they worn? And especially what information could we generate on the organization of these societies? To address these issues we then studied two distinct sets of personal ornaments found in the burials of a child H28-32.1 (4-6 years old) and an adult H57a (20‐29 years of undetermined sex), from the earliest Natufian layers of Mugharet el-Wad. Each of these 964 ornament elements, so far never studied, has been individually studyed according to a methodological protocol common to all in order to determine their schema of acquisition, manufacture and use. Then it appears that the “schéma d’acquisition” of raw materials (long bone of medium/large ungulates; scaphopod shells from the Mediterranean Sea, Red Sea, Pliocene formation; tibiotarsus of partridge; phalange of gazelle) is relatively complex and requires an investment (economic and human) relatively important, at the same time we learn that the selection of these materials falls within criteria of choice (among the available elements) well defined. The “schéma de fabrication” tells us about technical investment and skills that was required in the manufacture of each of these elements of ornament, as well as on the notion of “technical signature” or the aesthetic standardization of finished products. Finally the “schéma de fonctionnement” informs us about how these elements were tied and associated in composite arrangements and most importantly, on the duration, more or less long, of their use. Through this study it appears then that we can approach the social organization of the Natufian societies through the analysis of interactions between actors of the "schéma opératoire" of personal ornaments and the status of holders of these elements that open a field of reflection on concepts such as “craft specialization”, “capitalization”, or even the “social hierarchy” of these human groups.

Kniha Počátky zemědělství ve Starém světě nabízí globální pohled na jeden z nevýznamnějších fenoménů vývoje lidstva. Nejstarší prvky zemědělství byly přítomny u lovců a sběračů, jimž je věnována značná pozornost. Na základě soudobých... more

Kniha Počátky zemědělství ve Starém světě nabízí globální
pohled na jeden z nevýznamnějších fenoménů vývoje lidstva.
Nejstarší prvky zemědělství byly přítomny u lovců a sběračů,
jimž je věnována značná pozornost. Na základě soudobých
znalostí popisuje autor dějiny řešení vzniku zemědělství
od 19. století do současnosti. Pozornost je věnována
ekologickým a společenským podmínkám, které panovaly
v přírodě a lidské společnosti na konci poslední doby ledové.
Jádrem knihy je pak líčení složitých dějů na Předním východě,
v Číně, v Africe a v Evropě tak, jak je zachycuje dnešní
bioarcheologie a paleoekologie.
Autor vidí počátky zemědělství jako dlouhodobý proces
s řadou etap, z nichž nejdůležitější bylo období pěstování
divokých rostlin na Předním východě a Číně, jež zde trvalo
řadu tisíciletí. Řada pozorování tehdejších společností
v centrech vývoje ukazuje, že sociální změny byly o něco
starší, než změny ekonomické. Pozdější plné zemědělství
charakterizuje vyšší míra sociální komplexity, vazba
na teritorium a přítomnost alespoň jedné domestikované
rostliny nebo zvířete.

In den Naturwissenschaften ist es von großem Interesse, wie sich Tierwelt, Vegetation und Landschaft am Ende der Eiszeit vor und nach dem Eingreifen des Menschen entwickelt und gegenseitig beeinflusst haben. In der Paläoökologie werden... more

In den Naturwissenschaften ist es von großem Interesse, wie sich Tierwelt, Vegetation und Landschaft am Ende der Eiszeit vor und nach dem Eingreifen des Menschen entwickelt und gegenseitig beeinflusst haben. In der Paläoökologie werden große Herbivoren der so genannten Megafauna (>45kg) als Modellorganismen genutzt, um solche komplexen Prozesse zu rekonstruieren. Die subfossilen Knochenreste dieser Arten wurden durch die häufige Bejagung in der Steinzeit im Gegensatz zu anderen Wirbeltierarten vergleichsweise repräsentativ im Erdreich abgelagert. In Mitteleuropa breiteten sich vor ca. 14000 - 13000 Jahren schon Rothirsch, Reh, Ur, Wildschwein und Elch mit unterschiedlicher Dynamik nördlich der Alpen aus. Diese Arten stellen zusammen mit dem Waldwisent und dem Wildpferd einen potenziell natürlichen Bestandteil der nacheiszeitlichen Ökosysteme Mitteleuropas dar, und durch sie induzierte Prozesse bedeuten daher 'natürliche Wildnis'. Wildpferde und Totholzkäfer, welche als Indikatoren für den Zustand der nacheiszeitlichen Urlandschaft herangezogen werden, zeigen, dass auch der Mensch spätestens seit der Jungsteinzeit einen Einfluss auf die Biodiversität hatte.

