Track II Diplomacy Research Papers (original) (raw)

This paper examines the effectiveness of the EU’s performance in mediation and dialogue by studying the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue from external and internal perspectives. Based on the academic literature on mediation and local-level... more

This paper examines the effectiveness of the EU’s performance in mediation and dialogue by studying the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue from external and internal perspectives. Based on the academic literature on mediation and local-level dialogue, we suggest an analytical framework for assessing mediation success. Separating the concepts of success into internal and external perspectives allows for a more nuanced and elaborate analysis of the mediation process and its implications at the local level. This analytical framework is applied to both the high-level dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade representing Track I mediation and local-level dialogue in line with Track II mediation.
I have authored case study, which focuses on local-level dialogue in the context of the Belgrade-Pristina talks. An analysis of Track II initiatives demonstrates a lack of EU interest in supporting local-level dialogue – dialogue that is crucial to the successful implementation and durability of peace in the region. The other main finding is that there is a lack of coordination of Track I and Track II dialogue efforts by the EEAS.

Traditional state diplomacy and negotiations have been complemented in the past century by an array of alternative negotiation types. This paper looks at the contributions of multi-track diplomacy in the traditional Israeli-Palestinian... more

Traditional state diplomacy and negotiations have been complemented in the past century by an array of alternative negotiation types. This paper looks at the contributions of multi-track diplomacy in the traditional Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing on some of the most significant Accords, Projects and Partnerships and their limitations. We distinguish between different tracks and their supporting institutions, in correlation with 28 interviews conducted by the author with senior second track negotiators. Finally, we explore the concept of Negotiations 2.0, its implications and possible application as a necessary complement and natural evolution of the needs and aspirations of both societies towards peace.

This dissertation will explore four developments and examine the possibilities and opportunities for an integrated track 1½ approach, focussed on regional conflict prevention and de-escalation of intrastate conflict. The principal focus... more

This dissertation will explore four developments and examine the possibilities and opportunities for an integrated track 1½ approach, focussed on regional conflict prevention and de-escalation of intrastate conflict. The principal focus will be on how track one diplomacy can cooperate with track two diplomacy on a regional level in order to de-escalate intrastate conflicts and regional conflict complexes, and prevent them from crossing the violence threshold. More specifically, this dissertation will focus on creating a framework for track one and track two cooperation in which regional organisations can utilise Interactive Conflict Resolution methods to de-escalate intrastate conflict. To this end, socialpsychological theories of conflict and conflict resolution will be explored in an effort to uncover the potential of a track 1½ interactive conflict prevention approach. While confining the boundaries of track 1½ diplomacy, attention will be focussed upon the design of a regional interactive conflict prevention framework, which will draw upon ICR as a preventive measure to de-escalate intrastate and regional conflicts before they cross the violence threshold.

Although conflicts in post-Soviet regions have been the subject of much attention, some aspects of these conflicts still remain somewhat neglected by academics. One such aspect is the role played by Church organizations in conflict... more

Although conflicts in post-Soviet regions have been the subject of much attention, some aspects of these conflicts still remain somewhat neglected by academics. One such aspect is the role played by Church organizations in conflict transformation. The concept of conflict transformation places considerable emphasis on civil society, which – in its broader sense – includes church organizations. Representatives of churches have direct access to persons who are involved in conflicts, and thus they have the potential to influence public opinion and the ability to bring hostile parties together to engage in dialogue. The aim of this study is to identify the factors underlying the low level of engagement in the peacebuilding process by Orthodox religious institutions in Georgia and Abkhazia and which prevent these organizations from exercising a positive influence over conflict transformation. The field research for the article was conducted via interviews with representatives of Abkhazian and Georgian civil society, and this data is supplemented by the public declarations of church representatives with relevance to conflict transformation. The incompatibility of the views held by the two church communities (those of Georgia and Abkhazia) regarding the cause of the escalation of the conflict and the highly politicized nature of the respective church organizations, both of which overtly support and contribute to domestic nationalist discourses in their respective societies, have been identified as the main factors limiting the peacebuilding potential of the churches in the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process.

