Avshalom Laniado | Tel Aviv University (original) (raw)

BOOKS by Avshalom Laniado

The subject of this monograph is an anonymous sixth-century marginal note whose author probably w... more The subject of this monograph is an anonymous sixth-century marginal note whose author probably was Stephanus Antecessor, a teacher of law in Constantinople in the early 540s. This marginal note deals with a fragment of the classical jurist Papinian, according to which, whenever a question is raised with reference to the genus (family) or to the gens of a person, he must prove whether he belongs to it or not. The author of the marginal note translates gens by ethnos, and provides his students with three case studies--all related to early Byzantine public law--in which individuals are required to prove their relationship to an ethnos. The first one deals with the phoideratoi, a group of Gothic allies who, upon becoming full-fledged soldiers in the early sixth century, were considered for a while both foreigners and privileged, which could encourage attempts to usurp their status. According to the second one, a colonus who reclaims tax exemption has to prove that he is entitled to them by his fiscal origo. According to the last one, individuals who are arrested by mysterious "Egyptian-catchers" or "Syrian-catchers" are required to prove that they are not Egyptians or Syrians. This marginal note, which is studied here in detail for the first time, is of considerable interest for the administrative, military, and social history of early Byzantium

Papers by Avshalom Laniado

La préfecture du prétoire tardo-antique et ses titulaires (IVe-VIe siècle), 2023

The paper aims to re-examine and to complete the study that Raban von Haehling dedicated, in 1978... more The paper aims to re-examine and to complete the study that Raban von Haehling dedicated, in 1978, to the religious affiliation of the civil and military office-holders, from Constantine’s single rule to the end of the reign of Theodosius II (324-450). Our paper concerns the specific case of the praetorian prefects of the East. First, the paper investigates the “probative strength” (Beweiskraft) of the criteria chosen by von Haehling for establishing the religious belief of each of the officials. Then, it examines the case of the praetorian prefects of the East, from Constantine to Theodosius II (i.e. the period covered by von Haehling’s work): supplemented by some evidence unknown to von Haehling, the enquiry reveals, in particular, that the holders of this office attested as Christians were not in the majority, neither under Constantius II, nor under Valens or even under Theodosius I. From the end of the reign of Theodosius II until the disappearance of the praetorian prefecture of the East under Heraclius (a period not covered by von Haehling’s work), the religious affiliation of the praetorian prefects can be established only in a very few cases. Some hypothesis are made in order to explain such an observation; in particular: the presence, among the territories under the praetorian prefects of the East, of two civil dioceses, Egypt and Orient, which were predominantly monophysite, but which were also characterized by a high fiscal capacity, and this may have brought the holders of the office to assume a neutral stance in religious matters (in order to better perform their main task, namely: taxation).

Participations civiques des juifs et des chrétiens dans l'Orient romain, 2022

Civic Identity and Civic Participation in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, 2021

Mélanges Bernard Flusin, 2019

In his Secret History (XV.24–35), Procopius of Caesarea tells how an elderly patrician, unable to... more In his Secret History (XV.24–35), Procopius of Caesarea tells how an elderly patrician, unable to pay his creditors, tried to recover a sum owed to him by one of the servants of Empress Theodora. The high-ranking senator appeared before the empress in person in order to plead his case. Her response was a humiliating retort, whose precise meaning is not easily determined: πατρίκιε ὁ δεῖνα, µεγάλην κήλην ἔχεις. This offence spurred Procopius to report this episode but conceal the patrician’s name. Despite his discretion, it seems certain that the patrician in question was none
other than the magister officiorum Hermogenes, the addressee of an imperial rescript (Justinian, Novel 138) which alludes to his financial problems. Hermogenes is a four-syllable name which is proparoxytone in the vocative case. Its restitution into Procopius’ text turns the answer chanted by Theodora and her eunuchs into a rhythmical 15 syllable pattern (Πατρίκιε <Ἑρµόγενες>, µεγάλην κήλην ἔχεις), the same as a Byzantine political verse. This restitution confirms a conjecture made in
1943 by Donald Struan Robertson. The evidence of Procopius as well as of Romanos the Melode suggests that the political verse came into being before the so-called “dark ages.”

Addendum: In the paragraph discussed in this article, Procopius swears not to reveal the name of the elderly partician (Secret History, xv, 25: οὗπερ ἐγὼ τὸ ὄνομα ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι). This is a literary reminiscence from Herodotus, Histories, I, 51.

