Egyptian Revolution Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

Highlighting the events of Egyptian Revolution 2011, various massmedia tried to explain what had caused the riots. Most explanations followed the same pattern, blaming economic stagnation, poverty, inequality, corruption and unemployment. A typical explanation is that " Egyptians have the same complaints that drove Tunisians onto the streets: surging food prices, poverty, unemployment and authoritarian rule that smothers public protests quickly and often brutally ". Such unanimity incited us to investigate to what extent those accusations reflected the Egyptian reality. So we decided to take each of the above mentioned " revolution causes " and to look into the actual dynamics of the relevant socioeconomic indicators in the years preceding the Egyptian revolution. Resumen En los titulares de los eventos de la Revolución egipcia de 2011, varios medios de masas intentaron explicar qué había causado los disturbios. La mayoría de las explicaciones seguían el mismo patrón, protestas por el estancamiento económico, pobreza, desigualdad, corrupción y desempleo. Una explicación típica es que " Los egipcios tienen las mismas quejas que llevaron a los tunecinos a las calles: precios galopantes de los alimentos, pobreza, desempleo y reglas autoritarias que silenciaron las protestas públicas rápida y a menudo brutalmente ". Esa unanimidad nos incitó a investigar hasta qué punto esas actuaciones reflejaban la realidad Egipcia. Así que decidimos tomar cada una de las mencionadas " causas de la revolución " y mirar en la actual dinámica de los indicadores relevantes de la socioeconomía, en los días previos a la revolución egipcia. Palabras clave: Egipto, revolución, demografía.

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- Youth Studies, Political Anthropology, Cliometrics, Egyptian Revolution

While most previous research on cyberactivism in the Arab Spring, in general, and the Egyptian revolution, in particular, focused on analyzing the role of social media in mobilizing the masses for political action, coordinating protest movements and rallying support for regime change. Other aspects of social media use for different purposes, such as online campaigning and framing the image of presidential candidates who are running for office and competing in elections after regime change, have been largely understudied. Similarly, most previous research which tackled framing focused on 'news framing', rather than 'image framing', or how different media can be used to create images and conceptions of different individuals or groups. Therefore, this study tries to fill these gaps in prior research through conducting a content analysis of the Facebook pages of the five top runners in the Egyptian presidential race of 2012 to find out how and why they used them to frame their own images online before, during and after the elections. In doing so, it revealed how this process was influenced by several factors, such as emerging events, and how it had distinct functions, such as asserting the unique identity of each candidate, juxtaposing and comparing the 'self' to the 'Others', and launching attacks on other candidates.

- by Sahar Khamis and +1
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- Media Studies, New Media, Digital Media, Politics

The influence of Facebook in social life keeps constantly growing. Recently, the communication of information has been vital to the success of the Tunisian revolution, and Facebook was its main “catalyst”. This study examines the key reasons that explain Facebook’s contribution to this historical event, as perceived by Tunisian Internet users. To do so, we launched this study five days after the fall of the regime using an online questionnaire in which participants (N = 333) first rated the importance of Facebook in the Tunisian revolution and then explained the reasons for their ratings. A cluster analysis based on the Euclidean distance between the most frequent words in the participants’ text corpus (6640 words), revealed three main clusters that we interpret as follows: 1: Facebook political function, 2: Facebook informational function, and 3: Facebook media platform function. It is likely that these factors reflect the dynamic of Tunisian cyberspace and the Tunisian Internet users’ collective consciousness during the revolution.