As the field of conflict resolution evolves, practitioners are increasingly realizing that facilitating better communication across cultures is a key method in easing conflict and reducing tensions. Track II diplomacy acknowledges this... more

As the field of conflict resolution evolves, practitioners are increasingly realizing that facilitating better communication across cultures is a key method in easing conflict and reducing tensions. Track II diplomacy acknowledges this fact by endorsing problem-solving workshops as a way to increase cultural understanding between parties to a conflict and, as a result, diffuse the root causes of the conflict itself. While the effectiveness of problem-solving workshops is difficult to quantify, an analysis of their use in the Israel-Palestinian and Northern Ireland conflicts shows their promise in breaking down violent cultural misunderstandings and complimenting more formal negotiations processes.

This article explores the conflict understandings of Track II actors in the Kurdish conflict context and compares them with conflict understand-ings of Track I actors to identify similarities and differences between these actors. The... more

This article explores the conflict understandings of Track II actors in the Kurdish conflict context and compares them with conflict understand-ings of Track I actors to identify similarities and differences between these actors. The results highlight two different conflict understandings among Track II actors: a democracy and identity viewpoint, and a democracy and economy viewpoint. Integrating these results with previous results for Track I actors highlights four different conflict understand-ings across Track I and Track II actors: a Kurdish rights viewpoint, a democracy and freedom viewpoint, a conservative-religious viewpoint, and a terror viewpoint.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Israel is indicative of the fact that the time has come for Jewish Studies to be introduced in Indian academia. Given the fact that Islamic Studies or Arab Culture exist in almost every major Indian... more

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Israel is indicative of the fact that the time has come for Jewish Studies to be introduced in Indian academia. Given the fact that Islamic Studies or Arab Culture exist in almost every major Indian university, the non-existence of Jewish Studies in Indian academia cannot be justified. Jewish Studies could be launched as an alternative to Arab Culture and Islamic Studies (both Islam and Judaism being Semitic religions), so that the students have the choice of earning their degree either in Arab Culture/Islamic Studies or in Jewish Studies, as is the case at a number of highly prestigious institutions across the world. Jewish Studies should be available as an alternative to Islamic Studies also for those appearing in the University Grants Commission's National Eligibility Test (NET) for lectureships. Jewish Studies ought to be established at all central universities in the country, irrespective of the fact whether the subject Arab Culture/Islamic Studies is already there at the institution or not.

Forged in the wake of September 11, 2001, the last decade of U.S.-­Pakistani partnership has been plagued by tension and setbacks. As U.S. forces commence a drawdown in Afghanistan, the perceived reduced importance of Pakistan to U.S.... more

Forged in the wake of September 11, 2001, the last decade of U.S.-­Pakistani partnership has been plagued by tension and setbacks. As U.S. forces commence a drawdown in Afghanistan, the perceived reduced importance of Pakistan to U.S. interests creates an opening for Beijing and Islamabad to deepen their strategic relationship. Meanwhile, Indo-­Pakistani tensions remain high, and Pakistan continues to advance its nuclear program to hedge against India’s conventional military might. Fissile material production is on the rise, and new delivery systems are being introduced. At the same time, Pakistan continues to struggle with myriad internal security problems including a separatist insurgency, mounting religious extremism, and militancy. Taken together, these trends have triggered U.S.-­Pakistani debate in four key subject areas: (1) nuclear proliferation, (2) Indo-­Pakistani nuclear stability, (3) the security and safety of Pakistan’s nuclear program, and (4) the future of nuclear energy in Pakistan. This report surveys these four issues, drawing from a decade of Track II meetings between U.S. and Pakistani stakeholders, as well as trilateral events involving Indian participants. In doing so, this report provides insight on strategic thought processes in Pakistan and the status and trajectory of its nuclear posture. The authors also identify deficiencies in the Track II process with Pakistan and recommend various solutions to improve the quality and breadth of the discourse.

As a greater number of sub-national groups demand secession, the theory of mediation finds itself without concrete principles with which to respond. This research endeavors to introduce a critical theory discourse in mediation literature... more