Le prince chrétien de Constantin aux royautés barbares (=Travaux et Mémoires 22/2), 2018

This article deals with the attitude of the imperial power in Byzantium to female prostitution as... more This article deals with the attitude of the imperial power in Byzantium to female prostitution as well as to procurement. Few emperors issued laws on these matters, and while there is no reason to question the impact of Christian moral values on their language and rulings, there is hardly any clear evidence that these lawgivers – apart from Andronikos II Palaiologos – acted under the direct influence of bishops or church councils. Moreover, there are good reasons to believe that at least some laws were aimed, primarily, at curtailing the visibility of prostitution in Constantinople. This conclusion is corroborated by the evidence offered by some literary texts for various measures pertaining to prostitution taken by some emperors, mainly in the capital. If we are to believe the authors of some literary texts, several emperors had prostitutes and pimps amongst their followers, while others did not refrain from intercourse with prostitutes. However, this kind of evidence is largely unreliable.

Travaux et Mémoires 22/1, 2018

This article examines the social origins of the holders of the praetorian prefecture of the East,... more This article examines the social origins of the holders of the praetorian prefecture of the East, the most distinguished civil office in the early Byzantine Empire, from the reign of Constantius II (337–61) to the reign of Heraclius (610–41). With the notable exception of the reign of Arcadius (395–408), members of the hereditary aristocracy of the senate of Constantinople do not seem to have had a priority in holding this office. On the other hand, emperors often appointed to this position new men of various backgrounds. Evidence for praetorian prefects of the East is scanty after the middle of the 6th century, and this may suggest that the office as well as its holders lost some of their former prestige even before the reign of Heraclius.

A translation into Greek of an article published in English under the title 'From Municipal Counc... more A translation into Greek of an article published in English under the title 'From Municipal Councillors to ‘Municipal Landowners’', in M. Meier and S. Patzold (ed.), Chlodwigs Welt: Organisation von Herrschaft um 500 (Roma Aeterna, 3), Stuttgart: Franz Steiner 2014, pp. 545–565. For the Greek translation, see Τηλέμαχος Κ. Λουγγής/Δέσποινα Λαμπαδά, Βυζάντιο. Ιστορία και πολιτισμός, τόμος Ε', Αθήνα: Ηρόδοτος 2018, σσ. 221-240.

When ordered by an imperial official to pay taxes called epikephalaia, monks in Pelusium (in the ... more When ordered by an imperial official to pay taxes called epikephalaia, monks in Pelusium (in the province of Augustamnica) decided to send a delegation to the emperor in order to ask for exemption. An otherwise unattested monk called Abba Ammonathas entreated them to fast in
their cells for two weeks, and promised to solve the problem in his own way. On the 15th day, he showed them a sakra (imperial letter), and told them how, within a single night, he had it signed and sealed by the emperor and then countersigned in Alexandria. This allusion to the procedure of countersignature, which is entirely unexpected in a literary text, seems to betray some knowledge of Justinian’s Novel 152 (534 C.E.), and this provides us with a terminus post quem. Some remarks
on the use of the Latin term sacra as a loan word in Greek are included.

The main piece of evidence for the beginnings and the first phase of the revolt of Vitalianus aga... more The main piece of evidence for the beginnings and the first phase of the revolt of Vitalianus against Emperor Anastasius I (491-518) is a long fragment of the lost Chronicle of John of Antioch, published for the first time by Theodor Mommsen in 1872 (frg. 311 Roberto = frg. 242 Mariev). This detailed account has much to say about Vitalianus, but it does not mention any military command held by him at the eve of his revolt. According to John of Antioch, the revolt followed a decision (by the emperor?) to deprive Vitalianus of the phoideratikai annonai. It is often assumed that this decision deprived of its rations an allied military force commanded by Vitalianus as comes foederatorum. However, there is no evidence for a Latin title such as comes foederatorum. On the other hand, the Greek title κόμης (τῶν) φοιδεράτων (with or without the definite article) is attested for several military commanders, including Patriciolus (Vitalianus' father), but never for Vitalianus himself. Moreover, there is a difference between foederatus in Latin and phoideratos as a loan word in Greek. While foederatus is a general term for ally, the use of phoideratos seems to be restricted to a group of Gothic allies in the Balkans who became in due course regular soldiers. The decision to deprive Vitalianus of the phoideratikai annonai can be interpreted as an act of ignominiosa missio (dishonourable discharge from military service). In that case, he was a phoideratos himself. In its turn, this conclusion implies that he was a Goth.

