Marxism Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

L’idéologie est partout, le mot est si galvaudé que le concept s’est comme évaporé : on dit qu’une grève est idéologique pour éviter de dire qu’elle a d’autres raisons qu’une stricte revendication. On dit qu’une réforme est idéologique... more

L’idéologie est partout, le mot est si galvaudé que le concept s’est comme évaporé : on dit qu’une grève est idéologique pour éviter de dire qu’elle a d’autres raisons qu’une stricte revendication. On dit qu’une réforme est idéologique pour éviter de dire qu’elle s’inscrit dans la grande reprise en main autoritaire et libérale actuelle. Ce livre éclaire la notion d’idéologie, tout d’abord en précisant ce qu’elle n’est pas : ni une surface miroitante et trompeuse jetée par-dessus le réel qu’elle masquerait à des spectateurs consommateurs hypnotisés. Ni une superstructure mécaniquement déterminée par sa base économique et sociale, vision qui est celle d’un « marxisme » abâtardi. Isabelle Garo prend le contre-pied de ces interprétations convenues. Elle suit l’évolution de Marx sur la question de l’idéologie – depuis L’Idéologie allemande jusqu’au Capital – et elle en propose la poursuite contemporaine. Cette confrontation passé/présent montre que l’idéologie ne peut pas se définir une fois pour toutes, qu’elle est inséparablement liée aux affrontements et aux conflits d’idées d’un moment, au domaine des luttes et à celui des analyses théoriques. « Il s’agit d’arracher la notion d’idéologie à toute tentative de définition figée et de lui rendre sa capacité à débusquer les contradictions profondes qui reconduisent sans cesse les idées dominantes à l’ensemble d’un mode de production ».

Last year, at this conference, I discussed how distinctions between nature and culture, and humans and animals, can arise from the technical processes of food production (see "Food as an object of cultural technical study "). Drawing on... more

Last year, at this conference, I discussed how distinctions between nature and culture, and humans and animals, can arise from the technical processes of food production (see "Food as an object of cultural technical study "). Drawing on the work of cultural techniques (e.g. Siegert 2015; Vismann 2013) and Levi-Strauss' The Raw and the Cooked (1970), I argued that the relationship between humans and food is primary to how the human understands itself and forms part of the ground of human ontological systems. I'd like to take this argument further today, to a system-level perspective of food production and beyond, to a posthuman future where food no longer resembles what we know it as today, and because of this, where the human as such arguably ceases to exist, as the ground upon which it has defined self and species is transcended. I'm responding both to fictional future food visions and aspirations towards technical solutions to our current food-related crises.

Most ―mainstream accounts of the West-East divergence gain theoretical inspiration from Max Weber and/or Karl Marx, and have therefore traced the ―rise of the West to the unique social processes that apparently fostered capitalism in... more

Most ―mainstream accounts of the West-East divergence gain theoretical inspiration from Max Weber and/or Karl Marx, and have therefore traced the ―rise of the West to the unique social processes that apparently fostered capitalism in Europe. Critics have labelled these accounts ―Eurocentric insofar as they imply the inherent superiority of the West over the East,1 and they have offered alternative ―anti-Eurocentric narratives which ostensibly avoid such analytical and normative pitfalls. These critics have succeeded in directing our attention to experiences in the non-European world. However, they have sought to validate these experiences by simply extending (in space and time), rather than transcending, the problematic concepts and assumptions that plagued the ―Eurocentric Weberian and Marxist accounts of the origins of capitalism. This paper argues that a truly non-Eurocentric approach requires a definitive break with these assumptions and the adoption of an alternative historical materialist understanding of the origins of capitalism pioneered by Robert Brenner. While not explicitly conceived as non-Eurocentric, Brenner‘s concept of social-property relations offers the surest foundation for understanding ―the great divergence‖ without doing violence to history or succumbing to European triumphalism.