Late Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological deposits from the central Mediterranean regions contain abundant terrestrial gastropod shell remains. Stable isotope studies of their shell carbonate are valuable proxies for various aspects of... more

Late Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological deposits from the central Mediterranean regions contain abundant terrestrial gastropod shell remains. Stable isotope studies of their shell carbonate are valuable proxies for various aspects of climate and environmental change such as temperature, hydrological sources and balance, as well as vegetation. Here we present stable carbon and oxygen isotope data of snail shells from several archaeological deposits in the western Mediterranean (Iberian, Italian Peninsula and Sicily). Isotope ratios differ remarkably between the Late Pleistocene, Holocene and modern shells. The results can be interpreted in terms of hydrological variations and changes in vegetation over time. Fossil shells offer the opportunity to examine the effects of past climate change on local and regional environments.

In the present study evidence concerning both the origin of camelid domestication and the development of herding economies is evaluated through the analysis of camelid survivorship/mortality curves. Because the bone fusion age stages... more

In the present study evidence concerning both the origin of camelid domestication and the development of herding economies is evaluated through the analysis of camelid survivorship/mortality curves. Because the bone fusion age stages proposed by Elizabeth Wing in 1972 have been used by archaeozoologists working in the Andes, it is possible to compare data from several sites. None the less, in the present study we have corrected errors in Wing's age attribution for the fusion of certain bones and recalculated the survivorship curves published for the sites of Tulan 52, Puripica 1, Telarmachay, Kotosh, Galindo, Huacaloma and Layzon. The resultant curves reveal clear differences between hunting and herding economies, as well as distinct levels of herding efficiency strategies, which support previous hypotheses concerning the origins of domestication.

Breeding and hunting at the Santa Severa Castle (Rome) during the Middle Ages: the tables of the nobles and of the common people from the 13 th to the 14 th century Riassunto-Lo scavo del Castello di Santa Severa, iniziato nel 2006 e... more

