Tactical nuclear weapons Research Papers (original) (raw)
This paper argues that tactial nuclear weapons on European soil within the NATO framework have no longer any operational value. Moreover, in light of Obama's prague speech, in which he argues to strive for a nuclear weapons free world, a... more
This paper argues that tactial nuclear weapons on European soil within the NATO framework have no longer any operational value. Moreover, in light of Obama's prague speech, in which he argues to strive for a nuclear weapons free world, a good first step would be to abolish this type of nuclear weapons.
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This thesis follows the development of Howard Charles Green’s (1895-1989) views on war and disarmament as both a private citizen and as a Member of Parliament. It draws its conclusions from a large archival base. Beginning with Green’s... more
This thesis follows the development of Howard Charles Green’s (1895-1989) views on war and disarmament as both a private citizen and as a Member of Parliament. It draws its conclusions from a large archival base. Beginning with Green’s experiences in the First World War, this thesis charts Green’s views on war through to the United Nations Irish Resolution on disarmament of December 20, 1960. Contrary to current historiography examining the Diefenbaker period, it proves that Green’s beliefs about war only changed after his appointment as Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959, and even then it took time for his new ideals to “harden.” Prior to his “conversion” he believed that war remained a viable aspect of foreign policy and often encouraged its fuller prosecution.
Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan faced a constant challenge by its eastern neighbour. India’s attitude towards Pakistan had always centred on hostility and undermining its stability. Various methods have been employed to undermine... more
Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan faced a constant challenge by its eastern neighbour. India’s attitude towards Pakistan had always centred on hostility and undermining its stability. Various methods have been employed to undermine Pakistan’s sovereignty; its disintegration in 1971
would not have been possible without India’s crucial role. While Kashmir remains a bone of contention between the two South Asian states,
India’s aspiration to become the regional hegemon has complicated the relations between the two rivals even further. India desires regional hegemony while Pakistan deems it unacceptable. After the inception of Nuclear weapon in the South Asian Theater, it was believed that a permanent balance had been achieved, but it was unacceptable for India. To overcome the nuclear dilemma, India came up with the Cold Start doctrine. Cold Start Doctrine is a conventional military strategy under
which India will increase the efficiency of its force so that it can invade Pakistan any time in a very short period. Though immediately this strategy was neutralized by Pakistan. Pakistan introduced shortrange, tactical nuclear and asserted that it would use these short-range missile in case of aggression by the Indian military. Even in the presence of tactical nuclear weapons, India did not back out from its plan to become a regional hegemon or to acquire enhanced capability and capacity to
undermine Pakistan at any given time. To achieve this goal, India is discussing to change its nuclear doctrine, which will be supported by a missile defence system. With already present nuclear shadow in South Asia, aggressive Indian policies to create a new kind of hegemonic order in the region can lead South Asia to destruction.
In the coming months and years, the United States and its North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies will discuss, and U.S. and Russian Federation negotiators may enter the next frontier in nuclear arms control: regulating small,... more
In the coming months and years, the United States and its North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies will discuss, and U.S. and Russian Federation negotiators may enter the next frontier in nuclear arms control: regulating small, “tactical” nuclear weapons. This framework Article is the first squarely on the subject in the legal literature.My core arguments are that (1) to date the bilateral Washington-Moscow arms control legal regime has primarily regulated strategic (long-range) nuclear delivery vehicles (bombers, missiles, and submarines) rather than warheads; (2) contrary to common assumption, the legal regime has regulated a small number of tactical delivery vehicles (jet fighters and other short-range systems) with arguable strategic relevance, providing a regulatory precedent; (3) the nuclear tactical versus strategic distinction in Cold War policy and the legal architecture is eroding and should be abolished; (4) and now that all nuclear weapons have “strategic” (i.e.,...
From the early days of the US-Soviet nuclear arms race to the present day, Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNW) have been a source of concern and analysis by academics and experts. However, the unquestionable opacity from the possessor States... more
From the early days of the US-Soviet nuclear arms race to the present day, Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNW) have been a source of concern and analysis by academics and experts. However, the unquestionable opacity from the possessor States and theoretical doubts about their very existence as 'tactics' make this a particularly complicated and obscure pomological subject. This article traces the history of TNW during its three nuclear eras (1950s-1980s, 1990s-mid-2010s, and the present), establishes its theoretical state of art, the amount and type of tactical nuclear armaments of various countries (some of them de facto nuclear states), and finally, sets out the challenges and possible trends in the near future.
This framework article in the legal literature on tactical nuclear weapons analyzes the nuclear arms control regime’s regulation of nuclear forces, argues that the strategic vs. tactical distinction is eroding, and recommends that the... more
This framework article in the legal literature on tactical nuclear weapons analyzes the nuclear arms control regime’s regulation of nuclear forces, argues that the strategic vs. tactical distinction is eroding, and recommends that the nuclear arms control regime should be expanded to include the tactical nuclear arms (also known as non-strategic or “battlefield” nuclear weapons) that are the most at risk of acquisition by terrorists.
Desde los inicios de la carrera nuclear entre Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética hasta la actualidad, las Armas Nucleares Tácticas (ANT) han sido fuente de preocupación y análisis por parte de académicos y expertos. Sin embargo, la... more
Desde los inicios de la carrera nuclear entre Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética hasta la actualidad, las Armas Nucleares Tácticas (ANT) han sido fuente de preocupación y análisis por parte de académicos y expertos. Sin embargo, la indudable opacidad por parte de los Estados tenedores de las mismas y las dudas teóricas sobre siquiera su existencia como “tácticas” en sí, hacen de esta materia polemológica una particularmente complicada y oscura. En este artículo se recorre la historia de las ANT durante sus tres eras nucleares (1950s-1980s, 1990s-mediados de 2010s, y actualidad), se establece el estado de la cuestión a nivel teórico, la cantidad y tipo de armamento nuclear táctico de varios países (algunos de ellos Estados nucleares de facto), y finalmente, se establecen los desafíos y posibles tendencias en el futuro cercano.