- by Yousri Marzouki and +1
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- Social Sciences, Cyberpsychology, Social Networking, Virtual Communities
- by Kurt W . Bassuener, PhD
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- Democratization, Lebanon, Diplomacy, Syria
- by Youssef El Chazli
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- Social Movements, Youth Studies, Social Movement, Revolutions

This academic work is a short paper about levels of analysis for international relations course. It argues 2011 Eygptian Revolution which was ended up with Mubarek's overthrown. It tries to study the event in every possible aspects; from... more

- by Berkay Buğra Saygi
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- Egyptian Revolution, Levels of Analysis

This article challenges the idea that social media protest
mobilization and communication are primarily propelled by the
self-motivated sharing of ideas, plans, images, and resources. It
shows that leadership plays a vital role in steering popular
contention on key social platforms. This argument is developed
through a detailed case study on the interaction between the
administrators and users of the Kullena Khaled Said Facebook
page, the most popular online platform during the Egyptian
revolution of early 2011. The analysis specifically focuses on the
period from 1 January until 15 February 2011. It draws from 1629 admin posts and 1,465,696 user comments, extracted via a customized version of Netvizz. For each day during this period, the three most engaged with posts, as well as the 10 most engaged with comments, have been translated and coded, making it possible to systematically examine how the
administrators tried to shape the communication on the page,
and how users responded to these efforts. This analysis is pursued from a sociotechnical perspective. It traces how the exchanges on the page are simultaneously shaped by the admins’ marketing strategies and the technological architecture of the Facebook page. On the basis of this exploration, we argue that the page administrators should be understood as ‘connective leaders’. Rather than directing protest activity through formal organizations and collective identity frames, as social movement leaders have traditionally done, connective leaders invite and steer user participation by employing sophisticated marketing strategies to connect users in online communication streams and networks.

- by Thomas Poell and +2
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- Social Media, Facebook, Egyptian Revolution, Contention

The role of women in Egypt and elsewhere in the Middle East has undergone a profound transformation. Since the recognition of Egyptian women's suffrage in 1956 to the present, the Arab Spring has played an important role and has resulted in significant progress regarding women's rights. However, expectations were too high that women's rights in the Arab world would receive greater attention following the 2011 Revolution. Regretfully, the transformations suffered by each country in the region suggested otherwise. Egypt ranked as the worst Arab country for women, particularly since the ascent to power of the Muslim Brotherhood in June 2012 until today; a number of national laws containing provisions on women's rights legislations were revised and concrete steps were taken to repeal certain family laws that were regarded as major successes for women's rights in Egypt. This paper will explore the different situations as experienced in Egypt and the evolution of some women's rights in Egypt. The global conception of gender equality has been somehow conceived as an idea imported from the West putting at risk the patriarchal structure and imposing 'Western values' on non-Western cultures, thus ignoring the fact that most of those who were on the streets claiming for more rights were the mostly ‘Eastern-minded’ women whose demands did not correspond to the Western-like expected vindications.

- by Ruth Marjalizo
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- Women's Studies, Women's Rights, Egypt, Middle East

Using the 1789 French revolution as a blueprint, scholar Crane Brinton observed a pattern in four historic revolutions and identified four distinct phases: the rule of the moderates, the reign of terror and virtue, Thermidor, and the end of the revolution. This article tries to identify similarities between the French revolution and the Arab revolutions. Both were stemmed by a younger generation aspiring for more political freedom and rights and both proceeded in line with Brintons four phases.

- by Koert Debeuf
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- Revolutions, French Revolution, Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood

The Growth rate of investment in mutual funds has exceptionally increased over the last decade. Many studies have compared between the performances of conventional and Islamic mutual funds in the developed markets and only a few have studied emerging markets. The aim of this study is to focus on the investigation of the factors affecting and the performance of Islamic mutual funds in comparison with their conventional counterparts in Egypt as an emerging market in mutual funds generally and Islamic mutual funds specially. The main objective of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the financial performance of Islamic mutual funds (IMFs) in comparison with the conventional mutual funds (CMFs). Risk and return relationship is evaluated relative to market benchmark over an 8-year period from January 2006 to December 2013 divided into pre-financial crisis phase (27 months), during financial crisis phase (45 months) and post-financial crisis phase (24 months). The data cover...

