Freikorps Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

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- by
- •
- Political Violence and Terrorism, Weimar Republic, Paramilitary groups, Freikorps
- by Hiromasa IMAI
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- Terrorism, Political Violence and Terrorism, Weimar Republic, Weimar Germany

This paper includes:
- contributions of Friedrich Ebert and Gustav Stresemann for the Weimar Republic
- data of the specific events and years from 1918 - 1929
- comparison of their contributions, failures and successes
- slight changes to points from the textbook
This paper is adapted from OCR, GCSE Modern World History, Third Edition History textbook

- by The Cat Master
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- History, World History, Communism, Rosa Luxemburg

Die Lektüre von Klaus Theweleits Männerphantasien, das im vergangenendieses Jahr bei Matthes & Seitz mit einem langen Nachwort des Autors neu aufgelegt wurde, ist ein einschneidendes Erlebnis, ein über 1000 Seiten langer Blick in einen Abgrund, der zurückblickt. Ausgehend von der (autobiographischen) Literatur, die Freikorpssoldaten der Zwischenkriegszeit verfassten, entwickelt Theweleit hier ein Modell der psychischen und leiblichen Struktur soldatischer Männlichkeit. Dazu greift er theoretisch auf verschiedene psychoanalytische Ansätze, unter anderemu.a. von Margaret Mahler, Wilhelm Reich und Gilles Deleuze & Félix Guattari, sowie auf die Theorien von Michel Foucault und Norbert Elias zurück. Das so entwickelte Modell begreiftsieht den soldatischen Mann als Endpunkt einer zivilisationsgeschichtlichen Entwicklung, die in einer zunehmenden Verpanzerung des Leibes besteht, einer panischen Abwehr gegen das verführerische, auflösende, die Selbstdisziplin untergrabende "weibliche" Fluten der unbewussten "Wunschmaschine". Von der Mutter nicht zu Ende geboren, vonm Vater und dem militärischemn Drill ins Leben geprügelt, benötigen die soldatischen Männer die starre Ordnung von Gemeinschaften wie der Truppe oder dem Volk, in die sie sich einfügen können und die ihren Leib vor der psychotischen Fragmentierung bewahren. Panisch und mordlüstern verlaufen ihre Begegnungen mit der bedrohlichen Weiblichkeit. Alle Frauen werden "entlebendigt": als asexuelle, verehrte "weiße Frau" oder aber als vergewaltigte, ermordete, zu Brei zerstampfte "rote Frau".

- by Sebastian Winter
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- Fascism, Masculinity, Hate Speech, Violence Against Women

This paper will be an analysis of the Freikorps movement and the motivations
behind joining it. It analyzes motivations for joining by looking at the situation of
the Weimar Republic from the end of the first World War November 1918- to the
Kapp Putsch in 1920. The paper will start out with an extensive research discussion
discussing the validity of the research done on the radicalization in the early
Weimar Republic. It will make use of statistics and analysis made by scholars such
as Richard Bessel, Robert G. L Waite and George L. Mosse. It will also be discussing
the validity of the Brutalization Thesis, and whether or not just aby joining a
Freikorps indicated that people had been radicalized. The paper concludes that
while there were some radicalized individuals from the start, mainly the veteran
officers’ corps, they were in the vast minority, as most of the people that joined
did not even see combat.
Keywords:
- Brutalization- Weimar- Radicalization- Research Discussion-

- by Christian Bue Holm Jensen
- •
- Weimar Republic, Paramilitaries, Freikorps

This thesis considers Hemingway’s engagement with childbirth in three separate but interrelated ways. The first is imitation of the ordeal, which he most closely enacts in his ritual engagement with fishing. The second is the interaction of male characters with actual childbirth, and how male characters, specifically doctors and fathers, react to birthing mothers and try to control the event. By managing the pain and the consciousness birthing mothers feel, male interference distorts the significance of the event for the mother. The third chapter considers Hemingway’s metaphorical identification as a birthing mother in his conception of his own writing process. Writers have traditionally referred to their books as ‘brainchildren,’ and using the method of examining colloquial metaphors proposed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson in Metaphors We Live By (Lakoff [1980] 2003), we witness the extension of the metaphor to the writing and editing process by Hemingway. Fishing was more than an escape from writing for Hemingway – it was a vital part of his writing process. Fishing becomes a ritualistic engagement with the metaphor of birth, and birth becomes a metaphorical perspective of his writing process, and Hemingway engages continuously in both throughout his writing career.

