Triumphal Symbolism In the Roman Empire Research Papers (original) (raw)

Among the most-dicussed findings of the past decades' excavations in the 'Valle del Colosseo' in Rome are the remains of an Augustan-time version of the 'Meta Sudans', one of largest monumental fountains of the city, situated below the... more

Among the most-dicussed findings of the past decades' excavations in the 'Valle del Colosseo' in Rome are the remains of an Augustan-time version of the 'Meta Sudans', one of largest monumental fountains of the city, situated below the north-eastern slope of Palatine Hill. While the symbolic message of the fountain's architecture and decoration have been well-explained in a series of recent studies as those of a triumphal monument (Apollo Agyieus = Apollo Actius), this article attempts to reconstruct the cultural symbolism of the fountain square in the urban life of Rome, thus shifting the view from the architect's intentions ('Baumeisterperspektive') to the cultural practices attested at this spot of the city, to which communal and imperial festivities (compitalia, religious processions) belong just as well as individual daily activties in urban traffic or private water supply.
The archeological record suggests that the fountain had some relation to the sacred precint of the Roman brass players ('aenatores Romani') across the street. That the activities (from training to religious performance) of musicians around this precint dominated the public connotations of the whole fountain square is demonstrated by the remarks of Seneca - who regards the Meta Sudans as a place of excessive instrumental noise - as well as Propertius, who envisions the area as a symbol of the antagonism of aetiological (Apollonian) and erotic (Dionysiac) poetry in his fourth book of elegies.

The River Nile fascinated the Romans and appeared in maps, written descriptions, texts, poems and paintings of the developing empire. Tantalised by the unique status of the river, explorers were sent to find the sources of the Nile,... more

The River Nile fascinated the Romans and appeared in maps, written descriptions, texts, poems and paintings of the developing empire. Tantalised by the unique status of the river, explorers were sent to find the sources of the Nile, while natural philosophers meditated on its deeper metaphysical significance. Andy Merrills' book, Roman Geographies of the Nile, examines the very different images of the river that emerged from these descriptions - from anthropomorphic figures, brought repeatedly into Rome in military triumphs, through the frequently whimsical landscape vignettes from the houses of Pompeii, to the limitless river that spilled through the pages of Lucan's Civil War, and symbolised a conflict - and an empire - without end. Considering cultural and political contexts alongside the other Niles that flowed through the Roman world in this period, this book provides a wholly original interpretation of the deeper significance of geographical knowledge during the later Roman Republic and early Principate.

According to Livy (39.6.6) and Pliny the Elder (34.14 and 37.12), the return of Manlius Vulso’s army from Asia in 187 B.C. was marked by a harmful display of luxuria. It is significant that only tapestries and costly banquet furniture... more

According to Livy (39.6.6) and Pliny the Elder (34.14 and 37.12), the return of Manlius Vulso’s army from Asia in 187 B.C. was marked by a harmful display of luxuria. It is significant that only tapestries and costly banquet furniture (vestes stragulae, lecti aerati, monopodia and abaci) were identified by the two historians as luxury goods. These objects were indeed the most sumptuous features of Hellenistic royal banquets. For example, the abacus had the same role of the kylikeion, the very essence of Ptolemaic courtly life. The usual display of kylikeia in the Ptolemaic pompai and banquets suggests that in the triumph of 187 B.C. abaci were already employed as sideboards on which the richness of the seized silverware could be admired. Therefore, the ‘fault’ of Vulso and his army was not only the introduction of luxurious furniture, but also the adoption of the very apparatus that the Hellenistic rulers usually exhibited in their feasts and parades (display tables, dining couches, textiles, coverlets, silver vessels). Moreover, announcing his victory over the Galatians, Vulso may have exploited the Dionysian meaning of ‘his’ Asiatic furniture.