The exceptionally powerful position held by the magister militum praesentalis Aspar in the Easter... more The exceptionally powerful position held by the magister militum praesentalis Aspar in the Eastern Roman Empire under the reign of Leo I (457-474) was due, first and foremost, to a ‘special relationship’ with a considerable group of followers who were, just like him, Arians of barbarian origin. The most important piece of evidence for this matter is the description of Aspar's retinue given by the 6th-century chronicler John Malalas (XIV, 40-41). In his account of Aspar's murder (in 471), this author says that the latter had at his disposal a large number of Goths, many comites (here probably in the sense of ‘commanders of military units’), paides (valets) and paramenontes anthropoi (people in the service of others). Moreover, Aspar is said to have given to his retinue the name of phoideratoi, a loan word derived from the Latin term foederatus (ally). As the verb καλέω (to call) is often used by John Malalas for instances in which a ruler officially gives a name to a city or a province, to an institution, to a building or a monument, or even to a military unit, it follows that, in this author's mind, Aspar gave the name of phoideratoi to his retinue following an official act such as the conclusion of a foedus. Aspar, who was the hero of the expedition initially led by his father Ardabur against the Western usurper John (423-425), may have concluded such a foedus with the Pannonian Goths who, according to a controversial passage in the early 9th-century Chronicle of Theophanes (A.M. 5931), settled in Thrace in the 420s. This article also deals with the use of the Latin term foederatus in early Byzantine Greek.

Antecessor - Festschrift für Spyros N. Troianos, 2013

In a scholion to a fragment of Ulpian's Libri ad edictum (Digest, XII, 1, 9, 9), Stephanus Antece... more In a scholion to a fragment of Ulpian's Libri ad edictum (Digest, XII, 1, 9, 9), Stephanus Antecessor, a teacher of law who was active in Constantinople in the early 540s, mentions a certain Amblichus (τοῦ ἥρωος Ἀμβλίχου), and uses his words. It is often assumed that this Amblichus was an otherwise unattested teacher of law who taught in Beirut in the late 5th century, and that the words ascribed to him by Stephanus Antecessor can be used as evidence for the history of the doctrine of the natura contractus. This note argues that the name of this individual was Iamblichus, not Amblichus, and that the words used by Stephanus Antecessor are a literary reminiscence probably based upon the De Mysteriis (III, 28) of the Neo-Platonist philosopher Iamblichus of Chalcis (ca. 240-325). To judge by this scholion, Stephanus Antecessor held Iamblichus in high esteem, as did other 6th-century authors such as John Malalas, John Lydus, and Jordanes.

Polyonymies are currently attested for several dozens of early Byzantine office-holders of senato... more Polyonymies are currently attested for several dozens of early Byzantine office-holders of senatorial rank in a variety of documents. Despite the paucity of the extant evidence, there is no reason to doubt that polyonymous nomenclature was quite widespread in the 5th and 6th centuries, though nothing suggests that each and every office-holder had a polyonymy of his own. Polyonymous nomenclature in early Byzantium follows two rules: the first element is the imperial gentilicium Flavius, while the last one is the so called diacritical name, the real name of the individual. Between the two, an early Byzantine office-holder can mention his ancestors (almost always male ascendants), pay homage to one or more "benefactors" (high-ranking office-holders to whose influence on the emperor he owes his appointment), or even express his gratitude (no doubt for the same reason) to God, the Trinity, the Virgin, the Archangels, as well as to apostles and martyrs. While ancestors appear in polyonymies throughout the period under consideration, paying homage to "benefactors" seems to be attested for the first time towards the middle of the 5th century. As for names expressing Christian devotion, the first example is to be found in the nomenclature of the praetorian prefect John the Cappadocian, called Fl(avios) Mariano‹s› Micael(ios) Gabriel(ios) Arcangel(ios) Ioannes in an inscription dated to 533. John the Cappadocian, a "new man" whose polyonymy ignores his ancestry, may well have been the creator of this fashion. By paying homage to earthly benefactors and by expressing devotion to heavenly ones, early Byzantine office-holders differ widely from their counterparts in the late Roman West, where paying tribute to an illustrious kinship is still the raison d'être of polyonymous nomenclature, as under the Early Empire.