- by mosab tabash
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- Business, Finance, Mutual Funds, Islamic Mutual Funds

With a return to authoritarian rule only a few years after the initially successful 2011 revolution, some Egyptian DIY musicians have made it a point to avoid the political. These musicians consider the ordinary politics of discursive critique and public protest to be ineffective and have opted to continue the revolution by appealing to the ineffable properties of listening as a less ideologically driven way to produce social change. This article explores how and why the sonic ineffable is believed to be a more utopian form of politics. It argues that mobilizing ‘magic’ is a particularly positioned solution to political failure that obscures the relations of power it perpetuates. Building from 30 months of ethnographic research conducted in Egypt among DIY musicians between 2010 and 2017, it avoids a romanticisation of the ineffable, showing instead how utilising the ambiguity between the conscious and subconscious aspects of sonic experience is a political tool not removed from power.

- by Darci Sprengel
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- Affect/Emotion, Social Class, Affect (Cultural Theory), Egyptian Revolution

This paper, about cinema and the scaffolding of the protest movement in Egypt, depicts how Egyptian recent movies foresee 2011 25th Januarry Revolution. En Occidente, debido a la sesgada información que aportan los medios de comunicación... more

- by Luis Olano
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- Cultural Studies, Middle East Studies, Egypt, Cinema

My effort to sum up what we know about protest for non-specialists and students, with a special focus on how protestors view and feel the world and make strategic decisions. Translations currently underway into Turkish, Arabic, and... more

- by James M. Jasper
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- Political Sociology, Social Movements, Global Justice, Culture

It is not surprising that Mubarak's administration " overlooked " the social explosion. Indeed, statistical data righteously claimed that the country was developing very successfully. Economic growth rates were high (even in the crisis years). Poverty and inequality levels were among the lowest in the Third World. Global food prices were rising, but the government was taking serious measures to mitigate their effect on the poorest layers of the population. Unemployment level (in per cent) was less than in many developed countries of the world and, moreover, was declining, and so were population growth rates. What would be the grounds to expect a full-scale social explosion? Of course, the administration had a sort of reliable information on the presence of certain groups of dissident " bloggers " , but how could one expect that they would be able to inspire to go to the Tahrir any great masses of people? It was even more difficult to figure out that Mubarak's regime would be painfully struck by its own modernization successes of the 1980s, which led to the sharp decline of crude death rate and especially of infant and child mortality in 1975–1990. Without these successes many young Egyptians vehemently demanding Mubarak's resignation (or even death) would have been destined to die in early childhood and simply would not have survived to come out to the Tahrir Square.

- by Andrey Korotayev
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- Political Anthropology, Revolutions, Egyptian History, Egypt

The scientific literature indicates that there are many complex variables that determined whether the militaries in the Arab Spring turned against their regimes or not. In this paper I focus on three variables that the scientific literature highlights as the most important. These are: (1) organising and structuring of the militaries; (2) identity differences between the military and the general population; and (3) the type and extent of civilian demonstrations. Through a theoretical part, these variables examined in order to create a comprehensive overview, which ends in the creation of three different hypotheses. I illustrate these various dynamics through an analysis of four different countries that experienced demonstrations: Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Syria. I finally argue that Tunisia and Egypt were two similar cases, where both militaries sided with the protesters because of structural factors and large peaceful demonstrations. Libya's military split in two because of structure, identity differences in tribe affiliation within the military, as well as the demonstrations became violent. Syria's military has broken into several parts due to identity differences within the military, extensive coup-proofing of Assad, which goes under organisation and structure, and that the demonstrations were violent. In the conclusion I elaborate the outcome in the various cases.

- by Vegard Halkjelsvik
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- Economics, Egypt, Syria, Social movements and revolution
- by Isaac D Freedman
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- Political Theory, Government, Political Science, Egypt

Previous studies have noted the dominance of official sources within the news process and their unique ability to shape media narratives. This research addresses the role and implications of news sources in contributing to the overwhelmingly positive portrayal of the anti-Mubarak opposition protesters within British and American newspaper coverage of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. Furthermore, this paper will assess how the position of global political elites towards the protests in Egypt possibly opened up the editorial space within the news coverage of the revolution for the anti-Mubarak opposition movement to emerge as the dominant voice within the reporting.