This paper explores the beginning and development of the iconography of the Roman trophy flanked by male and female prisoners. This image has been probably the result of a Roman innovation with few or no Hellenistic models. The Late... more

This paper explores the beginning and development of the iconography of the Roman trophy flanked by male and female prisoners. This image has been probably the result of a Roman innovation with few or no Hellenistic models. The Late Republican coins, a description of Marius’ Cimbric triumph, the frieze of the temple of Apollo Sosianus and the lower register of the Gemma Augustea allow us to associate the creation of the iconography to the memory of the victory in the triumphal context. In fact, during the ceremony of the pompa triumphalis the two immediate constituents of the image, id est prisoners and trophies, were performed together in Rome by the victorious general. Therefore, the triumphal parade could have suggested a new picture of the trophy. The introduction of a female prisoner in Caesarian coins was a further development, which Caesar used to show the subjugation of Gaul

After a long period of research and specialisation in the field of provincial Roman art the author published in 2002 his rather daring ideas about one of the most exciting Roman finds in the Netherlands during the twentieth century: the... more

After a long period of research and specialisation in the field of provincial Roman art the author published in 2002 his rather daring ideas about one of the most exciting Roman finds in the Netherlands during the twentieth century: the 'Tiberian triumphal Pillar' of Nijmegen. He interpreted the monument as a triumphal monument for the emperor Tiberius, erected
because of the grant of a triumph to Germanicus in AD 17. Because of the presence on the Pillar of the most important domestic gods of the dynasty of emperor August and the absence of a program of conquering and victory the author concluded that the monument served as a symbol of the new < Pax Augusta >. But he also developed the idea that the presence
of the < Genius Augusti > and his < Lares > could point to a very special meaning of the monument as a < compitum Larum >. He even suggests in his monography that the pillar stood for the founding of the administrative organisation of the < Civitas Batavorum > and should have been erected
in the middle of its capital, the 'city' of < Oppidum Batavorum > (= Nijmegen). Seldom had an archaeological publication and hypothesis made a greater impact on the common people. It strongly affected
the public celebration in 2005 of the founding of the city. In December 2005 the city of Nijmegen erected a new version (by the Israelian artist Ram Katzir) of the Roman monument as a modern svmbol of its eternity in front of the Museum Het Valkhof.

This paper investigates the social and theological import of Romans against the iconography of the Augustan arches, focusing on Paul's indebtedness to Greeks and barbarians, the reconciliation of enemies, the victory of Christ on behalf... more

This paper investigates the social and theological import of Romans against the iconography of the Augustan arches, focusing on Paul's indebtedness to Greeks and barbarians, the reconciliation of enemies, the victory of Christ on behalf of believers, and his rule over the nations. D.C. Lopez and B. Kahl investigated the iconographic evidence of Aphrodisias and Pergamon when discussing the political implications of Paul's gospel in the Roman province of Asia. Paul visited neither city, so arguments about the apostle's interaction with the imperial ideology of 'victory' depends more on the ubiquity of the Julio-Claudian propaganda than on any contact Paul might have had with those specifi c monuments. The Augustan arches throughout the Empire stereotypically depict the humiliation of barbarians at the sites of Pisidian Antioch, a city visited by Paul (Acts 13:14-50), as well as at La Turbie, Glanum, Carpentras and the triple arch at the Roman Forum. However, there were other iconographic motifs on the arches that confl icted with the relentless triumphal ideology of Augustus. They articulated an alternate vision of social relations between conqueror and conquered.

Krieg und Religion – Fundament römischer Politik – bilden die Brennpunkte dieser Arbeit. Fragen nach dem Charakter soldatischer Religion, nach deren Funktionalisierung durch die Führungsschicht, vor allem aber die Bestimmung des sich... more

Krieg und Religion – Fundament römischer Politik – bilden die Brennpunkte dieser Arbeit. Fragen nach dem Charakter soldatischer Religion, nach deren Funktionalisierung durch die Führungsschicht, vor allem aber die Bestimmung des sich wandelnden Ortes von Krieg im römischen Selbstverständnis, seine Verankerung in Zeit und Raum, stehen im Zentrum der Studie. Mit einem Instrumentarium aus philologischen, althistorischen religionswissenschaftlichen Methoden wird hier zum ersten Mal ein umfassendes Bild der Wechselwirkung von Religion und Krieg von der frühen Republik bis in die Kaiserzeit gezeichnet und damit eine über die Antike hinausweisende Religions- und Militärgeschichte angeboten.