Women and Conflict Research Papers (original) (raw)

- by Paula Banerjee
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- Border Studies, Women and Conflict

This chapter analyses the development of academic and policy attention to ‘women’ and ‘gender’ in forced migration contexts, highlighting the transition from documenting the particularities of female experiences, to a re-evaluation of the multiple ways in which processes of and responses to forced migration influence gender identities, roles and relations. The chapter is divided into three main sections. Firstly, it offers a brief historical overview of feminist contributions to analyses of forced migration. The second section then addresses gendered causes and experiences of forced migration by engaging with two sets of debates: gendered evaluations of individualised persecution on the one hand, and gendered experiences of conflict-induced mass displacement on the other. The first sub-section explores the gendered nature of refugee status determination processes, highlighting the biases underpinning ‘neutral’ legal definitions and policies, and documenting emerging sensitivity to the intersections between sexual orientation, gender identity and asylum. The second sub-section in turn traces developments in responses to sexual and gender-based violence in mass displacement contexts, and argues in favour of the continued incorporation of displaced men and boys into gender analysis and programming. In the third section, the chapter subsequently examines responses to displacement, again focusing on two sets of debates: the first regarding the paradoxical implications of policies designed to promote gender equality and empowerment in camp contexts, and the second on the nexus between gender and the three traditional durable solutions.

This paper is part of a larger collection titled: "STATE STRENGTHENING IN AFGHANISTAN
LESSONS LEARNED, 2001–14" Edited by Scott Smith and Colin Cookman.
The paper was presented in March 2015 in “Conference on State-Strengthening in Afghanistan 2001–2014: Learning from the Past to Inform the Future.” that was organised by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), Chatham House, and Stanford University.

Most countries in the Horn of Africa provide a fertile ground for the proliferation of dissident groups who engage in terrorist acts destabilizing states and socio-economic structures. Widespread poverty, high levels of illiteracy, and deep-rooted marginalization are some of the drivers into terrorism. Female members of such groups have elicited interest especially with the use of women in combat. Increased radicalization of women has also prompted more attention on the gendered dimension of terrorism, armed conflict and peace keeping incluiding Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs. This article engages in a comparative analysis of the gendered impact of DDR programs in selected countries in East Africa. It employs a multiple case studies approach grounded in content analysis of existing literature. Such an approach will enable access to a wide array of data over a cross regional context and make it possible to tease out trends, and thus, facilitate a realistic regional and international framework for more inclusive DDR

- by Mfon Ekpootu
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Women's History, Conflict Resolution, Peacebuilding

The British philanthropist Robert Arthington (1823-64) left a fortune that funded the evangelical work of the Baptist Missionary Society and the London Missionary Society. It was Arthington’s bequest that led to missionary work among the Mizo people in 1901. During the British colonial period, which ended in 1947, Welsh Christian and Baptist missionaries evangelized among the Mizo people. Today almost 90 percent of Mizos belong to the Presbyterian Church, the Baptist church, or to one of the many indigenous Christian churches. It is impossible to comment on the contemporary position of Mizoram Presbyterian Church women without first reflecting on their indigenous activities and status. Past representations of Bible women and the challenges they encountered for the mission work under the strict rules of chieftains paint them as nothing more than the appendages of men. These representations, I believe, are distortions of their actual roles and positions. This case study challenges the notion that the key to empowerment is women’s economic status. In this case, patriarchies– Western patriarchy combined with indigenous Mizo patriarchy – collaborated in according women a secondary status in the new religion

- by mary thanpuii
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- Women and Conflict

In times of war and conflict, sexual violence against women is often reported. Such measures are also used as weapons of war against the opposing forces. In the 1950s and 60s the confrontation between the Indian armed forces and the Naga undergrounds peaked, resulting in lots of deaths, including innocent civilians. Temsula Ao's collection of short stories entitled These Hills Called Home: Stories from a War Zone captures some of the poignant moments of the troubled times. This paper analyses two stories from the volume which deals with sexual violence against women. While on one hand the narratives recount the trauma faced by the Nagas in the hands of the Indian armed forces, it also highlights the universality of the subject of women's suffering in times of conflict in different parts of the world. Another thrust of the paper is also to argue that women in patriarchal society are doubly marginalized. In the case of the Nagas too, the patriarchal structures often silences the narratives of women from emerging to the fore. But the active campaigns of the Naga Mothers Association and other like-minded organizations have risen to fight for dignity and justice.