- by Patrick Fitzgerald
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- Sociology, Media Sociology, Political Sociology, International Relations
- by Ahmed Sheashaa
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- Social Movements, Egyptian Revolution, Egyptian Politics
- by Baudouin LONG
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- Egypt, Egyptian Revolution, Mohamed Morsi, Hosni Mubarak
- by Andrey Korotayev
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- Political Anthropology, Revolutions, Protest, Yemen

أثارت ظاهرة الإعلاميين الذين ظهروا عقب ثورات الربيع العربي العديد من التساؤلات وخلقت مناخا عاما اتسم بالسخرية والنكات في بعض الأحيان إلا انه في أحيان أخرى اثار كثير من علامات الاستفهام حول هذه الطبيعة التي كانت جزءا من الواقع السياسي والاجتماعي بعد الثورات العربية، ولماذا ظهرت مثل هذه الحالة "الإعلامية" إن صح التعبير ولماذا عقب هذه الثورات خاصة أن تأثيرها على توجيه الرأي العام في هذه المناطق كان كبيرا، فمن بين هذه الحالات الإعلامية البعض الذي اتخذ من السخرية وسيلة لانتقاد الوضع القائم وبيان التناقضات الحاصلة داخل تروس السلطة وأدواتها وطرق تعاملها مع القضايا المختلفة ومن بينها من والى السلطة واصبح لسانها تطوعا منه دفاعا عن شعاراته الخاصة بالأمن القومي ووحدة الوطن.. الخ

- by fekr online
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- Egypt, Egyptian Revolution, Egyptian Studies, ثورة 25 يناير
- by Lucia Sorbera
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- Egyptian Revolution, Egyptian feminism

This article aims to present an overview of the discursive and political movement known as Islamic feminism, which has received a lot of attention from Western media and academia in recent years, choosing Egypt as a country case study. The purpose of this article is threefold: first, to review the heated debate over the definition of Islamic feminism, its significance, and its legitimacy. Secondly, to present the goals, the methodologies, and the characteristics of this very dynamic and diversified phenomenon in the specific context of Egypt; and finally, to reflect on how, and to which extent, the dramatic and ongoing changes that Egypt has faced since the beginning of the 2011 revolution are influencing the projects of scholars, groups and organizations that can fall under the label of 'Islamic feminism'.

This research paper examines thoroughly and critically all the causes and facilitators of the Arab Spring - from twitter and facebook to the relative deprivation of the numerous youth in the Arab World. In addition, this research paper for the first time outlines the necessary and sufficient conditions under which regime change was effectuated and, thus, explains the resilience of certain regimes and the vulnerability of others.

- by Spyridon Plakoudas
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- Legitimacy and Authority, Middle East Studies, Political Science, Revolutions
- by Ahmed Sheashaa
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- Social Media, Egyptian Revolution, Egyptian Politics, Political Messages

This book provides an in-depth analysis of public opinion patterns among Muslims, particularly in the Arab world. On the basis of data from the World Values Survey, the Arab Barometer Project and the Arab Opinion Index, it compares the dynamics of Muslim opinion structures with global publics and arrives at social scientific predictions of value changes in the region. Using country factor scores from a variety of surveys, it also develops composite indices of support for democracy and a liberal society on a global level and in the Muslim world, and analyzes a multivariate model of opinion structures in the Arab world, based on over 40 variables from 12 countries in the Arab League and covering 67% of the total population of the Arab countries. While being optimistic about the general, long-term trend towards democracy and the resilience of Arab and Muslim civil society to Islamism, the book also highlights anti-Semitic trends in the region and discusses them in the larger context of xenophobia in traditional societies. In light of the current global confrontation with radical Islamism, this book provides vital material for policy planners, academics and think tanks alike.