Breeding and hunting at the Santa Severa Castle (Rome) during the Middle Ages: the tables of the nobles and of the common people from the 13 th to the 14 th century
Riassunto-Lo scavo del Castello di Santa Severa, iniziato nel 2006 e portato avanti grazie al contributo volontario di appassionati e archeologi professionisti, ha condotto a risultati molto importanti per la conoscenza delle vicende storiche dell'area costiera a nord di Roma. L'ampio campione osteologico esaminato, 19093 resti, proviene in grande parte dallo scavo della piazza della Rocca, effettuato all'interno dell'edificio ecclesiastico. Sono state studiate le unità stratigrafiche che fanno parte del riempimento della parte conservata dell'edificio religioso, in particolare la zona absidale e il transetto. L'operazione di interro dell'edificio antico avvenuto per un altezza di circa 5 metri dopo la sistematica spoliazione di tutto il materiale lapideo e della pavimentazione, probabilmente necessario per essere riutilizzato nella costruzione di una nuova chiesa, deve essere avvenuta intorno alla seconda metà del XIV sec. in seguito ai lavori di sistemazione dell'area, con conseguente svuotamento di una serie di butti presenti nella zona interessata alle attività quotidiane. La ceramica presente negli strati dell'interro indica una datazione attribuibile ad un arco di tempo abbastanza ristretto, ascrivibile ad un periodo compreso tra il XIII e la prima metà del XIV sec. Sono stati analizzati i resti di mammiferi e uccelli (domestici e selvatici), pesci, tartarughe, e molluschi, che rappresentano i residui della attività di cucina della comunità che viveva nel borgo del castello.
Summary-The excavation at the Santa Severa Castle that started in 2006 and continued with the help of enthusiastic volunteers and professional archaeologists, led to very important results for understanding the historical events of the coastal area North of Rome. The large osteological sample examined (19,093 remains) derives mostly from the excavation of piazza della Rocca within the religious building. The stratigraphic units that are part of the filling of the preserved portion of such building, especially the apse and the transept, have been studied. Around the second half of fourteenth century this ancient structure was covered for a height of about 5 meters after the systematic despoliation of all the stone materials and floors that have been probably reemployed for the construction of a new church; this occurred after the reorganization of the area and resulted in the clearing of a series of discard pits located in the part where daily activities were carried out. The pottery recovered in these layers indicates a fairly narrow time span, between the thirteenth and the first half of the fourteenth century. The remains of mammals, birds (domestic and wild), fish, turtles, and shellfish have been analyzed; these represent the residues of the cooking activities of the community living in the village of the castle. Cenni storici Il Castello di Santa Severa si trova nell'area costiera a nord di Roma, a circa 50 km dalla città. La posizione sul mare lo rende da sempre un sito di grande importanza strategica e paesaggistica, costruito al centro di una zona di ampie pianure costiere abitate dall'uomo da lungo tempo. Frequentata sin dal Paleolitico, molti sono i ritrovamenti di industrie riferibili al Neolitico, in selce e ossidiana proveniente da Palmarola e dalla Sardegna, che veniva probabilmente trasportata poi nelle aree più interne. La zona diviene importante soprattutto nel periodo etrusco. L'insediamento di Pyrgi si veniva a trovare su un altura stretta e allungata che in epoche antiche si elevava sulla pianura circostante e si protendeva verso la spiaggia e verso l'area trasformata poi in zona portuale. La ricchezza della città era ben conosciuta, nell'area dei templi era presente un centro di culto, ma anche un emporio dove transitavano merci e genti che provenivano da molte zone del Mediterraneo (Colonna 1970; Rovere et al. 2011; Frau 1990). Nel III sec. a.C. viene impiantata una colonia romana, un Castrum, protetto da mura poligonali, l'importanza del porto viene conservata e le sue strutture si sovrappongono a quelle di epoca etrusca sfruttandole e fortificandole ampliandone

Un virus recorre el mundo, ahora diría aquel clásico: el COVID-19. Millones de humanos hemos tomados medidas sanitarias para evitar el contagio: uso de cubrebocas, mascarillas, guantes, sanitizadores, confinamientos, tratamientos... more

Un virus recorre el mundo, ahora diría aquel clásico: el COVID-19. Millones de humanos hemos tomados medidas sanitarias para evitar el contagio: uso de cubrebocas, mascarillas, guantes, sanitizadores, confinamientos, tratamientos inmunológicos, todo lo que pueda ayudar. Pero, recorre y avanza sin consideración alguna de estado económico, social, de género o nacionalidad, no importa la etiqueta preferida. Avanza.
Lo cierto, es que, como parte de estos cambios, nos ha tocado, sacar el diccionario y aprender palabras nuevas o darles sentidos nuevos. La palabra virus, que quiere decir veneno, recuperó su sentido biológico original.

The article presents the diagnosis and aetiology of an arthropathological horse (Equus sp.) radius from the Middle Palaeolithic site of Pfeddersheim (Rhine-Hesse, Germany). For the contextualisation of the results the chronological and... more

The article presents the diagnosis and aetiology of an arthropathological horse (Equus sp.) radius from the Middle Palaeolithic site of Pfeddersheim (Rhine-Hesse, Germany). For the contextualisation of the results the chronological and archaeological frame of the site, the taphonomic history of the faunal assemblage and site formation are summarised. A fracture of the ulna caused a malposition of the humeroradial joint, that developed into a degenerative arthrosis with severe grooving of the articular surface of the radius, extension of the joint by new bone formation and exostosis around the epiphysis. The progression of the disease from the trauma to the final grade of arthrosis and how it affected the horse's life is portrayed. Eventually, the horse fell prey to a large carnivore. Finally, the palaeoecological significance of this very specific palaeopathological finding is discussed.