In this chapter I will examine the origins, functions, and consequences of extraterritoriality in Siam, and its important role in the creation of the modern Thai state. More specifically, I will trace the role of extraterritoriality in... more

In this chapter I will examine the origins, functions, and consequences of extraterritoriality in Siam, and its important role in the creation of the modern Thai state. More specifically, I will trace the role of extraterritoriality in the creation of a territorially bound polity governed through bureaucratic mechanisms displaying a high degree of legalisation of social relations and integrated into a global capitalist system. In the first part of this chapter, I will examine the establishment, operation, and abolition of extraterritoriality in Siam, having as my main reference-point the 1855 Bowring Treaty and the subsequent legal, institutional, and economic reforms enacted by the Siamese monarchy in its attempt to have extraterritoriality abolished. In the second part, I will discuss the process of creating a territorialised, centralised state and the assumption of control over former vassal states by Bangkok. Here I revisit imperial struggle and co-operation between Britain and Siam regarding the resource-rich Northern Siam (Lanna). I will argue that extraterritoriality treaties in 1874 and 1883 crystallised the alliance between foreign capital and the Siamese ruling classes, an alliance that drove the process of state-building in Siam. The core of my argument is that extraterritorial jurisdiction was a legal technique through which British capitalists, the Foreign Office, the Siamese monarchy, and the nascent bourgeoisie formed a precarious and contradictory, yet operationally effective, alliance that enabled Siam’s transition to capitalism, the emergence of fixed borders, and the subjugation of northern vassal states and concomitant consolidation of state control over these territories, as well as the mastery over and commodification of nature.

This paper argues that capitalist accumulation requires imperialist expansion, and that this expansion creates a “raced” surplus laboring population. The argument proceeds in seven parts: that Marx’s assertion in chapter 25 of Capital... more

This paper argues that capitalist accumulation requires imperialist expansion, and that this expansion creates a “raced” surplus laboring population. The argument proceeds in seven parts: that Marx’s assertion in chapter 25 of Capital that capitalism produces an ever-increasing relative surplus population is tenable in all but the longest of time frames; that imperial expansion played an important role in the transition to capitalism, though not for the reasons traditionally given; that overinvestment rather than the increasing organic composition of capital best explains imperial expansion in the capitalist era; that the uneven development of capitalism produces at the same time an uneven development of the surplus laboring population; that race has served as a mark of membership in the surplus laboring population; that by intertwining itself with the surplus laboring population, race serves to perpetuate itself despite its contradictions; and that despite this resilience, the contradictions of race also set in process conflicts that make it possible to overcome imperialism.

In his text On the Reproduction of Capitalism, Louis Althusser references an appendix to the text, which remains either lost or unfinished: an appendix titled ‘The Ideology of Work.’ Inspired by the potential contents of this appendix,... more

In his text On the Reproduction of Capitalism, Louis Althusser references an appendix to the text, which remains either lost or unfinished: an appendix titled ‘The Ideology of Work.’ Inspired by the potential contents of this appendix, this paper discusses how Althusser has – and might have – considered the relationship between ideology and work within his writings and what the consequences of this consideration may be for the Marxist sociology of work today. The paper suggests the co-existence of two discussions of the ‘ideology of work’ between Althusser’s writings, constructed at similar times: one grounded in an analysis of ideology as the product of state apparatus (found in On the Reproduction of Capitalism); another grounded in ideology as an epistemological obstacle (found in The Humanist Controversy). The paper argues that the sociology of work has implicitly reproduced a harmful separation of these two analyses in its own thinking about the relationship between work and ideology, productive of economistic and humanist deviations of which it cannot make sense. The paper concludes with a call to revisit the tensions present in Althusser’s understandings of ‘the ideology of work’, with a view to reconstructing a method useful for the Marxist sociology of work.