- by Andrey Korotayev
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- World Systems Analysis, Democracy, Islamism, Political Islam

- by Andrey Korotayev and +1
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- Demography, Political Science, Egypt, Political Demography

This study aimed at understanding how a priest that one day felt pushed by God to go and preach among the zabbaleen (Arabic name of the garbage collectors), built his charisma. He is now pretty famous among the Copts, as his weekly sermons and exorcisms are broadcasted on Christian satellite channels. His “evangelical” style brought him a lot of criticism but father Samaan always managed to stay inside of the Church keeping, at the same time, his margin of autonomy regarding the Coptic hierarchy. He did it using a famous miracle legend pretending that the Muqattam mountain, the place where the zabbaleen live, was moved by the Coptic patriarch in the 10th century to convince the caliph that the Christian faith was the right one. He built a huge place of worship dedicated to this miracle containing 7 churches that are carved in the Muqattam cliff which has become a very well known site among the Copts. More pragmatically he also built a political network with local authorities that protected him from any external pressure. More broadly this case study open to a questioning about the way local networks and practices articulate with international trends like American Evangelicals movements. The foundation of a place of worship that pretend to be deeply rooted in tradition, but being used for Pentecostal inspired religious meetings, is a good site of observation to understand how the different levels of interactions interweave in a local context. Moreover this compromise built by Abuna Samaan to stay inside of the Coptic Church without renouncing to his spiritual project, highlights the tensions between traditional and globalized trends.

This study aims to offer a fresh look at the relationship between identity, stance-taking and code choice. The study provides three examples of different forms of Egyptian public discourse related directly to identity that took place during the 2011 revolution of Egypt, a time when state TV media stations cast doubt on the identity of the protestors by utilizing linguistic resources. This article argues that during the process of stance-taking speakers employ linguistic resources, discourse resources and structural resources. These linguistic resources include the associations and indexes of different languages and varieties, in this case Standard Arabic (SA), Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (ECA) and English. This stance-taking process depends on code-switching as a mechanism that lays claims to different indexes and thus appeals to different ideologies and different facets of identity. Second, this study also shows how speakers use public discourse in order to construe language as a classification category and an identity builder.

- by Nadine Naber
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- Feminist activism, Revolutionary Theory, Egyptian Revolution, Arab feminism

We, at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (ACRPS) had begun preparing a report centered on the following query: is there an open "Coptic Question" in Egypt that needs to be dealt with. The motive behind the report was the successive Coptic protests during the second half of 2010, which reached their apex following the bombing of the Two Martyr-Saints Church in Alexandria. After the outbreak of the January 25 Egyptian Revolution, which featured an unprecedented solidarity within the Egyptian national society in the struggle against the ruling regime, we decided to delay the publication of the report, or even shelve it permanently. As a sign of the reigning optimism of that period, we should mention a comment by the supervisor of this report to the effect that while Arab regimes consistently bring out the worst in us, struggle against them brings out our best qualities . These sentiments rose, in part, from the trans-sectarian solidarity exhibited by Egyptians at the time, as well as the aesthetics of the revolution.

- by Azmi Bishara
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- Coptic Studies, Egypt, Egyptian Revolution, Coptic

Since its discovery by Battiscombe Gunn, it is believed that Saqqara's Ostrakon is able to improve our understanding of how Egyptians designed curved elements, but the geometric significance of the hieratic values is still uncertain. Indeed, in order to obtain an indisputable result, the distance between the vertical ordinates is required, and this distance is not explicitly indicated on the limestone artefact.
But since there were no algebraic formulas at the time of the Pharaohs, a simple grid-based procedure was developed such as those used by the Egyptians to reproduce the scale drawings, to try to decipher the geometric meaning of the curve drawn on the find.
To conclude, this simple process permits to understand that the five hieratic values of the Saqqara Ostrakon describe a segmental arch whose span and rise correspond to the architectural proportions of several Egyptian tombs and arches, and that the numerical sequence of the artefact could be considered the most "ancient" mathematical formula of the circle.