- by Will Arndt
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- Gender Studies, Violence, Luce Irigaray, Ezra Pound
- by Dimitris Michalopoulos
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- Dominique Venner, Freikorps
- by Ron Hellfritzsch
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- German History, Intelligence Studies, War Studies, Baltic Studies
- by Jan-Philipp Pomplun
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- Political Violence and Terrorism, Great War, Social History, Weimar Republic

Actions of the Bermondt-Avalov army played the key role for the result of the Autumn campaign of 1919 in the northwest Russia, but that was possible only due to mass enrollment of German soldiers to the Western Russian army. That was caused by the events of August 23d 1919 that disrupted the evacuation of German Freikorps from the Baltics. It was thought that the purpose of the rebellion was to continue the struggle against the Bolshevism by participating in the Russian Civil war, but some facts lead to the suggestion that the organizers of the rebellion were motivated by the ongoing German Civil war.

- by Leontij Lannik
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- Freikorps, Baltikumer, J. Bischoff, R. von der Goltz
- by Jan-Philipp Pomplun
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- Violence, Great War, First World War, Weimar Republic

Sagrāve (pēdējā versija) " Presei domātais raksts nepretendē uz zinātnisku pētījumu, bet sastāv vairāk no literatūras izpētes, kas autoram pieļaujama kā militāristam praktiķim (J. Ulmis) " Dzelzs straume 1919. gada 19. jūnijā ap dienas vidu no Raganas kroga puses Limbažu virzienā pa Bīriņu ceļu kapteiņa fon Blankenburga vadībā devās Dzelzs Divīzijas (Eiserne Division) 3. pulka 2. bataljona kaujas grupas kolonna. Tās sastāvā bija apmēram 500 durkļu, 100 zobenu, 28 ložmetēji, mīnmetēji un 4 lauka lielgabali. Ar durkļiem tajos laikos saprata strēlniekus, ar zobeniem-jātniekus, kuri bija bruņoti ar karabīnēm bez durkļiem. Kolonnas galvgalī virzījās kavalērijas eskadrons ar izlūku un sānu apsardzes patruļām. Izlūkošanu gar ceļu veica 427. aviācijas nodaļas lidmašīnas. Novērotāji kolonnas ceļā, iespējams, bija pamanījuši rosību pie Vidrižu muižas, atsevišķus ierakumus pie Buļļu muižas un lielgabalu pozīcijas ceļa malā aiz mācītājmuižas. Bet lielus ienaidnieka spēkus tie nebija pamanījuši, tāpēc Blankenburga kolonna virzījās ātri un bez sevišķas piesardzības. Kapteiņa fon Blankenburga-kreisā flanga apsardzes-kaujas grupas uzdevums bija ienaidnieka spēku izlūkošana un to saistīšana sadursmes gadījumā. Majora fon Kleista – galvenajai-kaujas grupai bija jāvirzās pa Valmieras lielceļu uz Straupi. Vācu plāns bija vienkāršs, tomēr ļoti riskants un avantūristisks Tas paredzēja divus variantus-pirmo, ja Blankenburga kolonna sastaptu spēcīgu pretinieku, tad visi spēki tiktu mesti Limbažu virzienā, tālāk pa Augstrozes ceļu izlaužoties uz Valmieru. Otro, ja kreisā flanga kolonna nesastaptu nozīmīgus ienaidnieka spēkus Bīriņu apkārtnē, Kleista kolonnai 20. jūnijā vajadzēja uzsākt savu kustību Straupes virzienā.

When Latvia felt endangered by the Bolsheviks they called for German help, since Germany had assisted in clearing the country from the Bolsheviks before. However, very soon tensions between the Latvians and their helpers became apparent... more

- by Jarosław Centek
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- Military History, Latvian History, The Civil War In Russia, Freikorps

The Latvian Aizsargi Organization (home guard, militia) played an important role in the social life of Latvia in 1920s and 1930s. According to its structure it was paramilitary organization with the police helping functions. It was founded on the March 20, 1919 and was eliminated on the July 8, 1940. Aizsargi were the supporters of internal security in the state, their task included helping to keep in order the institutions of the state in the piece time and the army in the war time.
Beginning with the October 8, up to the December 3, 1919 Latvian army fought with pro-German minded West Russian Volunteer Army. On the September 5, 1919 it was formally created to fight against the Soviet Russia’s Red Army and was subordinated to the Supreme Commander of the North-Western Army of White Movement, but in fact this army was formed by German general Rüdiger Graf von der Goltz.
The establishment of Aizsargi squad in Jaunjelgava district began after it was liberated from the Red Army in June, 1919.
On October 12-17, 1919 Aizsargi of Jaunjelgava district together with soldiers of commandant's office and small army units had to fight with the West Russian Volunteer Army.
During these fights the units of Aizsargi of Jaunjelgava district together with soldiers of commandant's office managed to repel the attack of much more bigger forces of the West Russian Volunteer Army at Eķengrāve and Birži villages, accordingly not allowing the opponent to establish contacts with the German Landeswehr of Latvia (Territorial Army of the ethnic Germans of Latvia) and to destabilize the situation in the Latvian Eastern front.
These fights proved both Aizsargi and the Latvian Provisional Government, that such militarized units are significant in civil parishes. Motivated Aizsargi members were able to adapt to the local conditions and defeat more numerous opponent.
The formation of Aizsargi units during the Latvian War of Independence in 1919-1920, contributed to safety and peacekeeping in Latvian civil parishes. In the situation when the police was in its early stages of formation, self-organization of population in order to keep peace and order had fully justified itself. The existence of Aizsargi units represented the Latvian Provisional Government and its authority in the territories of civil parishes.