- by Veio Pou
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Northeast India, Women and Conflict, Nagas

Einführung Am 13. Juli 2016 überstand die amtierende Frauenministe-rin Alhaj Delbar Nazari nur knapp ein Misstrauensvotum des Parlaments: Die gegen sie gerichteten Vorwürfe von Korruption und Nepotismus konnten nicht nachgewiesen werden. Sie gestand jedoch einige Defizite in der Effekti-vität ihres Ministeriums ein und versprach den Parlamenta-rier*innen eine baldige Präsentation von Erfolgen. Die Initiative des Votums wurde ebenso wie die Debatte im Parlament überwiegend von weiblichen Parlamentsmit-gliedern geführt. Analysen des Vorgangs weisen auf ein dichtes Geflecht von Machtinteressen hin, die der Initiative zugrunde liegen und sehr wenig mit der eigentlichen Amtsführung Nazaris zu tun haben. 1 Afghanistan ist auch heute noch eines der Länder mit den größten Geschlechterungleichheiten weltweit und beson-ders deutlich wird dies bei der Beteiligung von Frauen in der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Sphäre. Seit einigen Jahren wächst langsam die Präsenz von Frauen in Regie-rung und Zivilgesellschaft ebenso wie die gesellschaftliche Akzeptanz dieser Rollenveränderung; andererseits schei-nen sich Frauen gegenseitig wenig in diesem gemeinsamen Ziel zu unterstützen. Der Artikel analysiert aus historischer und aktueller Perspektive die Faktoren, die diese Entwick-lungen bedingen.

- by Bele Grau
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- Women's Movements, Women Issues in Afghanistan, Women and Conflict

“Carnivalesque” is perhaps the best, if not the only way to describe what was going on at the Bab al-Saghir Cemetery that hot summer afternoon in 2008. In front of the graves of the Prophet’s wives, Shi‘i pilgrims could buy Viagra, sex-enhancement creams, and massage oils. Sexual mores were normally strictly guarded in Syria and medicines were usually available only at pharmacies. Yet, there in one of the most historically and religiously significant cemeteries in Damascus, makeshift vendors sold an array of sex-related items. In order to analyze this phenomenon, this article draws on Mikhail Bakhtin’s notion of the “carnivalesque.” First, it provides a short background of Twelver Shi‘ism in Syria and explains how Shi‘i religious tourism encouraged the development of black markets. Then, it examines how Shi‘i pilgrimage, which occurred all year around, but peaked during Muharram, fostered an attitude that liberated Shi‘is from prevalent social norms and emphasized “grotesque” imagery and practices, including blood, death, and sex. In short, it follows Michael Taussig’s call for anthropologists to attend to the transgressive aspects of religious ritual.

- by Edith Szanto
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- Religion, Cultural Studies, Sociology of Culture, Sociology of Religion

This interview was conducted on July 20, 2016 at Geedam, a town in Dantewada district in Chhattisgarh, at Soni Sori’s residence. Soni, a schoolteacher, was arrested on charges of acting as an intermediary for CPI (Maoist) in 2011 and granted bail in 2014. The custodial torture and sexual assault that she faced, her subsequent release, and her continuous struggle against the state’s excesses against the tribal population resisting corporate acquisition of tribal land has made her the face of adivasi resistance in contemporary Chhattisgarh. In 2014, she contested as a candidate of the Aam
Aadmi Party (AAP) and lost the general elections in Bastar. Four months prior to this interview, in March 2016, she was attacked by miscreants who threw chemicals on her face and threatened her family with dire consequences if she did not resist from speaking out on state atrocities against the tribal population..The interview was conducted in Hindi and has been translated and edited by the interviewer.