This introductory chapter provides a number of definitions of different kinds and forms of revolutionary events as well as a preliminary description of all the revolutionary waves of the twenty-first century, with their main characteristics and causes, although we also pay attention to revolutions that stand outside these waves. The authors identify three waves of twenty-first century revolutions. The first wave of (color) revolutions happened in 2000–2009. The reasons for this wave at the World System level were the following: (1) the world economy was on the rise, especially actively in the countries of the former second and third worlds; (2) rapid development contributed to the growth of both rising expectations and an increase in inequality; (3) the growth of democratization following upon the fall of communism brought increased influence of Western countries and organizations seeking to assist and/or promote democratization in many formerly authoritarian countries. The second wave is the Arab Spring and its echo, in 2010/2011–2013. The reasons at the World System level for this wave were (1) the world economy was in crisis due to the global Great Recession; (2) development had been rapid but highly uneven in such middle-income countries as Egypt, or Tunisia; (3) agflation (inflation in the prices of agricultural commodities) formed a specific precursor of the revolutionary crisis; and (4) the success of the first wave led to the diffusion of skills and models of non-violent revolution as a way to combat state corruption and displace authoritarian rule. The third wave started in 2018 and continues into the 2020s. At the World System level, this wave had the following reasons: (1) a new deterioration of the situation in the world economy with the lowest annual growth rates since the 1990s, and generally greater concentration of wealth and greater inequality; (2) this resulted in many cases in declining standards of living for the lower and middle income portions of populations, and a rise in prices for some countries; (3) destabilization in the World System in reaction to heightened tensions among the major powers: Europe, the United States, Russia and China; and (4) the continued diffusion of demand for democracy, e.g. in Armenia, Hong Kong, Belarus, etc.; (5) in 2020, COVID is added, which significantly worsens the economic and social situation. In this introductory chapter, we also offer a preliminary analysis of how revolutions change their types and forms over the course of history. The chapter ends with a description of how the present volume is organized.

- by Andrey Korotayev
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- World Systems Analysis, Revolutions, French Revolution, Communism (Revolutions)

The article is devoted to an ‘econometric’ analysis of the events in Egypt that happened in summer 2013. The analysis of the Egyptian Stock Exchange indices suggests that the 2013 Egyptian coup d’état was prepared to a very considerable extent by the reconciliation between the Egyptian economic and military elites. It also suggests some additional hints regarding the split between the Arabian monarchies (Qatar, on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates on the other) that displayed itself during the Egyptian crisis.

The wave of uprisings and mass protests that took place in Egypt since January 25th 2011 has determined the rise of a new dimension of social freedom and the flourishing of graffiti could be considered as an aspect of this newly conquered freedom and a mark of a contentious appropriation of public space. The writings on the streets of Cairo are just one of the elements of a vibrant, youth managed and relational protest art that has its point of departure in the recent social and historical context. The political and social changes the Arab World underwent are accompanied by a re-setting of national identity representations, an ongoing process reflected in context specific artistic products and graffiti is a very productive example in the contemporary Egyptian context. Graffiti, has been defined as a medium of communication, situated at the intersection of art and language with style, color, placement and form acting as “visual modifiers” (Philips 1999: 39). This article analyses how symbols and colors are used as modifying elements in the graffiti of revolutionary Cairo, within a process of memorialization and reinterpretation of identity.

- by Georgiana Nicoarea
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- Anthropology, Visual Studies, Visual Anthropology, Middle East Studies

This paper presents a study of Egyptian Shiʿism by providing historical context as well as a focus on actual or current issues. The study includes a historical overview of local Shiʿism (Fatimid period, late nineteenth century, 1940s–1960s, and contemporary period); Shiʿi institutions and personalities; the situation following Egypt’s 2011 revolution; the hectic one-year government of the Muslim Brotherhood (2012–2013); President al-Sisi’s authoritarian takeover; and, finally, an exploration of the current geopolitical stakes, focusing mainly on the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran over religious hegemony.

تستهدف الدراسة الحالية تقديم اختبار منظم لتأثيرات نظرية عداء وسائل الإعلام ، من خلال دراسة العلاقة بين التوجه السياسي والأيديولوجي لستة من التنظيمات والأحزاب السياسية في مصر، وبين تقييم هذه العينة من أفراد الأحزاب السياسية المصرية للتغطية... more

- by Alamira Samah F . Saleh
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- Egyptian Revolution, Hostile Media Perception