Extrait de : Bruno LAURIOUX (dir.), De la nature à la table au Moyen Âge : l'acquisition des aliments, Paris, Édition électronique du CTHS (Actes des congrès des sociétés historiques et scientifiques), 2017. Cet article a été validé par... more

Extrait de : Bruno LAURIOUX (dir.), De la nature à la table au Moyen Âge : l'acquisition des aliments, Paris, Édition électronique du CTHS (Actes des congrès des sociétés historiques et scientifiques), 2017. Cet article a été validé par le comité de lecture des Éditions du CTHS dans le cadre de la publication des actes du 138 e Congrès national des sociétés historiques et scientifiques tenu à Rennes en 2013.

Trois fenêtres furent ouvertes lors de la fouille couvrant une surface totale de 13 215 m². La fenêtre 1, concentrait la majeure partie des structures archéologiques (quelques unes attribuables au Néolithique récent d’après l’étude... more

Trois fenêtres furent ouvertes lors de la fouille couvrant une surface totale de 13 215 m². La fenêtre 1, concentrait la majeure partie des structures archéologiques (quelques unes attribuables au Néolithique récent d’après l’étude céramique et le reste associé au premier âge du Fer) ainsi que deux zones de concentration en silex (une attribuée au Paléolithique supérieur et l’autre au Néolithique moyen, récent ou final). Les fenêtres 2 et 3, d’une surface cumulée de 6 057 m², comprenaient la majeure partie du mobilier isolé collecté lors de la fouille (chaque pièce fut relevé dans les trois dimensions de l’espace) et quelques rares structures archéologiques associées au premier âge du Fer (puits, fosse et fossé). Des relevés géomorphologiques et des prélèvements furent également effectués dans ces fenêtres afin de documenter l’évolution paysagère dans ce secteur de la vallée de la Marne. La collecte exhaustive du mobilier archéologique dans les horizons identifiés comme riches n’a pas permis de mettre en évidence une micro-stratigraphie/organisation des vestiges (âge vs. profondeur). Ceci est sans doute en grande partie lié au nombre limité d’artefacts isolés finalement attribuables chronologiquement. Les études entreprises montrent une fréquentation des lieux dès le Paléolithique supérieur. Cette période, marquée par un réseau fluviatile en tresse d’où émergent des « îlots » sableux entre les chenaux, est représentée par une zone de concentration en silex, occupant une surface d’environ 15 m², dont l’agencement des pièces témoigne d’une spatialisation de l’activité (débitage et rejet d’une part et découpe de matière et travail de la peau d’autre part). Si aucun indice d’une occupation des lieux au Mésolithique ne fut identifié, il est à noter la persistance dans le paysage et dans le temps de l’« îlot » sableux, sur lequel la zone de concentration en silex du Paléolithique supérieur fut identifiée et en arrière duquel s’installent dès le début de l’Holocène un marécage bien drainé. Au moins au Néolithique, le réseau fluviatile en tresse laisse sa place à un réseau à méandres à sédimentation fine, dont une boucle fut recouvrée dans les diagnostics voisins. L’emprise est fréquentée dès le Néolithique moyen II et ce jusqu’au Néolithique final pour des activités de débitage. La collecte exhaustive du mobilier permet d’illustrer l’organisation spatiale des espaces de débitage (vaste étendue dans la fenêtre 2 et plus restreinte dans la fenêtre 1 – notamment une zone de concentration lithique d’une étendue d’environ 12 m²), en dehors des zones d’habitat ou d’extraction généralement documentées. Si au Paléolithique supérieur la matière première est essentiellement locale et plutôt du silex secondaire, elle se diversifie au Néolithique avec du matériel local et divers (silex secondaire comme tertiaire) et du matériel lointain (silex pressignien). L’âge du Bronze est très timidement représenté par du mobilier isolé (métal et céramique). Le premier âge du Fer est lui bien représenté sur l’emprise aussi bien en termes de mobilier isolé que de structures associées. Il semble former un ensemble homogène auquel nous avons associé les structures pour lesquelles l’absence de mobilier ne permit pas une attribution chronologique certaine. Cet ensemble comprend des structures d’extraction de matière, des puits pour l’accès à l’eau et une vaste aire de stockage au nord de l’emprise – fenêtre 1 – constituée quasi-exclusivement de greniers sur poteaux rattachés au Hallstatt moyen/final. Le secteur semble ensuite déserté, bien que ponctuellement fréquenté, au 2nd âge du Fer et à l’époque gallo-romaine. Aucun vestige médiéval n’a été recouvré sur l’emprise.