This article explores the importance of non-capitalist space within the global political economy. The issue of how to categorise and understand space in so-called peripheral regions such as Latin America has been a contentious one. Whilst... more

This article explores the importance of non-capitalist space within the global political economy. The issue of how to categorise and understand space in so-called peripheral regions such as Latin America has been a contentious one. Whilst many radical analyses have focused on the dynamics of capitalism in relation to the geography of development, explaining how it has been able to survive and grow, this article makes the case for a more multi-linear theoretical framework with which to view the socioeconomic landscape. This is inspired not only by the later writings of Marx but also the specific Marxian class analysis of those involved in Rethinking Marxism. Via a focus on Oaxaca in southern Mexico, this article highlights both the survival and the recreation of spaces of non-capitalism, and provides an argument for why we should consider these to be important for transformative action more broadly, whilst also discussing their potential limitations.

È "lavoro di partito" tutto ciò che contribuisce al movimento reale che abolisce lo stato di cose presente. In Marx la teoria del partito non è del tutto esplicita, però è facile da ricavare da molti dei suoi scritti. Nel Manifesto il... more

È "lavoro di partito" tutto ciò che contribuisce al movimento reale che abolisce lo stato di cose presente. In Marx la teoria del partito non è del tutto esplicita, però è facile da ricavare da molti dei suoi scritti. Nel Manifesto il quadro teorico offre già una buona traccia per una lettura di tutto ciò che egli scriverà successivamente: i comunisti sono coloro che anticipano la società futura; non fanno già più parte di questa società anche se vivono dentro di essa. L'enorme importanza di questo concetto non è stata capita dalla maggior parte di coloro che si richiamano a Marx.

Katerina Kolozova is a Macedonian philosopher whose publications from last two decades aim to analyze various topics using François Laruelle’s “non-philosophy” or “non-standard philosophy.” Non-philosophy could be roughly described as... more

Katerina Kolozova is a Macedonian philosopher whose publications from last two decades aim to analyze various topics using François Laruelle’s “non-philosophy” or “non-standard philosophy.” Non-philosophy could be roughly described as radicalized deconstruction:
Laruelle claims that not everything can be grasped by a philosophy: for Laruelle, “philosophy is too serious an affair to be left to the philosophers alone.”1 Non-philosophy opposes the “principle of sufficient philosophy” through which philosophy determines and decides
what is real. According to Laruelle, the ultimate limit of philosophical thought and its self-proclaimed sufficiency lies in its inherent tendency to close itself in a transcendental system of autofetishist conceptions, which presume that one can grasp the Real (“The Real is neither capable of being known or even ‘thought,’ but can be described in axioms. [...]
Even ‘immanence’ only serves to name the Real which tolerates nothing but axiomatic descriptions or formulations.”) by a philosophical thought, or that the Real could be mediated only through human thought. Laruelle criticizes this tendency of philosophy, which is usually expressing itself through the structure of “philosophical Decision.” (“To philosophize is to decide Reality and the thoughts that result from this, i.e. to believe to
be able to order them in the universal order of the Principle of Reason [Logos].”) Katerina Kolozova use Laruelle’s non-philosophy to explore more explicitly political topics. In the Cut Of Th e Real (2014), she criticized certain dogmatism of poststructuralist philosophy and feminist theory, namely their symptomatic rejection of the Real and the
One. In Toward a Radical Metaphysics of Socialism (2015) and The Lived Revolution (2016) Kolozova presented a rereading of Marx, whose work she found relevant for the critique of speculative philosophical dimension of the capitalist economy, embodied in the 2008 global finance crisis, and in the latter book, she explored the possibility of a new political solidarity, based on “bodies in pain.” Kolozova doesn’t call to philosophically reconstruct Marx’s thought for the current situation, but she goes back to Marx with the help of Laruelle’s non-Marxism, contrary to the usual approach of Marxist philosophers, who often
try to create certain philosophical system of Marx’s work. Together with Eileen A. Joy, Kolozova edited the anthology After the “Speculative Turn” (2016), which addressed recent realist and materialist tendencies in feminist philosophy. In her most recent book, Capitalism’s Holocaust of Animals (2019), Kolozova aimed to explore broader philosophical foundations of neoliberal capitalism, and its dealing with nonhuman animals and their suffering. According to Kolozova, “We have to start by coming to terms with what we did to the animals in the constitutive act of philosophy and via proxy to all those dehumanised that belong to the species of man ‘by courtesy’ only.”