This article deals with a scholion in which Stephanus Antecessor, a teacher of law in Constantino... more This article deals with a scholion in which Stephanus Antecessor, a teacher of law in Constantinople in the early 540s, explained a Digest fragment (XII, 1, 18, 1) on the commodatum (loan for use) in which Ulpian observed that "Things consumed by use cannot be the subject of loan for use unless they happen to be given to someone for ceremony or display." Stephanus then gave three examples for the display of nomismata (gold coins known in Latin as solidi) in ceremonies. The first two ceremonies were annual events held in Constantinople : the inauguration anniversaries of the "imperial baths" (the famous baths of Zeuxippus?), and the consecration feasts of Saint Thomas (probably Saint Thomas ἐν τοῖς Ἀμαντίου). In both ceremonies, gold coins were displayed by the zygostatai (weighers), who, due to their activity as bankers, disposed of coins which they did not own. The third ceremony mentioned by Stephanus occurred only once. Some people displayed gold coins in glass vessels when Belisarius was passing through Antioch, and thus signified "the peace which prevailed at that time". It is unlikely that the text refers here to the so called "eternal peace" between Justinian and Khusro (532/532-540), since Belisarius did not play any role in achieving it. The correct context is no doubt the withdrawal of Khusro from Byzantine territory in the spring (or early summer) of 542, which was due either to a ruse on Belisarius' part (as maintained by Procopius of Caesarea) or to the Great Plague (as argued by several modern historians). The display of gold coins, traditionally associated with victory, suggests that people in Antioch shared Procopius' judgment of Belisarius' achievement. In this manner they celebrated a victory without a battle.

While insisting on the paramount importance of free will in any attempt to fulfill the ideal of v... more While insisting on the paramount importance of free will in any attempt to fulfill the ideal of voluntary poverty, Christian authors seldom referred to objective obstacles, such as the restrictions imposed by the state. However, administrative and fiscal considerations induced more than one Christian emperor to restrict the freedom of an important group of landowners, the municipal councillors, to alienate their property. While this legislation did not target prospective monks in particular, no exception was made on their behalf prior to the reign of Justinian.

La préfecture du prétoire tardo-antique et ses titulaires (IVe-VIe siècle), 2023

Participations civiques des juifs et des chrétiens dans l'Orient romain, 2022

Civic Identity and Civic Participation in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, 2021

Mélanges Bernard Flusin, 2019

Le prince chrétien de Constantin aux royautés barbares (=Travaux et Mémoires 22/2), 2018

Travaux et Mémoires 22/1, 2018

Antecessor - Festschrift für Spyros N. Troianos, 2013

A reviewu of Linda Jones Hall, Roman Berytus: Beirut in Late Antiquity, London and New York 2004,... more A reviewu of Linda Jones Hall, Roman Berytus: Beirut in Late Antiquity, London and New York 2004, published in Mediterranean Historical Review 23 (2008), pp. 86-90.

Review of Clarence Gallagher, Church Law and Church Order in Rome and Byzantium: A Comparative St... more Review of Clarence Gallagher, Church Law and Church Order in Rome and Byzantium: A Comparative Study, Aldershot 2002, published in Mediterranean Historical Review 19 (2004), pp. 79-81.

A book review of Rachel Birnbaum's Hebrew translation of Juvenal's satires

Review (in Hebrew) of L. Roth-Gerson, The Jews of Syria as Reflected in the Greek Inscriptions, J... more Review (in Hebrew) of L. Roth-Gerson, The Jews of Syria as Reflected in the Greek Inscriptions, Jerusalem 2001 (ל. רוט-גרסון, יהודי סוריה בראי הכתובות היווניות, ירושלים תשס"א), in Zmanim 80 (2002), pp. 96-97.

by Association des Amis du Centre d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance ACHCByz, Jean-Claude CHEYNET, Muriel Debié, Olivier Delouis, Petre Guran, Christian Høgel, Sofia Kotzabassi, Avshalom Laniado, Margherita Losacco, Sophie Métivier, Viacheslav Patrin, and Robert Wiśniewski