Soğuk Savaş sonrasında ABD'nin yeni nesil savaş uçağı üretmek için yaptığı çalışmaların en önemli aşamalarından birisini Müşterek Taarruz Uçağı (MTU) ya da diğer adıyla F-35 Lightening II Projesi oluşturmaktadır. Beşinci nesil olarak da... more
Soğuk Savaş sonrasında ABD'nin yeni nesil savaş uçağı üretmek için yaptığı çalışmaların en önemli aşamalarından birisini Müşterek Taarruz Uçağı (MTU) ya da diğer adıyla F-35 Lightening II Projesi oluşturmaktadır. Beşinci nesil olarak da adlandırılan bu yeni savaş uçağı projesi, Amerikalıların "adil dövüşmeyiz" ("we don't fight fair") sloganında ifadesini bulan, yüksek teknolojiye dayalı hava gücü üstünlüğünü perçinlemek için gündeme getirilmiştir. Hazırlanan projede yeni ne-sil savaş uçağı başından itibaren hava, deniz ve deniz piyade kuvvetleri tarafından kullanılacak ortak bir platform olarak planlanmıştır. Bu kuvvetlerin halen envan-terinde bulunan tüm taarruz/darbe uçaklarının yerini alması planlanan F-35'ler, konvansiyonel kabiliyetlerin yanında nükleer darbe yeteneğine de sahip olacak şekilde tasarlanmıştır. Hala filo hizmetinde bulunan F-22 Raptor avcı uçağıyla başlayan beşinci nesil savaş uçaklarının temel ayırt edici özellikleri; sinsilik (ste-alth) yani düşük radar kesiti, ardyakıcı (afterburner) devreye sokulmadan ses üstü hızlara çıkabilmesi, yakıtı daha verimli kullanabilmesi ve ağ merkezli harekâta uygunluk olarak sıralanabilir.
Many factors are identified as causes of nuclear proliferation, but three stands out among them. These comprise the international and domestic political environment, technical capabilities and motivation. This article explores, on the one... more
Many factors are identified as causes of nuclear proliferation, but three stands out among them. These comprise the international and domestic political environment, technical capabilities and motivation. This article explores, on the one hand, the conditions that are conducive for the proliferation of nuclear weapons, whilst also suggesting strategies that can effectively address the problem. The authors use the South African episode as a case study. They identify the role of technology and motivations in the development of South Africa’s nuclear weapons programme and claim that the possession of technological capability is not a sufficient cause of nuclear proliferation. Rather, the presence of strong motivations in conjunction with sufficient technical capability leads to nuclear proliferation.
This study addresses, from a security policy perspective, the issue of sub-strategic nuclear weapons (SSNW) in northern Europe and the conditions for constructing an arms control regime for SSNWs. Such a regime could eventually lead to... more
This study addresses, from a security policy perspective, the issue of sub-strategic nuclear weapons (SSNW) in northern Europe and the conditions for constructing an arms control regime for SSNWs. Such a regime could eventually lead to the removal of this category of weapons from northern Europe. In addition to a conceptual discussion of the weapons category and the different types of arms control regime that could be applied to it, the study includes analyses of Russian, US, European NATO member states’ and Chinese perspectives on SSNW issues. Finally the study outlines a possible regime for arms control and disarmament for SSNWs that focuses on the Baltic Sea area.
Many factors are identified as causes of nuclear proliferation, but three stands out among them. These comprise the international and domestic political environment, technical capabilities and motivation. This article explores, on the one... more
Many factors are identified as causes of nuclear proliferation, but three stands out among them. These comprise the international and domestic political environment, technical capabilities and motivation. This article explores, on the one hand, the conditions that are conducive for the proliferation of nuclear weapons, whilst also suggesting strategies that can effectively address the problem. The authors use the South African episode as a case study. They identify the role of technology and motivations in the development of South Africa’s nuclear weapons programme and claim that the possession of technological capability is not a sufficient cause of nuclear proliferation. Rather, the presence of strong motivations in conjunction with sufficient technical capability leads to nuclear proliferation.
On April 19, 2011 Pakistan conducted the first test flight of Hatf-IX (NASR) missile. The Pakistani Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) described the missile as a ‘Short Range Surface to Surface Ballistic Missile’. Till date there have... more
On April 19, 2011 Pakistan conducted the first test flight of Hatf-IX (NASR) missile. The Pakistani Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) described the missile as a ‘Short Range Surface to Surface Ballistic Missile’. Till date there have been three tests of the missile system on April 19, 2011, May 29, 2012 and February 11, 2013. After each of the flight tests, the ISPR put out a largely identical press statement which stressed on the point that the “missile has been developed to add deterrence value to Pakistan’s Strategic Weapons Development programme at shorter ranges.
This essay uses Snyder’s assessment on the difference between the objectives of deterrence and defence as the framework to assess India’s nuclear doctrine. The essay identifies India’s declared nuclear doctrine as a peacetime doctrine by... more
This essay uses Snyder’s assessment on the difference between the objectives of deterrence and defence as the framework to assess India’s nuclear doctrine. The essay identifies India’s declared nuclear doctrine as a peacetime doctrine by assessing two of its prominent elements - the strategy of massive retaliation and the NFU policy. It then goes on to test the validity of aforementioned elements of the currently declared nuclear doctrine of India in wartime, especially against the backdrop of introduction of tactical nuclear weapons by Pakistan and China’s rapid military modernisation, and argues that there is a need to have separate doctrine laying out nuclear redlines, postures and deployments during war.