È uscito il volume A. Pascale, Ascesa e declino dell'impero statunitense, tomo 1 – Genesi di un regime elitario (dalle origini al 1945), La Città del Sole-L'AntiDiplomatico, Napoli 2022. Il testo consta di 620 pagine ed è acquistabile al... more

È uscito il volume A. Pascale, Ascesa e declino dell'impero statunitense, tomo 1 – Genesi di un regime elitario (dalle origini al 1945), La Città del Sole-L'AntiDiplomatico, Napoli 2022.
Il testo consta di 620 pagine ed è acquistabile al prezzo di 28 euro nelle migliori librerie e con uno sconto dai rivenditori online.
Di seguito un breve abstract, l'Indice, una presentazione dell'Autore e la bibliografia utilizzata.

Abstract: This paper presents an argument for considering issues of class in analyses of communicative planning projects. In these projects, class interests tend to be obscured by the contemporary preoccupation with the class-ambiguous... more

Abstract: This paper presents an argument for considering issues of class in analyses of communicative planning projects. In these projects, class interests tend to be obscured by the contemporary preoccupation with the class-ambiguous category of “community”. Through a case study of a project of urban redevelopment at King's Cross in London, we conceptualize and map class interests in an urban redevelopment project. Three aspects of the planning process that contain clear class effects are looked at: the amount of office space, the flexibility of plans, and the appropriation of the urban environment as exchange or use value. These aspects structure the urban redevelopment but are external to the communicative planning process. The opposition to the redevelopment has in the planning discourse been articulated as “community”-based rather than in class-sensitive terms. We finally present three strategies for reinserting issues of class into planning theory and practice.

Il mito rappresenta [...] la forza sociale e sotterranea di una immensa rivoluzione che minava nel sottosuolo ovunque il mondo antico. Era comodo procedere quando il Maestro faceva tacere e tremare tutti, regalando miracoli, sanando... more

Die vielfältigen Formen von Protest und Widerstand gegen den G20-Gipfel in Hamburg liegen mittlerweile ein dreiviertel Jahr zurück. Sie haben ein sehr unterschiedliches mediales und politisches Echo hervorgerufen und der öffentliche Kampf... more