Mélanges Bernard Flusin, 2019

Depuis son Miracle et histoire dans l’œuvre de Cyrille de Scythopolis de 1983, Bernard Flusin est... more Depuis son Miracle et histoire dans l’œuvre de Cyrille de Scythopolis de 1983, Bernard Flusin est devenu paisiblement un auteur incontournable dans le petit monde de l’hagiographie et de l’histoire religieuse de Byzance, et bien au-delà, en contribuant au renouvellement de la discipline dont H. Delehaye avait posé les fondements voici un siècle. Ce n’est pas en un jour qu’on en arrive là, et plus d’une centaine de publications sur des sujets éminemment variés sur presque quarante ans l’expliquent à l’envi. Approche littéraire, étude des manuscrits, étude des transmissions textuelles, histoire des objets comme les reliques et les icônes autant que des thèmes littéraires et des convictions religieuses, c’est en effet toute la chaîne des possibilités d’études des sources que B. Flusin a su exploiter, et son début de carrière à l’Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes a achevé de le convertir à une approche des textes par les détails de leur transmission dans les manuscrits et de leur circulation dans les traditions de l’Orient chrétien, en particulier géorgienne et syriaque, toujours riche de sens pour qui sait les scruter. Progressivement, le focus initial sur le monachisme et l’hagiographie de la Palestine tardo-antique s’est élargi vers l’époque mésobyzantine et à tout l’empire, avec même une incursion jusqu’en 1453 avec Doukas, couvrant ainsi tout le millénaire byzantin ; peu à peu, c’est une perspective proprement impériale et constantinopolitaine qui se dégage, embrassant le Synaxaire et le Typikon de la Grande Église. Elle trouve son aboutissement logique dans l’imminente publication du De cerimoniis, qu’il lui revenait de mener à son terme, tâche géante qui avait jusqu’ici découragé les byzantinistes au point de s’en remettre pour l’essentiel à l’édition reiske du xviii e siècle et aux commentaires de Bury au début du XXe. De la Grande Laure de Sabas et d’anastase le Perse à la Constantinople de Constantin VII Porphyrogénète, la route est longue, mais fructueuse – l’un de ses derniers articles sur les histoires édifiantes liées à la constantinople de Constantin VII résume bien cette généalogie qui relie l’histoire édifiante de la haute époque à ses avatars proprement médiévaux trop rares, mais précieux, dans un jeu constant entre le même et l’autre qui résume le rapport complexe de Byzance à son propre passé. c’est naturellement aussi que B. Flusin fut convié à rédiger sur l’histoire religieuse de Byzance des synthèses qui restent des références, dans l’ Histoire du christianisme et la Nouvelle clio.

by Association des Amis du Centre d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance ACHCByz, Simon Corcoran, Avshalom Laniado, Sébastien Morlet, Bruno Bleckmann, Céline Martin, Alban Gautier, Sylvain JANNIARD, Maxime Emion, Umberto Roberto, and Marie-Laure Derat

LE PRINCE CHRÉTIEN de Constantin aux royautés barbares (IVe-VIIIe siècle), 2018

La conversion du monde antique au christianisme ne modifia pas la position centrale du Prince au ... more La conversion du monde antique au christianisme ne modifia pas la position centrale du Prince au sein de son État. Loin de remettre en cause les fondements traditionnels du pouvoir, la nouvelle religion offrit des arguments supplémentaires pour légitimer le souverain dans la mesure où il incarnait et appliquait les valeurs du christianisme dans sa vie personnelle comme dans son action publique.
Les élites chrétiennes mirent rapidement au service du pouvoir la rhétorique de la justification divine tant pour exalter le souverain que l’inviter à conformer ses actes à la parole du Christ. Dans la représentation du pouvoir par les contemporains lettrés et dans son autoreprésentation à travers les textes, les monuments et les images, le souverain assuma le modèle mis à sa disposition, quitte à en jouer pour servir les besoin de l'heure.
Après avoir abordé en 2008 la question de la christianisation du monde antique analysée dans ses aspects documentaires et régionaux, puis en 2013 celle du passage des dieux civiques aux saints patrons qui constitua moins une succession fonctionnelle qu’un hiatus dans la vie communautaire, l’université de Paris Nanterre a mené en octobre 2016 une réflexion collective, internationale et transversale sur les relations entre le Prince et le christianisme dans le contexte de l’Empire tardif et des royaumes issus de sa dislocation.
Le propos fut non seulement de mesurer l’influence de la religion dans l’idéalisation du pouvoir, mais encore d’étendre les perspectives de recherche aux principaux domaines d’exercice de l’autorité suprême. L’image du Prince se refléta en effet dans ses rapports avec les élites et avec les marges, avec les fidèles chrétiens et non-chrétiens, avec ses adversaires intérieurs et extérieurs. Entre le IVe et le VIIIe siècle, la notion de Prince chrétien constitua peut-être moins une donnée du réel qu'un revendication à illustrer et à défendre.