Three assemblages of fallow deer (Dama sp.) bones excavated from the early middle Pleistocene (oxygen isotope stage 18) layers of the Acheulian site of Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov, Israel, furnish evidence of systematic and repeated exploitation... more

Three assemblages of fallow deer (Dama sp.) bones excavated from the early middle Pleistocene (oxygen isotope stage 18) layers of the Acheulian site of Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov, Israel, furnish evidence of systematic and repeated exploitation of complete carcasses by hominins.
The excellent state of preservation of the bones and the presence of only minimal signs of carnivore involvement permit an investigation of the role of hominins as the primary agents responsible for the damage to these bones. Hominin expertise in dealing with fallow deer carcasses is manifested by cut marks, percussion marks, and hack marks on the bones. The archaeozoological analysis of the anatomical position and
frequency of these marks suggests that carcass processing followed systematic practices that reflect an in-depth knowledge of fallow deer anatomy and a consistent behavioral strategy. These assemblages represent one of the earliest examples of methodological butchering practices in Eurasia. The evidence of carcass processing observed at Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov resembles that seen in late Pleistocene sites in Israel, which were inhabited by modern humans. We interpret the Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov data as indicating that the Acheulian hunters at the site (1) were proficient communicators and learners and (2) possessed anatomical knowledge, considerable manual skill, impressive technological abilities, and foresight.

Ce projet de recherche propose d'étudier les stratégies d'adaptation en milieu fragile (désert, steppe) au travers des « desert kites », de grandes constructions faites d’alignements de pierres convergeant vers un enclos (fig. 1).... more

Ce projet de recherche propose d'étudier les stratégies d'adaptation en milieu fragile (désert, steppe) au travers des « desert kites », de grandes constructions faites d’alignements de pierres convergeant vers un enclos (fig. 1). Longtemps considérés comme des pièges de chasse, les kites pourraient aussi avoir servi à la domestication animale. Dans un contexte archéologique large, où les kites semblent avoir été utilisés du Néolithique aux époques subactuelles, nous proposons une approche interdisciplinaire à la croisée de l’anthropologie (archéologie et ethnologie), de la géomatique et des sciences géoarchéologiques et bioarchéologiques.
Le projet couvre un domaine géographique important, qui s’étend du Caucase et de l’Asie Centrale au sud de la péninsule Arabique (Échallier & Braemer, 1995). Un premier inventaire bibliographique et des observations préliminaires d’images satellitaires ont révélé l’existence de plus de 1300 structures, dont 61 % connues et 39 % inédites (fig. 2). Ces découvertes récentes soulignent le potentiel tout à fait exceptionnel du projet : l'étude des kites à travers le temps et l'espace permettra de définir les stratégies d'exploitation des ressources animales en milieux bio-climatiques à fortes contraintes et d'analyser leurs conséquences, directes ou indirectes, sur le milieu.

During the archaeozoological investigations in Liptovská Mara, 13 bones belonged to brown bear skeleton were identified. The materials were analysed macroscopically in order to determine the presence of the pathological bone changes.... more

During the archaeozoological investigations in Liptovská Mara, 13 bones belonged to brown bear skeleton were identified. The materials were analysed macroscopically in order to determine the presence of the pathological bone changes. Moreover, X-ray imagination and microscopical analysis of the dental root cross-sections were done. The age of animal was estimated to 10-15 years. The pathological changes in periodontal area (chronic periodontitis) and in the metacarpal bones (hypertrophic bone formations) were described. According to accessible literature, archaeological and archaeozoological investigations results in the above-mentioned site, the bears from Liptovská Mara were killed, because of their potential attacks on domestic animals herds.