Die vielfältigen Formen von Protest und Widerstand gegen den G20-Gipfel in Hamburg liegen mittlerweile ein dreiviertel Jahr zurück. Sie haben ein sehr unterschiedliches mediales und politisches Echo hervorgerufen und der öffentliche Kampf um die Deutungshoheit über das Geschehen dauert weiter an. Aber auch innerhalb der linken Bewegung sind die Ereignisse umstritten und die diesbezüglichen Positionen sehr heterogen, insbesondere was die Bewertung der Vorgänge am Freitagabend, den riot, betrifft, um den es im vorliegenden Buch gehen wird. Innerhalb dieser Haltung reichen die Positionen von der euphorischen Feier des riots bis hin zur kritischen Sicht auf G20 als Niederlage. Einige Positionierungen haben wir versucht hier darzustellen. Dabei kann dem riot auf verschiedenen Ebenen begegnet werden. Bei der Auswahl der Beiträge war uns wichtig, sowohl eine möglichst große Bandbreite innerhalb der Diskussionen der radikalen Linken zu erfassen als auch keine Beiträge zu verwenden, die sich jenseits einer kritischen Bezugnahme einfach vom Geschehen distanzieren und damit staatliche Deutungsmuster reproduzieren, statt sich ihnen zu entziehen. Der Titel eines Beitrages von Karl-Heinz Dellwo drückt somit die dem Band zugrunde liegende Haltung aus: Nicht distanzieren.
Das Buch gliedert sich in mehrere Teile. Auf die als Einführung konzipierten Annäherungen, die einen ersten Überblick über das Thema beinhalten, folgt ein längerer, chronologisch aufgemachter Bericht, der die Ereignisse der Protestwoche in Hamburg ausführlich schildert und die dortige Atmosphäre lebendig werden lässt. Es folgen kürzere Beiträge, die sich, unmittelbar aus dem Eindruck des Geschehens heraus entstanden, mit dem riot beschäftigen, und weitere, die ihn aus unterschiedlichen Blickwinkeln thematisieren. Enthalten sind identitäts- bzw. ideologiekritische medientheoretische, diskursanalytische, politische, soziale, subjektive und philosophische Ansätze und Herangehensweisen. Anschließend folgen zwei längere Texte, die den riot im Kontext der politökonomischen Entwicklung analysieren, indem sie insbesondere auf seine Beziehung zu den Produktions- und Arbeitsverhältnissen in der kapitalistischen Ökonomie hinweisen und ihn auch sozialgeschichtlich verorten. Der Artikel von Joshua Clover wurde eigens für dieses Buch übersetzt und liegt damit erstmals in deutscher Sprache vor. Achim Szepanski folgt der Sichtweise Clovers und untersucht den riot als Teil der globalen Zirkulationskämpfe. Den letzten Teil des Buches nehmen Beiträge ein, die die andere Seite der Barrikade analysieren, das staatliche Vorgehen gegen den Protest. Abgeschlossen wird das Buch durch den Versuch, die staatliche Repression, welche wir in Hamburg deutlich beobachten konnten, als Teil einer umfassenden, aber weniger sichtbaren Tendenz zu begreifen, sie in in einen breiteren Kontext von technologischen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Prozessen einzuordnen sowie geeignete theoretische Begrifflichkeiten zu finden, welche die Vorgänge und Entwicklungen möglichst adäquat erfassen können.

This article puts labour, and its historically changing forms of existence, at the centre of the theorisation of uneven international development. It advocates a consciously dialectical approach that goes beyond significant limitations in... more

This article puts labour, and its historically changing forms of existence, at the centre of the theorisation of uneven international development. It advocates a consciously dialectical approach that goes beyond significant limitations in historical-geographical materialism, and in the work of Neil Smith in particular. It argues, first, that geopolitical modes of explanation cannot be asserted on descriptive grounds, or in logical abstraction from the determinate content of social reproduction. It then argues that the critique of uneven development must focus on the material process Marx termed the “real subsumption of labour to capital” so as to analyse the transformation of the productive subjectivity of the international working class in contemporary capitalism. This transformation has today resulted in the contemporary form of a “new” international division of labour, the worldwide dynamics of which are mediated by a variety of specific national and regional forms of the capital accumulation process.

Final proofs of the whole book

This paper explores the way in which feminism, whilst trying to achieve gender equality, has increased inequality between women. It locates the cause of this in feminism's early adoption of Marxist and Engelsian thought and the way in... more

This paper explores the way in which feminism, whilst trying to achieve gender equality, has increased inequality between women. It locates the cause of this in feminism's early adoption of Marxist and Engelsian thought and the way in which these two thinkers misconstrued the relationship between private and public domains.

This paper aims to concretize this notion of literary theories being in dialogue by exploring the intertwining of the Marxist theory, mainly depending on Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin’s theories, and Freudian psychoanalytic theory, based... more

This paper aims to concretize this notion of literary theories being in dialogue by exploring the intertwining of the Marxist theory, mainly depending on Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin’s theories, and Freudian psychoanalytic theory, based on Sigmund Freud’s writings, in Arthur Miller’s play “The Crucible” with focus on Reverand Parris as a representative of the Bourgoise and John Proctor, Abigail Williams and the people of Salem as representatives of the Proletariats. “The Crucible” portrays the Marxist ideology of class division, yet more importantly, it traces religion, a concept long debated among the Marxists, as the trigger to the class struggle. The characters in the play have taken to 2 extreme measures for power attainment; Hysteria, triggered by the Id, and revolution, triggered by the Superego. This is what this paper aims to explore further with taking