Cuando la Resolución 1325 cumple quince años, el feminismo y el pacifismo necesitan repensar sus relaciones con los movimientos de mujeres en Oriente Próximo. Los conflictos que asolan la región, tienen un impacto de género que no puede estudiarse sin analizar el efecto del colonialismo y el imperialismo occidental en el constructo «mujer», y las relaciones que las principales fuerzas políticas mantienen con el feminismo y el movimiento de mujeres. El caso de Palestina ilustra cómo, en un contexto de ocupación militar prolongada, el colonialismo israelí, el nacionalismo palestino y el islamismo han utilizado el cuerpo de las mujeres para asentar sus respectivas retóricas de limpieza étnica, liberación nacional y autenticidad islámica. Se contextualiza la supuesta dicotomía entre feminismo secular y feminismo islámico, haciendo recomendaciones para evitar nuevos esencialismos identitarios. Entre resistencias y negociaciones, el movimiento feminista palestino apunta estrategias novedosas para abrir espacios de diálogo situado y equitativo.

- by Magaly Thill
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- Palestine, Women and Gender Issues in Islam, Feminismo, Palestina
- by Soma Marik
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- Gender Studies, Postcolonial Studies, Women and Conflict, Women and Revolution

UN Security Council Resolution 1325 of 2000 provided that peace agreements should adopt a ‘gender perspective’. This commitment has been reiterated in women, peace and security resolutions since that time. This article uses a mixed qualitative and quantitative analysis to consider when and how peace agreements have adopted a gender perspective, using a new PA-X peace agreement database to analyse over 1500 peace and transition agreements from between 1990 and 2016. It goes further to consider how inclusion of women is related to the other forms of political and group inclusion contemplated to form part of the new political settlement. The article begins by examining what might be meant by a ‘gender perspective in peace agreements’. It maps out when and how peace agreements provide for women, girls and gender, but also for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans communities, and for ‘men and boys’ and ‘family’ at different stages of a peace process. The article provides new data on the implementation of agreement commitments and specifically those issues singled out for attention by UNSC 1325. Finally, we consider the inclusion project on offer to women and its relationship to the conceptualisation of the conflict and its solution, by considering the relationship between gender, power-sharing and transitional justice. In summary, analysis of the dataset provides three main findings. First provision for women is still largely limited to once-off provisions, or issues relating to the victimhood of women, with holistic attempts to adopt a ‘gender perspective’ relatively rare. Second, the inclusion of women in peace agreement texts tends to be located in the more comprehensive stages of the agreement, with little consideration given to women and gender at either pre-negotiation stages of a peace process, or implementation stages. Third, surprisingly perhaps, political power-sharing is shown to be strongly correlated with several measures of gender inclusion rather than marking an exclusive focus on the inclusion of the groups at the heart of the conflict. In conclusion we argue that peace agreements indicate the presence of ‘principled pragmatism’ whereby elite commitments to political equality are used by a range of groups to push for a more pluralist conception of the peace settlement as also concerned with the political equality of groups beyond the conflict actors.

- by Kevin McNicholl
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- Gender, Transitional Justice, Peace Processes, Constitutions

Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to have lost the international community's attention and not much attention has􏰇 been recently paid to the ongoing justice and peacebuilding processes. Except for a few scholars, the current transitional justice process and its impacts on Bosnian women are neglected. There has been little analysis with relation to what happens in the long-term in Bosnia and Herzegovina and to the survivors of wartime violence. Focusing only on rape and other forms of wartime sexual violence has resulted in impunity for many other forms of international human rights violations occurring during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Economic and social rights violations, for instance, remain 􏰂􏰃unaddressed. The􏰇se 􏰃neglected women's human rights violations continue in different and/or aggravated forms. This study aims to illustrate the ongoing violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina and recommends solutions by engaging with the interviews conducted in the country in 2017.

- by Dr Ebru Demir
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- Bosnia, Women and War Studies, Gender and War Trauma, Bosnia and Herzegovina

On Easter Sunday, German radio station Radio Berlin Brandenburg broadcast a 10 minutes’ show on the Irish Republican women’s organisation Cumann na mBan. The programme is largely based on my recently published book on the women’s organisation and an interview I gave to journalist Rebecca Hillauer earlier this year. The radio show is an extended version of a similar show broadcasted by WDR 3 in their programme “Kultur am Mittag” on 31 March.