Historical ecology in Bulgaria is quite a new scientific discipline which suggests it will undergo future development. In contrast to Western Europe where there are sufficient data about fishing and utilization of the marine resources in... more

Historical ecology in Bulgaria is quite a new scientific discipline
which suggests it will undergo future development. In contrast to Western Europe where there are sufficient data about fishing and utilization of the marine resources in the Middle Ages, in the Black Sea region the information is most often casual, fragmented and unsystematic.
Therefore, the data obtained as a result of regular archaeological excavations are extremely valuable, and very often the only source of any information related to the importance of marine resources to the local population over the centuries. In this paper are presented the results obtained from the investigation of bone material from two sites from the region of Medieval Varna – the medieval fortresses Kastritsi and Petrich Kale. The material is obtained from occupation levels from the 11th – 12th c. until the end of the 14th c.

Im Laufe eines ethno-archäologischen Projekts im zentralen Westgrönland wurden Interviews mit grönländischen Jägern zum Umgang mit Knochenabfällen in ihren Sommerjagdlagern geführt. Parallel fanden archäologische Untersuchungen in... more

How have humans colonised the entire planet and reshaped its ecosystems in the process? This unique and groundbreaking collection of essays explores human movement through time, the impacts of these movements on landscapes and other... more

How have humans colonised the entire planet and reshaped its ecosystems in the process? This unique and groundbreaking collection of essays explores human movement through time, the impacts of these movements on landscapes and other species, and the ways in which species have co-evolved and transformed each other as a result. Exploring the spread of people, plants, animals, and diseases through processes of migration, colonisation, trade, and travel, it assembles a broad array of case studies from the Pliocene to the present. The contributors from disciplines across the humanities and natural sciences are senior or established scholars in the fields of human evolution, archaeology, history, and geography.

A long-term archaeological study at Shestovytsia necropolis accumulated a significant collection, an important part of which are archaeozoological materials. Most of the finds are stored at the Institute of Archaeology of the National... more

A long-term archaeological study at Shestovytsia necropolis accumulated a significant collection, an important part of which are archaeozoological materials. Most of the finds are stored at the Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. V. I. Bibikova determined the bones from 35 Shestovytsia’s burial mounds, excavated in the 1940s—1950s and published by D. I. Blifeld. Currently, in the collection, there are osteological remains from 28 complexes and 3 bones without the catalogue numbers, they were identified by Ye. Yu. Yanish.
The sample from this site includes 454 fragments of animal origin from 61 individuals minimum. All animal remains belong to the category of «ritually used» because they originate from an inventory of burials. These are the animal for sacrifice buried along with the human body, the remains of funeral feast and of food placed into the grave, and the personal belongings of the dead, i. e. things of everyday use (combs, pointed tools (fids or marlinspikes), needle- and awl-cases, etc.), amulets, and gaming pieces. They are ranged by a degree of treatment from bones without any treatment to complicated bone products. Animals which bones were used for further treatment were adult species. The bones of young individuals, apparently, belonged to the animals used for funeral feast.
Total of 11 representative mammal species belong to 3 Orders — Artiodactyla: Bovidae family, Cervidae family, Suidae family; Perissodactyla: Equidae family; Carnivora: Canidae family and Ursidae family; and also Rodentia. In addition, in several graves, chicken bones (Gallus gallus domesticus), bird’s (obviously chicken) eggs, as well as the shell of the Unio crassus were detected. There are no fish remains in the materials from the necropolis. Domestic species accounted for 68.3 % of the determined mammalian remains. The largest variety is registered in the materials from the burial mound 21 (the mound 22 (121), according to the report, excavations in 1956) and the burial 1 and 4 of the mound 61 (the mound 52 (51), according to the report, excavations in 1957).
87 bones contain traces of influence: the effects of fire, the traces of chopping, cutting, and gnawing by dogs. In the investigated material, there is a bone of small cattle with pathological enlargements, which are the result of the inflammatory process, in this case, most probably after trauma. In addition, the enamel of the horse’s tooth is damaged, which is likely a result of the certain types of feed usage.