- by Ainis Lociks
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- Ethnic Conflict and Civil War, History of Latvia, Paramilitaries, Latvian History
- by Jan-Philipp Pomplun
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- Political Violence and Terrorism, Great War, Radicalization, Weimar Republic

This article examines the transition process of the military elite from the Kaiser army to the Reichswehr of the Weimar republic, complicated by revolutionary events, conditions of military defeat and the limitations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles. With all the particularities of the military elite of Germany, its attempt not to submit to the political situation of the period like never before forced the German military to seriously take into account the various political factors in achieving their goal – the creation of a stable armed force capable of coexistence with a republican government, leaving at its head representatives of the elite, thus ensuring continuity from the old army. In many ways the conditions posed by those at the source of the Reichswehr seemed almost to contradict them, nor did the elite possess the necessary unity within itself and maintained a continuing distrust towards the centre-left forces that came to power, but towards the spring of 1921 the most turbulent period of the transformation was over. The military elite demonstrated a high level of autonomy and stability during the next decades, but it was unable to influence the formation of the Nazi government in Germany.

- by Leontij Lannik
- •
- Weimar Republic, Versailles, Reichswehr, Military Elite
- by Hiromasa IMAI
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- Weimar Republic, National Socialism, Nazism, Nsdap
- by René Buchholz
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- Rosa Luxemburg, Weimar Republic, Authoritarianism, Weimar Germany

Die Unabhängige Expertenkommission Schweiz-Zweiter Weltkrieg, die zwischen 1997 und 2002 die Verwicklungen der Schweiz in das nationalsozialistische Regime untersuchte, meldet sich mit drei Forderungen zur Sammlung Bührle im Kunsthaus Zürich zu Wort. Die Medienmitteilung interveniert in die aktuelle Diskussion und macht konstruktive Vorschläge, die einen Ausweg aus der heutigen unhaltbaren Situation aufzeigen. Der Wortlaut des Textes entstand in Zusammenarbeit mit einer Gruppe von Initiant/inn/en. Die Stellungnahme wurde am 7. November, 12 Uhr MEZ, veröffentlicht.

- by Jakob Tanner
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- Antisemitism (Prejudice), Second World War, World War II, Collecting (Art)

The connection between Communism, Nationalism, and Anti-Semitism has been discussed widely, both in historical scholarship and political debate. In the German context, an episode in the Summer of 1923, where KPD politician Ruth Fisher discussed in a public event with fascist students and adopted to their language of “Jewish Capital,” is often quoted as key-evidence that the German Communist Party (KPD) had nationalist leanings that did not exclude anti-Semitism. Fischer’s appearance was indeed part of the so-called “Schlageter Kurs,” designed by Comintern strategist Karl Radek to win over sympathizers of the nationalist right for the communist cause—or at least to “neutralize” the emerging fascist movement in Germany. While it is accepted in scholarship that this strategy was a short-lived episode and had been abandoned as early as September 1923, it is taken for granted that the whole KPD followed the “Schlageter-Kurs.” This essay for the first time reconstructs the oppositional voices, arguing that in 1923 the German Communist Party was deeply divided around the issue of nationalism. By presenting a short collective biography of the Berlin KPD leadership, it is also argued that this leadership constituted a network of workers and intellectuals in which many of the latter were from Jewish background.
[paper in German language; Open Access - see link for full text: http://duepublico.uni-duisburg-essen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=43556 ]

- by Ralf Hoffrogge
- •
- Jewish Studies, Labour history, Nationalism, Jewish History

Prezentowany poniżej dokument wydaje się wart przedstawienia szerszemu gronu badaczy, gdyż stanowi dobre źródło dotyczące nastrojów niemieckiego korpusu oficerskiego w okresie przejściowym po zakończe-niu I wojny światowej. Wyraźnie można z niego odczytać rozgorycze-nie wojskowych brakiem poparcia ze strony ludności cywilnej koncepcji wznowienia działań wojennych. Widać także, iż jego twórca zdawał sobie sprawę, że także niżsi stopniem oficerowie, podoficerowie i żołnierze będą z tej decyzji niezadowoleni. Jest to tym bardziej zrozumiałe, że Niemcy według swoich własnych ocen byli przekonani, że militarnie są w stanie " zbić na kwaśne jabłko " odradzającą się Rzeczpospolitą. Zresztą prowadzono już nawet koncentrację sił, które mogłyby zostać użyte do tego celu .