- by Dieter Reinisch
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- Irish Studies, Women's Studies, Women's History, Political Violence and Terrorism
- by Astrid Holzinger
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- Peace and Conflict Studies, Crisis Management, Mediation, Peacekeeping

The United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, which calls for the respect of women’s rights and participation in peace negotiations and post-conflict reconstruction, was a result of lobbying by the global women’s peacebuilding movement. While it has been successful in highlighting the importance of addressing women’s experiences in times of conflict, the UNSC has unwittingly resorted to gender essentialism by ignoring women’s roles as agents in processes of conflict and peace which further relegates women to the victim narrative, while excluding those who do not fit into this narrative. This CAI paper gives a broad overview of the resolution and its limitations in general and within the African context. It then explores in depth the shortcomingss of the resolution’s sexual violence framework with examples from conflict-affected countries in Africa. The paper concludes that maintaining a feminised view of women by ignoring their roles as agents of peace or as perpetrators of violence is counterproductive to the goals of UNSCR 1325.

- by Michaela Told
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- Women's Studies, Conflict Resolution, Women and Conflict

The objective of this article is to bring Palestinian women to the centre of a discussion about the gendered dimensions of Israel's convoluted permit system and checkpoint security infrastructure. Drawing on fieldwork close to one of the largest checkpoint terminals in the West Bank, Checkpoint 300 between Bethlehem and Jerusalem, the article develops knowledge about checkpoints in three important ways: i) as gendered spaces that regulate women's mobility differently from that of men; ii) as spaces that produce particular embodied experiences for women; and iii) as security mechanisms that disrupt and regulate relations of care. This knowledge builds towards the main argument of the article: Palestinian women's lives are profoundly affected by Israel's imposition of permit systems and checkpoints in terms of highly gendered impositions of (im)mobility, embodied experience and relations of care. The research presented here thus makes two wider contributions to research on security to do with how the checkpoint brings the politics of gender and occupation to the fore, and how security infrastructure connects to the politics of care under military occupation.

- by Mark Griffiths and +1
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- Israel/Palestine, Palestine, Checkpoints and Border Issues, Women and Conflict

This paper explores the issue of women’s rights protection in the situation of conflict and aimed to understand whether the legal framework for protection of women is relevant and is addressing their specific needs. The adequacy of IHL in protecting women in armed conflict is assessed. By the help of analysis of policies and resolutions regarding the Women, Peace and Security agenda, the legislative gaps are highlighted.

- by Ani Papyan
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- International Law, Human Rights, Conflict, International Humanitarian Law

Despite their increasing involvement in war women and children’s role in armed conflict still remains peripheral and more involuntary compared to that of men. Whereas both groups have unique vulnerabilities in situations of armed conflict... more

Após diversas tentativas, em julho de 2016 uma ofensiva liderada pelo exército iraquiano e pelas forças peshmerga conseguiu retomar Mossul. Durante três anos, a cidade havia sido controlada pelo auto-denominado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e Levante, também conhecido como Daesh . A vitória do Iraque, das forças do Curdistão iraquiano e seus aliados—que contaram com o apoio da coalizão americana—levara oito meses, tornando-se a operação militar do mundo nos últimos quinze anos. Em meio aos bombardeios e intenso combate urbano, surgiram relatos de que, acuado, o grupo extremista mobilizara ao menos 32 mulheres-bomba (ou, possivelmente, alguns homens com trajes femininos) em uma tentativa desesperada de repelir o Exército de Ouro, como ficaram conhecidas as tropas iraquianas. Apesar de não ser novidade, o fenômeno da mulher como agente de violência parece se chocar com a narrativa superficial, porém amplamente divulgada, de que as mulheres são exclusivamente vítimas dos conflitos armados.

- by Adriana Erthal Abdenur
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- Kurdish Studies, Women and War Studies, Iraq, Iraq War

The paper examines the different and contradictory trajectories on honour, power and conflict taken by different participants of the Egypt’s Women’s Movement. It discusses the problem of understanding the Egypt’s Women’s Movement through one set of lenses. It discusses two major and contradictory aspects of the Women’s Movement in Egypt- the role of National Council for Women and the role played by the female protesters who were harassed through virginity tests and public disrobing and beating during the Egyptian Revolution, 2011.