As a greater number of sub-national groups demand secession, the theory of mediation finds itself without concrete principles with which to respond. This research endeavors to introduce a critical theory discourse in mediation literature on the role of superpower intervention. I explore two shortcomings in mediation literature. First, unlike critiques available elsewhere, superpower participation in peace mediation is not considered a form of superpower hegemony. My research suggests that superpowers utilize mediation to serve their interests while ostensibly appearing to be ‘assisting’ the locals, out of humanitarian impulse, to restore ‘peace’ and ‘prosperity’. Second, despite the intricate nature of secessionist wars, they are not accorded appropriate consideration. In secessionist wars, separatist groups actively enlist the support of superpowers sympathetic to their cause. This research is guided by two questions: does mediation literature address how superpowers mediate secessionist conflicts in which they are sympathetic to the cause of separatist groups? And, if such analysis exists, does it attempt to deconstruct critically how superpowers enlist regional and local allies to influence the outcome of negotiations in favour of their own interests in secession? Using two case studies in Sudan, my findings illustrate that the negative role of superpower hegemony in mediation processes has been neglected and depoliticized in mediation literature. I argue that mediation literature should not rely on superpower leverage to mediate an end to secessionist wars ― embodied in the form of state-led Track I diplomacy processes ― since it only provides ready-made resolutions and legitimizes foreign intervention and exploitation. Therefore, I further argue that for mediation theory to be more relevant and useful in fostering an indigenous end to secessionist wars they are better off utilizing non-state actors ― as in the form of Track II diplomacy ― to mediate secessionist wars. Non-state actors, void of state interests, have the capacity to facilitate greater inter-elite negotiations, which, in turn, will strengthen local ownership of peace processes and foster consensus on indigenous resolutions.

This article examines private think tanks as instruments of public diplomacy in China. It analyses relationship-building in three cases of a hybrid form of public diplomacy that combines government agencies and non-state actors and... more

This article examines private think tanks as instruments of public diplomacy in China. It analyses relationship-building in three cases of a hybrid form of public diplomacy that combines government agencies and non-state actors and involves multiple stakeholders, both domestic and transnational. Emphasis is upon the actors in China that initiated the projects and developed the networks for each initiative, but the building of the projects' transnational relationships is also considered. The cases involve three top-ranking Chinese private think tanks: the Charhar Institute's City Diplomacy projects; the Center for China and Globalization's Green Card initiative; and the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies' Think 20 Transnational Network. The analysis demonstrates how and why the public-private partnerships in each case produced shared positive outcomes with synergistic results and advanced China's public diplomacy objectives. The cases illustrate the advantages of a hybrid form of non-state public diplomacy that combines state and non-state actors.

India is yet to reciprocate the introduction of Indian Studies in Israel with the launch of Jewish Studies, which would automatically include Israel Studies, in its academia. Although Indian Studies thrive at Israeli institutions of... more

India is yet to reciprocate the introduction of Indian Studies in Israel with the launch of Jewish Studies, which would automatically include Israel Studies, in its academia. Although Indian Studies thrive at Israeli institutions of higher education, yet Jewish Studies are largely non-existent in India.

Pakistan and India, two vital South Asian states have been at loggers head since 1947. The hostility and enmity has remained at top in their foreign policies for most of their mutual history. Both states have engaged in number of wars,... more

Pakistan and India, two vital South Asian states have been at loggers head since 1947. The hostility and enmity has remained at top in their foreign policies for most of their mutual history. Both states have engaged in number of wars, border conflicts and diplomatic clashes. The trust deficit, blame game and relational gap has increased with the passage of time. The hostility has not only affected their mutual relationship but also has played the role in instable South Asian Region. There has been numerous conflict management efforts through diplomacy, negotiations and mediation but have ended in new conflict. These conflicts have created new hostilities and clashes between both neighboring states. Both shared same border but have never shared same policies and aspects on same page. This has led to the relational gap at both governmental level and social grounds. Pakistan and Indian got their independence in 1947 from the British imperialism. Right from the start the security dilemma and lack of trust emerged as the most vital issues. The newly established states were not ready to bridge up the gap. On one hand India was not ready to accept the existence of Pakistan while on other hand Pakistani government was under severe threat of security from its neighbor. Henceforth the hostility took birth with the freedom of these states, this resulted in first war in 1948 after few month of independence of these newly born states. War of 1948 left a disputed issue of Kashmir unresolved and despite the mutual and international efforts it still remains in same state. The Kashmir issue proved to be the basic issue of confrontation and led to many future wars and border clashes (Haider, 2010; Mahajan, 1963) Both states were engaged in a full-fledged war in 1965 over the same issue of Kashmir which proved to be among major wars. Both sides faced huge numbers of

Considers the role of New Zealand's Track II diplomacy in Southeast Asia.