Queste pagine sono state scritte da Marx in periodi differenti della sua vita. Messe insieme segnano e abbracciano tutto l'arco di sviluppo del suo pensiero. Le date sono di per sé eloquenti (1844, 1858, 1867, 1881-1882) e subito ci... more

Queste pagine sono state scritte da Marx in periodi differenti della sua vita. Messe insieme segnano e abbracciano tutto l'arco di sviluppo del suo pensiero. Le date sono di per sé eloquenti (1844, 1858, 1867, 1881-1882) e subito ci richiamano alla mente opere e vicende già note e ben conosciute: i "Manoscritti economico-filosofici del 1844", "Per la critica dell'economia politica", il "Capitale", gli ultimi anni terribili della vita di Marx. Il filo che le tiene insieme è non solo il nome di Marx, ma anche, e soprattutto, l'oggetto specifico della ricerca che Marx conduce dall'inizio alla fine della sua vita. L'oggetto è in generale l'economia e il suo carattere specifico è dato dal significato politico che essa assume all'interno del rapporto sociale di tipo capitalistico. Karl Marx (1818-1883) è stato uno degli ultimi geni enciclopedici dell'età moderna. Dopo la formazione filosofica e politica negli ambienti della Sinistra hegeliana, Marx inizia nel 1844 a Parigi lo studio critico dell'economia politica che, parallelamente all'impegno politico per la costituzione e l'organizzazione del movimento internazionale dei lavoratori, lo impegnerà per il resto della sua vita.

What does the development of a truly robust contemporary theory of domination require? Ashley J. Bohrer argues that it is only by considering all of the dimensions of race, gender, sexuality, and ability within the structures of... more

What does the development of a truly robust contemporary theory of domination require? Ashley J. Bohrer argues that it is only by considering all of the dimensions of race, gender, sexuality, and ability within the structures of capitalism and imperialism that we can understand power relations as we find them nowadays. Bohrer explains how many of the purported incompatibilities between Marxism and intersectionality arise more from miscommunication rather than a fundamental conceptual antagonism. As the first monograph entirely devoted to this issue, "Marxism and Intersectionality" serves as a tool to activists and academics working against multiple systems of domination, exploitation, and oppression.

First this paper will discuss Michel Foucault foundation of his ideas, and why more than a critical intervention from scholars of color is needed. Moreover, we should be aware that not only were Foucault’s deficient of political ideas or... more

First this paper will discuss Michel Foucault foundation of his ideas, and why more than a critical intervention from scholars of color is needed. Moreover, we should be aware that not only were Foucault’s deficient of political ideas or a vision of what the world ought to be, but in neglecting question of the human he indirectly made a very ontological statement “only white lives matter”. His ideas are well-known already and I don’t want to site them there or spend a lot of paper space discussing them, what is more important is who and what he represent. Secondly, I want to turn my focus on Marx, to argue that Marxism and Marxist do not and cannot provide us a solution to black suffering. I am not against Marxism, I believe that capitalist exploitation dominates the world and I am against it, but the ontological question “what and who is human?” when answer by the Marxist is always the white, worker, male. So if blacks are outside of human whose racial experiences are not relevant then how can we understanding the student slave, the worker slave, when chattel slavery has already ended? If black people are surplus, therefore disposable, then what is left of Marx? If black people do not have function or purpose within capitalism? I want to follow up with offering an alternative, the work of black feminist Sylvia Wynter is vital to understanding the racialization and the category of human in western modernity (Weheliye, 2014), I will attempt to piece together her call for a new humanism, alongside and relation to work by Afro-Pessimist and Critical Race Theory to gain a perspective of racialization and what does that mean for black students in the Afterlife. In all, I want to argue that the afterlife should be a more proper way of looking at history and progress here in the West. This will cause us to rethink slavery and freedom. Hopefully I will be able to messy picture of schooling where black children are posted to a social death but life is also worth living. To life a life in death or black life is not white social life.