- by Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh
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- Sociology, Gender Studies, Gender, Empowerment

This policy brief addresses the origins and development of the Group of Women Facilitators (Grupo de Mulheres Facilitatoras - GMF), focusing on the period from May to November 2017. Although the brief does not offer a systematic evaluation of the initiative, the general impact of the GMF during these six months on the Conakry Agreement debates and, more broadly, on Guinea-Bissau’s political scene are assessed in light of the objectives the group set out for itself in May. The analysis
draws on a combination of desk review of policy documents from the Guinea-Bissau government, major international organizations such as the UN and ECOWAS, and civil society entities in GuineaBissau, as well as semi-structured interviews carried out in Bissau in 2017.

In May 2016, a delegation from Yemen travelled to Kuwait hoping to make space for women in the UN-supported peace negotiations. At first, the image of the seven women trying to influence the peace process seemed to run against a common narrative in the West according to which political actors in the Middle East are almost exclusively male. However, far from being a novelty, the delegation’s hard work can be seen as part of a long, albeit bumpy, historic series of attempts to expand women’s political participation in what is now one of the poorest countries in the region.

- by Adriana Erthal Abdenur
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- Conflict Resolution, Yemen, Middle East Politics, Yemen (History)

RESUMEN: La intersección entre género y edad hace que las niñas asociadas con fuerzas armadas o grupos armados no se encuentren adecuadamente protegidas por el DIH. Pese a los desarrollos normativos y jurisprudenciales más recientes, la regulación del reclutamiento y participación de niños en conflictos armados sigue siendo fragmentaria y carente de perspectiva de género. En este estudio se abordan las
lagunas y deficiencias en la protección jurídica de estas niñas, tanto si cumplen funciones de combate como si tienen asignadas otras funciones dentro del grupo, supongan o no participación activa en las hostilidades.

- by Ruth Abril
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- Women warriors, Women and Conflict, Girls in armed conflicts, Children In War
- by Magaly Thill
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- Palestine, Women and Gender Issues in Islam, Feminismo, Palestina

In Invisible Martyrs by award-winning instructor, Farhana Qazi uses a unique perspective to take the readers into the mindset of female Islamic extremists. Why would a girl from Denver join ISIS, a radical movement known for its mistreatment of women? Why would a teenage Iraqi girl strap on a suicide bomb and detonate it? These are the questions that drew in Farhana and started her on a journey around the globe searching for the answers as to why some women leave everything they know to join radical Islam.

Armed conflict across and between communities results in massive levels of destruction to the people-physically, culturally, economically and psychologically. The genesis of most of the conflicts that has engulfed the north-eastern states of India is either to preserve the unique identity or due to lack of economic development and opportunities for the large majority of the people or both. Women as heterogeneous group of social actors are arguably more affected than their male counterparts in conflict situations. Armed conflict exacerbates inequalities in gender relations that already exist in society. In an ethnically divided society in Assam, women bodies are generally used as ‘ethnic markers’ thereby have more specific manifestations. The paper aims to analyze the multiple roles that women are subjected to and play in armed conflict in the state of Assam. The paper is going to highlight that woman in NE India with a special reference to Assam cannot be categorized just as ‘victims’ of conflict. Even when they are victims; they exercise their agency and survival techniques despite adverse conditions. Beyond judicial measures, how women grapple with the problem of the'truths' of the past in post conflict scenario will also be highlighted.

Progress toward peace in South Sudan during 2019 moved in fits and starts, as the parties to the conflict missed many key deadlines set in the 2018 Revitalized Peace Agreement. Nonetheless, the current peacebuilding phase in South Sudan offers significant opportunities for advancing gender equality, mainstreaming women’s perspectives in peacebuilding, and fostering their budding efforts in environmental stewardship. Both the National Action Plan 2015-2020 for Women, Peace, and Security (NAP for UNSCR 1325), and the 2018 Revitalized Peace Agreement establish numerous provisions promoting women’s participation in public life. Gender issues also figure prominently in South Sudan’s First State of Environment Report, which considers the role of sustainable resource management as a vehicle for peace.

- by Güneş Daşlı
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- Turkey, Women and Conflict