Constantinople réelle et imaginaire, autour de l’œuvre de Gilbert Dagron, 2018

Le présent volume est dédié à la mémoire de Gilbert Dagron. Il est en grande partie issu du collo... more Le présent volume est dédié à la mémoire de Gilbert Dagron. Il est en grande partie issu du colloque, homonyme du volume, qui s'est tenu à Paris en mars 2017 et dont les communications ont fait écho aux thèmes de l'œuvre de Gilbert Dagron selon le fil rouge de la capitale byzantine qui y tient une place centrale. Ses amis et admirateurs en ont parcouru après lui les rues et les places, les bureaux du Palais ou de ses tribunaux, les églises et les monastères, explorant à la suite les idées comme les réalités de Byzance et son rayonnement par-delà les mers.

by Association des Amis du Centre d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance ACHCByz, Jean-Luc Fournet, Paul Heilporn, Bernhard Palme, Sofia Torallas Tovar, Constantin Zuckerman, Giuseppina Azzarello, Avshalom Laniado, Arietta Papaconstantinou, Willy Clarysse, Naïm Vanthieghem, Fabian Reiter, Malcolm Choat, and Alain Delattre

Peu de personnes auront marqué aussi profondément la papyrologie des époques byzantine et arabe q... more Peu de personnes auront marqué aussi profondément la papyrologie des époques byzantine et arabe que le récipiendaire de ce volume. Aussi ses collègues et élèves ont-ils répondu sans hésiter à notre appel pour rendre hommage, à travers le présent volume, à une œuvre dont ils se sentent tributaires et qui ne cesse de stimuler les nouvelles générations.
Jean Gascou a beau d’être l’inventeur d’un « modèle », il s’est avant tout exprimé à travers l’édition de papyrus, qu’il a toujours ressentie comme un stimulus nécessaire au développement d’une pensée ferme et rigoureuse cherchant à éviter les séductions des synthèses faciles et des rapprochements factices de données en réalité hétérogènes. Cet hommage se devait donc d’être avant tout un recueil d’éditions de papyrus. Nous avons pu tenir ce cap, même si certains collègues dont la présence était souhaitée ont préféré contribuer par un essai, sans jamais néanmoins rompre totalement les liens avec la documentation papyrologique.
Le risque d’hétérogénéité qu’encourt tout volume de mélanges est ici conjuré par l’unité thématique qui découle des limites chronologiques et géographiques que nous lui avons imposées et qui reflètent celles de l’œuvre de Jean Gascou : l’Égypte byzantine et arabe – même si quelques incursions en dehors de cette province confirment cette règle éditoriale et rappellent que notre « mélangé » s’est aussi intéressé à d’autres périodes (la fin du Haut-Empire) et à d’autres régions (notamment le Proche-Orient qu’il a fréquenté avec de plus en plus d’assiduité ces deux dernières décennies). C’est aussi la raison pour laquelle certains collègues proches de Jean Gascou, mais travaillant sur d’autres périodes, n’ont pu contribuer à ces mélanges. Nous nous excusons auprès d’eux d’avoir été d’une rigueur inflexible qui, loin d’être une entorse à l’amicitia papyrologorum, ne visait qu’à produire un ouvrage homogène qui reflète le mieux possible les préoccupations du récipiendaire.
Homogène ne veut pas forcément dire « monolingue ». On verra que toutes les langues pratiquées à grande échelle dans l’Égypte de l’Antiquité tardive et du haut Moyen-Âge y sont représentées dans toute leur diversité : grec, latin, copte, arabe. Nous avons souhaité ce mélange : il correspond aux intérêts de Jean Gascou, qui a pratiqué l’édition de papyrus dans ces quatre langues ; il acte surtout une tendance de la papyrologie qui refuse désormais tout enclavement linguistique, comme en témoignent les sessions de nos congrès consacrées à d’autres formes de papyrologie et l’émergence d’une nouvelle génération de papyrologues de plus en plus rétive à se laisser enfermer dans une documentation monolingue.