Tesi di laurea triennale in filosofia in cui, attraverso la lettura dei testi di A. Kojève, si cerca di rendere chiavi di lettura perfettamente idonee alla comprensione del mondo in cui viviamo quei concetti-cardine del pensiero del... more

Tesi di laurea triennale in filosofia in cui, attraverso la lettura dei testi di A. Kojève, si cerca di rendere chiavi di lettura perfettamente idonee alla comprensione del mondo in cui viviamo quei concetti-cardine del pensiero del russo-francese quali la fine della storia e la fine della politica.

The paper discusses some possible ways of using Wittgensteinian philosophy to combat Marxism, independently of what Wittgenstein's explicit position was, as an individual, about this issue. Economic, political, social and historical uses... more

The paper discusses some possible ways of using Wittgensteinian philosophy to combat Marxism, independently of what Wittgenstein's explicit position was, as an individual, about this issue. Economic, political, social and historical uses are presented.

La crisi dei tradizionali modelli e strumenti di cura deriva da uno squilibrio sempre meno sostenibile tra famiglia e lavoro? O ci troviamo di fronte a una crisi sociale, politica, economica e culturale assai più vasta e profonda, di cui... more

La crisi dei tradizionali modelli e strumenti di cura deriva da uno squilibrio sempre meno sostenibile tra famiglia e lavoro? O ci troviamo di fronte a una crisi sociale, politica, economica e culturale assai più vasta e profonda, di cui la trasformazione della cura sarebbe solo un elemento, difficile da isolare rispetto ad altri? Attraverso la ricostruzione dei diversi momenti storici in cui la cura entra in crisi e dei movimenti politici che ne evidenziano le contraddizioni -- in particolare i vari femminismi -- Nancy Fraser propone la sua visione del capitalismo contemporaneo e del modello neoliberale di femminismo.

El presente capítulo se propone, a partir del análisis del itinerario teórico de Gramsci sobre la cuestión del Estado desde la época de L'Ordine Nuovo hasta sus reflexiones carcelarias, indagar en la cues¬tión de la hegemonía y sus... more

El presente capítulo se propone, a partir del análisis del itinerario teórico de Gramsci sobre la cuestión del Estado desde la época de L'Ordine Nuovo hasta sus reflexiones carcelarias, indagar en la cues¬tión de la hegemonía y sus derivaciones en el actual contexto de los capitalismos periféricos como el argentino. Nuestro interés se centrará en un punto en especial: sobre qué bases materiales les es posible a las clases dominantes construir una supremacía hegemónica. En otras palabras, se trata de plantear si es posible la existencia de consenso entre las clases subalternas sobre la base de criterios puramente ideológicos, más allá de sus condiciones de vida reales consideradas en el mediano y largo plazo. De ahí el interés por insistir una vez más en las dimensiones que se abren a partir de la noción gramsciana de hegemonía.
PRIMERA PARTE Capítulo 4 de “ESTADO Y MARXISMO. Un siglo y medio de debates” Mabel Thwaites Rey (compiladora). Buenos Aires: Editorial Prometeo 2007 (Páginas 129-160)

This is the introduction to the Beauty book I edited for MIT/Whitechapel

Enclosed is the syllabus and course notes from the upper division course I teach in PostModernism and Post-Marxist Critical Theory. It occurs to me that some of these essays--ranging from Horkheimer and Adorno, Baudrillard, Foucault, and... more

Enclosed is the syllabus and course notes from the upper division course I teach in PostModernism and Post-Marxist Critical Theory. It occurs to me that some of these essays--ranging from Horkheimer and Adorno, Baudrillard, Foucault, and the feminist post-modern theorist Donna Haraway may offer some insight and some tools for comprehending the dark times in which we live. While these essays may not be directly aimed at understanding the rise of phenomena like the Alt-Right, toxic masculinity, and particularly violent forms of patriarchy, I think they can show us something about the ideological trends that set us on out current morally troubling path.